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GENEALOGY 
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1913-1914 



PUBLIC LIBRARY 

FORT WAYNE & ALLEN CO., INO. 



REFERENT 



i> 
THE 



AMERICAN HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 



BOARD OF EDITORS 
GEORGE L. BURR ANDREW C. MCLAUGHLIN 

EDWARD P. CHEYNEY JAMES H. ROBINSON 

J. FRANKLIN JAMESON FREDERICK J. TURNER 



MANAGING EDITOR 
J. FRANKLIN JAMESON 



VOLUME XIX 

OCTOBER 1913 TO JULY 1914 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

LONDON: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. 
1914 



CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIX 



Number r. October, 1913 
ARTICLES 

A. J. Carlyle The Sources of Medieval Political 

Theory and its Connection with 
Medieval Politics . . . 1 
A. O. Meyer Charles I. and Rome ... 13 

E. R. Turner The Development of the Cabinet, 

1688-1760, II 27 

C. H. Van Tyne The Influence of the Clergy, and of 

Religious and Sectarian Forces, 
on the American Revolution . 44 
J. G. Randall Captured and Abandoned Property 

during the Civil War . . 65 
G. S. Callender The Position of American Economic 

History So 

DOCUMENTS— Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore, Private Secretary to Presi- 
dent Johnson, 1866-1868, con- 
tributed by Professor St. George 
L. Sioussat . . . . 9S 

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 133 

COMMUNICATION 181 

NOTES AND NEWS 182 



Number 2. January, 191 



W. A. Dunning 
A. A. Macdonell 
G. H. Orpen 

W. E. Lingelbacii 



C. A. Beard 
DOCUMENTS— Jour 



REVIEWS OF BOOKS 
NOTES AND NEWS 



Truth in History 

The Early History of Caste 

The Effects of Norman Rule in 

land, 1 169-1333 . 
Historical Investigation and 

Commercial History of the 

poleonic Era 
Some Economic Origins of the 

fersonian Democracy 
ste Truteau on the Upper Miss< 

" Premiere Partie ", June 

1794-March 26, 1795 



iv Contents 

Number 3. April, 1914 
ARTICLES 

The Meeting of the American His- 
torical Association at Charles- 
ton and Columbia . . . 4 6 7 
Henri Pirenne The Stages in the Social History of 

Capitalism 494 

D. C. Munro The Children's Crusade . . .516 

Inna Lubimenko The Correspondence of Queen Eliza- 

beth with the Russian Czars . 525 
U. B. Phillips A Jamaica Slave Plantation . . 543 

DOCUMENTS— A New Plan to Govern Virginia, contributed by A. P. 

Newton 559 

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 579 

NOTES AND NEWS 6 95 



Number 4. July, 1914 
ARTICLES 

A. B. White Some Early Instances of Concentra- 
tion of Representatives in Eng- 
land 735 

A. L. Cross Legal Materials as Sources for the 
Study of Modern English His- 
tory 75' 

E. R. Turner Committees of Council and the Cabi- 

net, 1660-1688 . . . .772 
I. j Cox General Wilkinson and his Later 

Intrigues with the Spaniards . 794 
DOCUMENTS— Estimates of the Value of Slaves, 1815 . . . .813 

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 8 39 

NOTES AND NEWS 935 

INDEX 970 



Volume XIX] October, igij [Number i 

%mmtm Ilisitfltial Utvxtw 



THE SOURCES OF MEDIEVAL POLITICAL THEORY 

AND ITS CONNECTION WITH MEDIEVAL 

POLITICS 1 

T is probably true to say, that to-day, after a century of serious 
historical study, the great majority of even educated people still 
think of the Middle Ages as a period when men were governed by 
strange and fantastic conceptions. It may indeed be doubted 
whether the progress of a real knowledge of the Middle Ages has 
been hindered more by the stupid and ignorant obscurantism of the 
Renaissance and the New Learning, or by the rather fatuous en- 
thusiasm of the Romantic movement. For if the former treated 
medieval civilization as simply barbaric and irrational, the latter 
mistook the ridiculous play-acting of the first Gothic revival in the 
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, with its grotesque orders of 
chivalry, for the genuine medieval world. No doubt we shall 
always have to give their due weight to aspects of medieval life 
which in the end were found impracticable, which could not be 
brought into line with the actual development of the civilization of 
the modern world, but I venture to think a great deal too much 
has been made of them, that we have tended to mistake some im- 
practicable ideas of the Middle Ages for their real and governing 
principles. 

This is notably the case with the conception of a universal 
empire, but not less with the conception of the supremacy of the 
spiritual over the temporal power. We can without difficulty 
recognize in the first, not only the survival of the tradition of the 
ancient empire, but a form of the perpetual aspiration to make real 
the dream of the universal commonwealth of humanity. We can 
all recognize without any difficulty that behind the impossible con- 

1 A paper read at the International Congress of Historical Studies, London, 
April, 1913. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — I. (i) 



2 A.J. Carlyle 

ception of a papal supremacy over the Empire, there did lie the 
fundamental principle that the economic as well as the political 
methods of society must be controlled by the moral and spiritual 
principles of life. But we must make clear to ourselves that the 
terms in which these great ideals expressed themselves were not 
only of passing importance, but that these did not form the really 
significant elements in the political theory of the Middle Ages, any 
more than they determined the actual course of medieval politics. 
It is in the hope that it may be possible to help in directing the study 
of medieval ideas into its most fruitful channels that I venture to 
bring forward some observations upon the sources of the political 
theory of the Middle Ages. 

It is obvious to any student of the learned, as distinguished from 
the artistic, literature of the Middle Ages, that it is to a great degree 
governed by the writings of the Christian Fathers. Not only in 
matters of theology, but in every region of thought the writing of the 
great Fathers exercised a dominant influence. But it is not always 
sufficiently understood what exactly this means. I do not deal with 
matters of pure theology, where no doubt the tradition of the Middle 
Ages is specifically though not exclusively Christian. When we 
examine the philosophical, and especially the political and social, 
ideas which are presented under terms supplied by the Fathers, we 
find that these do not in the first place represent a distinctively 
Christian tradition, but rather that, quite obviously and clearly, 
many of these conceptions are those which belonged to the later 
centuries of the ancient civilization, accommodated no doubt to 
Christian ideas, and often expressed in Christian phrases, but not, 
either in their origin or in their essential character, by any means 
distinctively Christian. And this is wholly natural. The great 
Fathers were Christian men, but they were also educated men of the 
Empire and their education was that of the other men of those 
centuries. No doubt their education differed considerably, as also 
their individual intellectual capacities, but it was the same educa- 
tion which all alike received. Some of them like Basil and the 
Cappadocian Fathers were students of first-rate universities such as 
that of Athens, while others were pupils of inferior schools, but 
always and everywhere they were primarily educated men of the 
Graeco-Roman civilization. And therefore it was natural and in- 
evitable that except when the Christian tradition presented them 
with distinctively Christian conceptions, they should present in their 
writings the general principles of thought of the society in which 
they were educated. 



Medieval Political Theory 3 

We have often been misled by the fact that their mode of 
thought is very different from that of the great Greek philosophical 
writers of the fourth century before Christ, but the truth is that, 
by the first century before Christ, the philosophical conceptions of 
the ancient world had been in some very fundamental aspects com- 
pletely changed, and it is the later centuries which the Christian 
Fathers represent. An inferior philosophy, the critics will say, and 
that is no doubt true, but not a philosophy to be neglected, for after 
all, as handed down by the Christian Fathers, it in some respects 
dominated political theory, not only in the Middle Ages, but till the 
end of the eighteenth century, and in some points the new social 
philosophy was actually greatly in advance of the older. 

The first source then of the political theory of the Middle Ages 
is to be found in the philosophy and the commonplaces of the 
Empire. And if we try to select the most important of the general 
characteristics of this mode of thought, we shall find it in the dis- 
tinction between Nature and Convention. To these thinkers, the 
great institutions of society, such as government, slavery, or prop- 
erty, were not natural, but conventional. They looked upon them 
as representing not the primitive characteristics of human nature — 
and to them the primitive was the natural — but as caused by the loss-- 
of man's original innocence. It will readily be understood how 
easily this fitted into the theological tradition of the Fall. Gov- 
ernment, slavery, property, represent not the natural or essential 
characteristics of human nature, but necessary adjustments to its 
defects. By nature men were equal, and had no authority over each 
other, by nature men were free, by nature all things were common 
to all men, and private property was only a method by which 
organized society endeavored to restrain the intemperate cupidity 
and greed of men's vicious desires. These are the most funda- 
mental sociological conceptions of the Fathers; they are not spe- 
cifically Christian, but are the commonplaces of the schools of the 
Empire. It is these conceptions which furnish the framework of 
all medieval political theory. Whether we look at the canonists, 
or the schoolmen, or the civilians, or even the feudal lawyers, it is 
the contrast between Nature and Convention which meets us every- 
where. 

It was from the Middle Ages that these conceptions passed into 
the political and social theory of the Renaissance and the seven- 
teenth and eighteenth centuries. The conceptions of Natural Law, 
of the State of Nature, and so on, which are so important in the 
later writers, are medieval doctrines. It was not indeed till Rous- 
seau in the Contrat Social restored the more organic conception 



4 A. J. Carlyle 

of the state, and till the beginnings of the historical criticism of in- 
stitutions, that we began to recover the standpoint of the earlier 
Greek philosophy, and it may be said with some truth that the police 
theory of the state as it was represented in the English Radical 
tradition, and developed by Herbert Spencer, is simply a survival of 
this conception. 

We may then be inclined to ask, whether there were no specific- 
ally Christian conceptions, presented by the Fathers and developed 
in the Middle Ages. There are, I think, two, which have exercised 
a great influence in the medieval and in the modern world. 

The first is the conception of the divine character of political 
authority. We shall all remember the famous phrase of St. Paul, 
"Let every soul be in subjection to the higher powers: for there 
is no power but of God; and the powers that be are ordained of 
God." Great and fateful words; for they represent on the one side 
a most profound conception of the nature of political society, and 
on the other, they have been used as the foundation of the most 
curious perversion of the conception of authority known to the 
modern world. There can be little doubt as to what St. Paul meant. 
He had to correct certain anarchical tendencies in the Christian 
society which appeared in the apostolic churches, tendencies con- 
nected with the characteristic Pauline conception of the freedom of 
the sons of God from the bondage of the law, tendencies which 
have reappeared from time to time in Christian history, as for in- 
stance in the Anabaptism of the sixteenth century. St. Paul sought 
to correct these by asserting the function of the state as the minister 
of the divine justice. In certain of the great Fathers, especially in 
St. Gregory the Great, this conception was transformed into the 
doctrine of the absolute and unquestionable authority of the 
monarch. For St. Gregory interpreted these words under the in- 
fluence of certain Oriental conceptions of monarchy, which find ex- 
pression in some parts of the Old Testament, and especially in the 
Books of Samuel, where the "Lord's anointed" is conceived of as 
invested with something of a divine sanctity. 2 There are some 
traces of a tendency towards this view in some of the later classical 
writers, as for instance in Seneca's treatise De dementia' and in 
the banal phrases of Horace's political odes. But I think that sub- 
stantially this conception represents an Orientalism imported into 
the western world by some of the Christian Fathers ; by some, I say, 
for it is clear that others, notably St. Ambrose and St. Isidore of 

:C/. St. Cr.Kcry the Great, Libri Moralium, XXII. 14; R,;j. r„st.. III. 4. 
3 Cf. Seneca, De dementia, I. 1-7. 



Medieval Political Theory 5 

Seville, 4 represent the true meaning of St. Paul's phrases. This 
perversion of St. Paul's principle, in spite of the great authority of 
St. Gregory the Great, has little importance in the Middle Ages, 
but with the appearance of the absolutist conception of sovereignty 
in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, it became important, and 
in the seventeenth century it played an important part in the most 
civilized of European countries, and it still survives to some extent 
in those European countries which lie toward the East. 

The second great principle which may be called distinctively 
Christian, is the conception of the independence or autonomy of the 
spiritual or religious life. The conception of the distinction be- 
tween Church and State, and of the independence of the religious 
society, has been developed under the influence of Christianity. It 
would indeed be a serious misconception, if we were to regard this 
as arising exclusively out of Christian principles. I think that it is 
clear that we have here an aspect of the influence exercised by that 
gradual apprehension of personality or individuality, which we can 
trace both in the later parts of the Old Testament and in the post- 
Aristotelian philosophical theory. 

It would of course be impossible here to discuss seriously the 
significance of this new element in civilization. But I suppose that 
no student of the history of medieval and modern civilization can 
fail to see its immense importance. For men found themselves now 
under the control of two great systems of organization of life, sub- 
ject to two systems of law, not one only, to two sets of authorities, 
not one only. The great conflict of Church and State in the Middle 
Ages cannot be seriously studied or justly interpreted unless we 
begin by recognizing the immense significance of the circumstances 
out of which it arose. I do not think there can be any doubt about 
the theory of Church and State which was normal in the Middle 
Ages, that is, that Church and State were each supreme in its own 
sphere, each derived from God, each justly claiming the obedience 
of its members in its own sphere, independent of each other within 
that sphere. It is however true that the definition of their re- 
spective spheres was a matter of infinite difficulty, and that each did 
in turn frequently come to exercise authority in the sphere of the 
other, and that finally this brought about the great conflict which 
filled Europe with clamor and confusion from the eleventh to the 
end of the thirteenth century. How far the claim to supremacy 
which was made in his later years by Hildebrand represented the 
normal principle, or the systematic policy of the papacy, I cannot 
here discuss. 

4 Cf. St. Ambrose, Exp. S. Lucae, IV. 5 ; St. Isidore of Seville, Etym., IX. 3 ; 
Sent., III. 47-52. 



6 A.J. Carlyle 

The problem of the relation of these two great aspects of human 
life was not settled in the Middle Ages, indeed it may very fairly be 
said that it has not been finally settled even in our time. 

So far we have been considering some of those elements of 
medieval theory which belong to the tradition of the last centuries 
of the ancient world, as they were transmitted to the Middle Ages 
in the writings of the great Fathers. We must now consider some 
aspects of medieval theory, as they arose from the characteristics 
of the new societies, the new states, which grew up on the ruins of 
the Western Empire, and from the conditions under which these 
new political organizations took shape. That is, we must consider 
the principles implicit in the Teutonic constitutions and in the feudal 
organization of society. It would be absurd to attempt to trace in a 
few words the development of the constitutional machinery of 
medieval societies, but I think it is not impossible to say a few 
words about the ideas which are implicit in this process, and which 
came to expression in the political literature from the ninth to the 
thirteenth centuries. 

The first great principle which seems to me to lie behind the 
whole structure of medieval society is this, that political authority 
is the authority of the whole community. The great representative 
machinery in which this was finally embodied, represents one of the 
greatest achievements of civilization, and is a perpetual monument 
of the practical political genius of the Middle Ages. This develop- 
ment would have been impossible, as its appearance would be unin- 
telligible, if its foundations had not been laid deep in the principles 
of medieval society, and especially in the principle that all authority 
is the authority of the community. This principle is implicit in 
two great practical facts of medieval society, the first that law is 
the law of the community, the second that the administrative organs 
of the community, if we may use a modern phrase, derive their 
authority from the consent of the community. 

I think that T shall have the assent of all students of medieval 
history when I say that the notion of a legislative authority vested 
in the king or emperor, so far as it exists at all, belongs only to the 
latest period of the Middle Ages, and may be traced in part at least 
to the appearance of new influences, with which T shall have to deal 
presently. 

In the earlier Middle Ages it may indeed be said that there is no 
such thing as a legislative authority at all. The law of the com- 
munity is strictly speaking nothing but the traditional custom of the 
community, and legislative acts are only declarations of custom. 



Medieval Political Theory 7 

As the changing conditions of medieval life made modifications of 
this necessary, and when finally new laws had to be made, such 
action was taken reluctantly and hesitatingly and could only be 
taken by the whole community. " Kings and the servants of the 
commonwealth have laws by which they must rule . . . they have 
the capitula of the Christian kings and their ancestors, which they 
lawfully promulgated with the general consent of their faithful 
people ". 5 " Law is made by the consent of the people and the ordi- 
nance of the king". These phrases of Hincmar and of the Edic- 
tum Pistcnse are not mere phrases, but do actually represent the 
principle of early medieval society. And when the draughtsmen 
of Edward I. audaciously appropriated the phrase of the Roman 
law, " Quod omnes tangit, ab omnibus approbetur ", T they were 
only finding a convenient phrase under which they might express the 
fundamental principles of the developed constitutionalism of the 
thirteenth century. 

The fact that the administrative organization of the community 
derives its authority from the consent of the whole community, is 
embodied in the rule that there is no succession to kingship or 
Empire without the consent of the community. It would I think be 
incorrect to take the elective method of the Empire as normally 
representing the succession to medieval kingship, but this would be 
much nearer the truth than to say that succession was a matter of 
strict hereditary right. 

It is, I venture to think, out of this principle of the community 
as the source of authority that there arose in the Middle Ages that 
great conception whose significance we are now only beginning to 
understand, now that the controversy over the mere phrase has 
passed away, the conception of the authority of the ruler or admin- 
istrator as resting upon a contract or agreement between the ruler 
and the people. The contractual theory, and the representative 
machinery of government, form the substance of the political in-, 
heritance of the modern world from the Middle Ages. 

This principle may have been anticipated occasionally in ancient 
literature, as for instance in Plato's Laws* but, as far as I can make 
out, the medieval and modern conception has no continuity with 
such isolated speculations. It does on the contrary seem to me 
quite clear that it arose out of the principles implicit in certain great 
institutions and ceremonies of the Middle Ages, and especially that 
it was implicit in the forms under which one ruler succeeded 

5 Hincmar of Rheims (ninth century), Be Ordine Palatii, S. 
« Edictum Pistense (864 A. D.), 6. 

"Summons to Parliament of archbishop and clergy, 1295 A. D. 
s Plato, Laws, III. 684. 



8 A.J. Carlyle 

another. It is in the reciprocal oaths, of justice and the administra- 
tion of the law on the one side, and of obedience on the other, that 
we have to find the source of the theory of an agreement or con- 
tract between the ruler and the ruled. When Manegold in the 
eleventh century urged that the ruler who behaves tyrannically is 
justly deposed because he has violated the pactum under which he 
was appointed, 9 he was only throwing into concrete phrase the prin- 
ciple which underlies the medieval conception of government. The 
true king is he who governs justly and according to law ; if he ceases 
to do that, he has forfeited all claim to his authority. 

It may seem paradoxical to say it, but I do not myself think it 
can be doubted that the contractual conception of authority which is 
implicit in the new constitutions, is also the fundamental principle 
which lies behind the developed feudal system. It is no doubt true 
that there are other elements in feudalism. Whether we attach im- 
portance to the tradition of the comitates or follow M. Flach in his 
interesting theory of the blood-brotherhood, we shall recognize that 
in its earlier stages at least the feudal relation had been one of 
personal devotion and loyalty, and something of this element re- 
mained to the end, and is reflected especially in the epic poetry. 
But the feudalism of the law books is a very different thing. Even 
where the literary person would perhaps naturally look for the 
romantic element of medievalism, in the law books of the kingdom 
of Jerusalem, it is quite clear that the feudal relation was almost 
wholly a contractual one. The vassal was no doubt under obliga- 
tion to render certain services to his lord, but only on the condition 
that the lord discharged his obligations to the vassal, and any failure 
to do this relieved the vassal from his obligations, and even imposed 
upon the whole body of the vassals the obligation of refusing ser- 
vice to the lord until he had fulfilled his duties. 10 And it is im- 
portant to remember that it was the High Court, consisting of all 
those who held directly from the king, which was to decide in cases 
of dispute between the king and his vassals as to their respective 
right and duties. 11 The phrases are not the same as those of Mane- 
gold, but the principle is the same, and the principle is that all 
ordered society rests upon the agreement to observe and maintain 
the law. 

Such then are the principles of the political theory of the Middle 
Ages which arose out of the traditions and conditions of medieval 
society, principles, that is, which belonged not to the inheritance 

o Manrgold, Ad Geberliardum, 30. 

10 Assizes of Jerusalem, Philip of Novara, 52. 

11 Assises of Jerusalem, Jean d'Ibelin, 193 ; Philip of Novara, 47. 



Medieval Political Theory 9 

from the ancient world but were native to the Middle Ages. We 
have finally to ask how far these conceptions were modified by new 
influences which came with the revived study of the literary remains 
of antiquity, with the new systematic study of the Roman juris- 
prudence in the twelfth century, and with the recovery of the 
Aristotelian political theory in the thirteenth century. 

In one respect the study of the Roman jurisprudence only con- 
firmed the tradition of the Teutonic societies. For as the Bologna 
civilians understood the Roman jurisprudence there is one, and 
only one, ultimate source of civil law and that is the Roman people. 
If the emperor has legislative authority, it is only because the 
Roman people have conferred upon him this authority ; his authority 
is that of a vicar of the people. 12 They draw out this particular 
judgment into a general principle, when they maintain that it is 
always the Universitas which makes laws for its members; the 
Populus or Res publico command in virtue of the authority of 
the Universitas. 13 The general principle of the nature of political 
authority is the same as that represented by the constitutional tradi- 
tion of the Middle Ages. In the application of this general prin- 
ciple, however, there did arise among the civilians a theory of a 
new and revolutionary nature. For in the Roman jurisprudence the 
people have invested the emperor with their legislative authority, 
he was normally the legislator, and Justinian in one place at least 
claims that he was the sole legislator. 14 And some of the great 
civilians of Bologna maintained that the people had thus completely 
and finally parted with their authority, so that even their custom 
had lost its power of making and abrogating laws. 13 Here we have 
undoubtedly a new and revolutionary principle whose far-reaching 
consequences can only be properly studied in relation to the political 
developments of Europe from the fourteenth to the seventeenth 
centuries, a principle which has a very close relation to the rise of 
the absolutisms of the Renaissance. In the Middle Ages proper I 
do not think that it can be said that this principle exercised any large 
influence, and it must be remembered that some of the most famous 
of the Bologna doctors refused to recognize this conclusion as 
legitimate. Bulgarus and John Bassianus maintained the continu- 
ing authority of the custom of the Roman people, while Azo and 
Ftugolinus bluntly denied that the Roman people had ever parted 
with their authority, in such a sense that they could not resume it. 16 

12 Irnerius, Summa Trecensis, I. 14, 3 ; Placentinus, Summa Institutionum. I. 2. 

13 Cf. Irnerius, De Aequitate, 2; Irnerius, Glosses on Digest. Vetus, Digest 
I. 3, 1; Bulgarus, Comm. on Digest., L. 177, 176. 

™Cod., I. 14. §12: 3 and 4. 

15 Irnerius, Gloss, on Dig., I. 3, 32; Placentinus, Summa Inst., I. 2; Roger, 
Summa Codicis, I. 12. 

10 Azo, Summa Codicis, I. 14, S; Hugolinus, Distinctiottes, Dist. 148, 34. 



io A. J. Carlyle 

It was not till the thirteenth century that the political theory of 
Aristotle as a whole was known to the medieval writers, that is, 
known directly; something of it they were acquainted with through 
Cicero and the Fathers. The influence of the Aristotelian Politics 
upon St. Thomas Aquinas was of great importance, and especially 
in that it led St. Thomas to repudiate the traditional philosophical 
and patriotic theory of government as conventional and not natural. 
St. Thomas following Aristotle maintained that political society is 
not a consequence of the Fall, a convention unnatural in itself in- 
tended to correct the consequences of men's vices, but on the con- 
trary a natural institution arising out of the essential characteristics 
of human nature. 17 But this recovery of the profound organic con- 
ception of Aristotle had little influence beyond St. Thomas himself. 
The traditional theory of the conventional and mechanical character 
of political society was too firmly fixed to be shaken even by the 
immense influence of St. Thomas, and it continued to dominate 
European political theory until, as I have already said, the genius of 
Rousseau ls finally restored to Europe the organic conception of the 
state. 

This brief survey of the main sources of the political ideas of 
medieval society, will I think suffice to indicate that their concep- 
tions were by no means homogeneous. For these conceptions in part 
represented the traditional and literary inheritance from the philo- 
sophical schools of the ancient world, in part the influence of 
Christianity, while in part they were related to the actual temper 
and the concrete facts of medieval society. 

The speculative framework of medieval political theory was 
always the philosophical conception of the distinction between 
Nature and Convention. It is partly due to a defective apprehension 
of this fact that so many paradoxical phrases of these centuries 
have been misunderstood. When a medieval writer says of some 
institution that it has its origin in vice or sin, he does not mean that 
it is in itself vicious or sinful. He may be using his phrase contro- 
versially, to throw some discredit upon an institution with which 
for the moment he is at issue. But he does not really mean any- 
thing more than that it is an adjustment to the actually vicious or 
infirm nature of man and does not represent man's ideal character. 
I Tow far this speculative framework was organically related to 
the substantial content of medieval political theory I cannot now 
consider. It was not till the thirteenth century that men attempted 

'• i /' Si. Thomas Aquinas, D* Regimine Principum, I. i : Summa Thcologica. 
I. qu. ■!'.. arts. 3 and 4. 

18 Cf. Rousseau, Coitlrat Social. I. 8. 



Medieval Political Theory 1 1 

to form a system of political thought, and to deal with this question 
would require a detailed consideration of the political philosophy 
of the great schoolmen like St. Thomas Aquinas. 

There is then one whole side of the political theory of the Middle 
Ages which may be thought to have little direct connection with the 
actual life and movement of the time. It is very different with 
some of its other elements, which seem to me to deserve considera- 
tion as representing new and permanently important elements of life 
as well as of theory. I should cite specially and before all others 
the principle of the independence of the moral and spiritual life 
as embodied in the Church, the new form of the conception of in- 
dividuality or personality, and next the principle of the contractual 
nature of political society as embodying the conception of the 
-supremacy of law and of the community as a whole, over all the 
organs of government. We have here conceptions which are organ- 
ically related to the actual conditions and principles of medieval 
-society. 

The great conflict of Church and State, which was of such im- 
portance in the Middle Ages, did not indeed lead directly to any final 
solution of the relation between the individual and society : it would 
be impossible to state in any very precise terms the actual upshot 
of the great conflict which began with Hildebrand and ended 
with Boniface VIII., but the great struggle only assumed other 
forms and the principle of the autonomy of the spiritual life was 
triumphant in the modern system of toleration and religious equality. 
It may indeed be said that the great churchmen builded better than 
they themselves knew, for the whole meaning of the struggle was 
not to be apprehended till the Church itself realized that the inde- 
pendence of the spiritual life transcends the authority of even the 
religious society. 

And again the contractual theory of political authority was in 
the Middle Ages no abstract speculation, but the embodiment of the 
vital principle of political liberty ; the political societies of the Middle 
Ages were societies of free men. Men were content to claim that 
they should be governed by law, but that law was the expression 
both of the will and of the character of society. The community 
itself was the source of all political authority, and the ruler was 
God's representative because the community and its authority rep- 
resented the divine ordinance. 

In these principles we have the most important elements of the 
political life of modern civilization. The Middle Ages had clearlv 
developed the conception of political liberty as being in its essence 
nothing else than the self-government of the community, and in the 



12 A. J. Carlyle 

thirteenth century this created for itself a permanent form in the 
method of representative government. It has taken six centuries to 
develop this into the normal working system of civilized society, but 
the principle on which it rests and the machinery through which the 
principle works, and through which alone, so far as I can see, it 
ever can work, were apprehended and developed in the Middle 
Ages. 

It is however true that this method of political liberty would 
be of very little significance if it were not controlled by the prin- 
ciple of individual or personal liberty. It is the main task of 
modern civilization to make this also real, to secure the freedom of 
the individual life, to emancipate the infinite varieties of personality. 
In the Middle Ages this was represented by the great principle of 
the freedom of the spiritual society, the principle that there are 
elements in human life which stand and must forever stand outside 
of the control of the political organization. The apprehension of 
this principle was no doubt incomplete, but in itself it was vital and 
has proved triumphant even over the forms which once protected it. 

The modern world is very different from the medieval world, 
but it is continuous with it: the forms of its life and thought may 
at first sight seem to us strange and unfamiliar, but as we look 
more closely we see the human spirit living and making its way 
through the vast and complex tangle of life, and this spectacle is one 
which may well teach us respect for the past, patience with the 
present, and hope for the future. 

Alexander J. Carlyle. 



CHARLES I. AND ROME 1 

The relations between Charles I. of England and the Church of 
Rome are of only secondary importance for our understanding of 
the dominating problems of that time. For in the seventeenth cen- 
tury the conflict was no longer between Roman Catholic and 
Anglican, as in the time of Elizabeth, but between Anglican and 
Puritan. Still, the study of the relations between the Anglican 
king and the papal see is of interest in more than one respect. It 
helps us to understand, not only the religious ideas, but the whole 
mentality of Charles I. The history of these relations reveals to us, 
better perhaps than anything else, how much Charles was a stranger 
to the majority of his own people, and how little he understood the 
age in which he lived. And we learn that he was a stranger to the 
English people, not only on account of his ideas of state and church 
government, but also, as a whole, on account of his different ideals 
of culture. His culture was as predominantly aesthetical, as that of 
the Puritans was predominantly ethical. It can hardly be denied 
that these contrasted ideals of culture, of which we see the best 
evidence in the history of Charles's relations to Rome, were also 
racial ones. Charles I. was of mixed race; but the characteristics 
of the Latin race predominated in him. He had the Latin mind. 

If we try to give Charles I. a place in the history of English 
civilization, we most correctly rank him as belonging to that cul- 
tural movement which may briefly be described as Italianizing. It 
is true, he never saw Italy; but still, he may be looked upon, in a 
way, as the culminating point of Italian influence in England. 

A few words will suffice to characterize the movement, which is 
well known in its outlines and importance. 2 It commenced among 
the learned circles, in the time of Duke Humphrey of Gloucester, 
son of Henry IV., when England began to take her share in the 
revival of classical studies. It extended to the sphere of poetry, 
when Sir Thomas Wyatt and Henry earl of Surrey wrote their 
sonnets in the Italian style, and when no higher title of honor could 

1 A paper read at the International Historical Congress in London on April 
8, 1913. Its argument is mainly based upon unprinted records in the Vatican 
Library. I have not deemed it necessary to give full references in every single 
case, as I shall have to deal at large with the same subject in the second volume 
of my book, England und die Katholische Kirche (vol. I., Rome, 1911). 

The dates are given according to the new style, unless otherwise specified. 

2 See Lewis Einstein, The Italian Renaissance in England (New York, 1902). 

(13) 



14 A. O: Meyer 

be awarded to Edmund Spenser than that of the English Petrarch- 
It further extended to the habits and tastes of daily life, to the em- 
bellishment of houses and gardens, to the fashions in dress, to the 
manners of eating and drinking, to games and sports, etc. It has 
often been mentioned, how the " Italianate Englishman " became 
the object of reproach to all friends of native manners, and how 
the influence of Italy was considered by the Puritan party a 
national, a religious, and a moral danger to their country. 

It was in this atmosphere of Italianizing culture that the delicate 
and impressionable mind of Prince Charles began to be formed. 
His mother, Queen Anne, was the patron of the study of the Italian 
language in English court society. John Florio dedicated to her 
his Anglo-Italian dictionary, with a flattering sonnet. 3 The queen 
made her children also learn Italian, 4 and through her young Charles 
was first imbued with that fatal predilection for Italian culture 
which in the future helped to widen the cleavage between the king 
and the people. There was then, and there is up to the present day, 
an invisible chain, the first link of which is aestheticism, the second 
Italy, and the last Roman Catholicism. Everyone knows from his- 
tory, many a one also from personal observation, numerous in- 
stances of a mental development that goes through these three 
phases, beginning with an excessive appreciation of aesthetic cul- 
ture, and ending with conversion to Rome. Now the Puritans, who 
hated Rome, with the keen insight of hatred mistrusted the first two 
links of the chain, the cult of beauty and the cult of Italy. 

Queen Anne, it seems, was the first instance of this alleged 
mental development. I say " it seems ", because we merely know 
the facts: that she was fond of art and of all that made life beautiful 
and brilliant; that she entertained a strong predilection for Italy: 
and that she was secretly converted to the Roman Church. 5 These 
facts we know, but not whether there is a causal connexion between 
them or not. 

We are better informed about the mental disposition and de- 
velopment of her son. It cannot be said, it is true, that aesthetics 
were the medium through which the king approached the Church of 
Rome. But we shall see that the sympathy which he already felt 

3 John Florio, Queen Anna's New World of Words, or a Dictionarie of the 
Italian and English Tongues (London, 1611). 

*"Possiede ancora la nostra lingua c procura die la imparino e possiedano 
parimcnte i figliuoli." Bentivoglio, Relatione d'Inghilterra, Vatican Archives, 
Borghcsc I. 190, fol. 8. 

'- Probably in 1601. There is no longer any room for doubt with regard to 
her conversion, tin- evidence being given in 'two of the queen's own letters. See 
Quellen uiul Forschungen cms Italicnischen Archiven, VII. 301 (Rome, 1904) ; 
Eng. Hist. Rev., XX. 126 (1905); cf. III. 795; IV. no. 



Charles I. and Rome 1 5 

and which was mainly founded on religious sentiment grew stronger, 
as the king, in pursuing his artistic tendencies, became aware of a 
pronounced mental affinity between himself and the actual leaders 
of the Catholic Church. 

Love of art and interest in theology were undoubtedly the main 
features of Charles's intellectual character. A patronage of the 
fine arts, such as he exercised, has been and is unequalled for con- 
noisseurship in the annals of English history. 6 He is not so singular 
in his love for theology. It was the heirloom from his learned 
father and the fruit of his early education. The prince was trained, 
almost from the cradle, 7 in religious controversy, and he never lost 
his delight in it. The grand almoner of Queen Henrietta Maria 
reports that on every occasion the king encouraged disputations 
between him and Anglican ministers. 8 The letters of Gregorio 
Panzani, of George Conn, of Count Rossetti, the papal agents resi- 
dent with the queen from 1634 to 1641, contain many detailed ac- 
counts of religious disputations with the king himself. 9 They are, 
indeed, by far the most important source for our knowledge of the 
king's religious ideas in the prime of his life, during the " happy 
days ", before the storm came. It is especially this time, the period 
of Charles's personal government, with which I am concerned in 
this paper. Before that time, the mind of Charles was not fully 
developed, and during the Civil War he was no longer unfettered 
and sincere in the expression of his real sentiments. The period of 
1630-1640 is the most important, therefore, for our study of the 
view taken by Charles of the Church of Rome. 

I shall consider first and mainly, in what respect Charles sym- 
pathized with the Catholic Church, and where he deviated from it. 
I propose afterwards to sketch briefly the political consequences 
which flowed from this sympathy of the king for Rome. 

When asked by George Conn as to his faith, the king professed 
to believe in the decrees of the first four oecumenical councils and 
the three ancient creeds. 10 Indeed, he insisted on the importance of 
studying the ancient fathers at the universities, as being more im- 

6 See Claude Phillips, " The Picture Gallery of Charles I.", in The Portfolio 
(London, 1896). 

' " Erat ab incunabulis a rege Jacobo patre educatus in controversiis qui hunc 
praeficere ecclesiae Cantuariensi certo statuerat apud se, si princeps Henricus 
primogenitus superstes fuisset." Report of Fr. Aegidius Chaiffy (?) to the cardi- 
nals of the Propaganda, Oct. 28, 1653. Archives of the Propaganda, Scritture 
Originali, vol. 297, fol. 194. 

sL.c. 

9 They are preserved in the Barberiniana of the Vatican Library. Tran- 
scripts are in the Public Record Office, London. 

10 Conn to Cardinal Barberini, Jan. 29, 1638. Vat. Library, Barb. 8642, 
fol. 59 v. 



16 A. O. Meyer 

portant than the modern writers. 11 Still, in refusing to acknowl- 
edge the later councils, especially that of Trent, he held the general 
Protestant view. Though he did not believe in the supremacy of 
the pope, he strongly objected to the title assumed by Henry VIII. 
of "Supreme Head of the Church of England". 12 His objection 
was founded not on arguments of political expediency, as was the 
case with Queen Elizabeth, who modified the title into " Supreme 
Governor ", but merely on his religious horror of schism. For the 
king was convinced that he was a Catholic. " I do not admit that I 
am a schismatic ", he once remarked to Conn. 13 Another time, 
smilingly, " With your kind permission, I too belong to the Catholic 
Church." 14 Again, he said, one day, complaining, but laughing at 
the same time, " You cannot get used to call me a Catholic." 15 With 
more seriousness he insisted at another conversation, " My dear 
friend, I am a Catholic " ; Conn answered, " None could wish it 
more than I." The queen's mother (Marie de' Medici), who was 
present, interposed, " One must be an Apostolic Roman Catholic." 
Whereupon the king replied, "You ladies will not understand me, 
but he [Conn] will: Est implicantia in adjecto". 16 

The king, we see, used the word Catholic, as Anglicans then did 
and do now, in the original sense of all-embracing, universal, and 
therefore understood by Catholic Church the whole body of 
orthodox Christians. 17 

It was in the same sense, that, for instance, Chillingworth dedi- 
cated his Religion of Protestants to the king, as " a tender-hearted 
and compassionate son towards your distressed mother, the Catholic 
Church ". The combination " Roman Catholic " appealed to Charles 
as an illogical conception, as a contradiction in terms. He would 
probably have objected as much to the modern term of Anglo- 
Catholic. 

The king's conviction that he was wronged by being called a 
schismatic was founded on his belief that he belonged to an ecclesi- 

11 Panzani to Barberini, March 16, 1635. Barb. 8633, fol. 246 seq. 

12 Conn to Barberini, March 19, 1637. Barb. 8640, fol. 194- 

13 Conn to Barberini, Jan. 7, 1639. Barb. 8644, fol. 9 v. 
"Conn to Barberini, Oct. 9, 1636. Barb. 8639, fol. 130. 
15 Conn to Barberini, Oct. 15, 1636. Barb. 8639, fol. 142. 
lo Conn to Barberini, Dec. 3, 1638. Barb. 8643, fol. 210. 

17 Here, as elsewhere, Charles was the true disciple of his father, who de- 
fended this idea of Catholicism on the very same lines against Cardinal du 
Perron, as Charles did against Conn. James I. held belief in the Scripture and 
ancient doctrine a sufficient test of Catholicism (as did Charles I.), while Cardinal 
du Perron insisted that le nom de CalUoliquc n'est pas 1111 nom de simple crianct, 
mais de communion (thus agreeing with Conn). See Lcltre de Mons. lc Card, 
du Perron envoyte au Sicur Casattbon (Paris, 1612), p. 7; Isaaci Casauboni Ad 
EpistOlam 111. ct Rev. Card. Perronii Responsio (London, 1612), pp. 10, 20. 



Charles I. and Rome 1 7 

astical community within which salvation was possible. But 
although he considered the Church of England just as much as the 
Church of Rome to be a way of salvation, it still was his innermost 
wish to help forward the restoration of unity among the different 
branches of the Church. With all his personal delight in private 
controversy on theological questions the king disliked Chelsea Col- 
lege, his father's foundation for carrying on controversy against 
Romanism. " Instead of studying controversies ", he said, with re- 
gard to it, " one should rather work for union." 13 

In the first place, he naturally wanted to bring about union in 
England. But to him, unity at home was only a stepping-stone to 
universal union. " At the price of my blood ", he once swore to 
Conn, " I wish we were united." 19 Again : " In order to remove 
schism, I should suffer any corporal penance, but the Roman Church 
is too rigid in some things, as for example in upholding the decrees 
of Trent." 20 When Conn suggested arranging a disputation, Charles 
replied mysteriously, " The time has not come yet, things are not yet 
ripe. We must look forward and say nothing." 21 

It would be quite a mistake to doubt the sincerity and disin- 
terestedness of the king's wish for union with Rome. King James, 
it is true, before his accession to the English throne, held out hopes 
of conversion to the pope, in order to secure his moral support with 
the English Catholics. 22 Charles had no reason to act in like manner. 
Indeed, it occurred to him that friendly relations to Rome might be 
useful for obtaining the restoration of the Palatinate, and he made 
it appear that in return for this he would give liberty of conscience 
to his Roman Catholic subjects. 23 But he never allowed this political 
consideration to affect his conception of union with Rome, to say 
nothing of his own conversion. 

If Charles had intended to deceive the pope about his real 
opinion, as his father had done, he would not have pointed as 
frankly as he did to the reasons which stood in the way of his 
conversion. These difficulties, as we shall see later, were not so 
much connected with matters of doctrine, ritual, or church govern- 
ment, but had rather reference to the king's personal sense of honor 
and morality. 

Charles knew thoroughly well the doctrine and discipline of the 

is Panzani to Barberini, Sept. 30, 1636. Barb. 8637, fol. 285. 
10 Conn to Barberini, May 15, 1637. Barb. S640, fol. 304. 

20 Conn to Barberini, March 12, 1637. Barb..S640, fol. 184. 

21 L. c. 

22 See my article " Clemens VIII. und Jakob I.", in Quellen und Forschungen 
aus Italienischen Archiven, VII. (Rome, iq°4). 

23 Panzani to Barberini, Aug. 25, 1636. Barb. S637, fol. 244. 
AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 2. 



i8 A. O. Meyer 

Church of Rome, and in many points he agreed with both of them. 
When one day he corrected the popular Protestant view by declar- 
ing that an indulgence was not for remission of sin, but for re- 
mission of the (temporal) penalty due to sin, he added: "I myself 
believe that there is such a power in the Church and that it has been 
usurped by the popes." 24 The king believed very strongly in the 
importance of confession — a favorite topic with him in his conversa- 
tion at dinner, and frequently dealt with in the sermons preached in 
the king's presence. 25 He would emphasize its importance for the 
moral discipline of men, and he set the example of going to con- 
fession himself. It is curious that his belief in the value of con- 
fession made him also an advocate of celibacy of the clergy : a 
married father confessor, he was afraid, would not keep the seal of 
the confessional. 20 It was the same argument in favor of moral 
discipline that made the king wish for the introduction of the 
Inquisition all over Christendom : it would be useful, he said, for 
checking men's tongues and pens. 27 

Some further points in which the king approached Catholicism 
may be touched upon. He was in sympathy with the cult of relics : 
when a piece of the Holy Cross was once found in the Tower and 
the queen asked him to give it to her, he answered that he would 
keep it, because he paid it no less veneration than she did. 28 He 
was in favor of the veneration of images, and he once sent to Spain 
for a crucifix. He believed in saints and in miracles, though he 
objected to the abundance of fables in the legends of saints 29 and to 
the excessive cult of the A'irgin. When in Spain, while paying 
court to the Infanta, he was shocked by seeing that the people knelt 
to the Madonna, while they only bowed to the crucifix. 30 To con- 
clude, the king strictly kept the fasts and made a point of giving 
to the poor what was saved from the royal expenditure by the re- 
duction of food. 31 

Having so many points of contact with Rome, the king naturally 
felt that there was no essential difference between the Thirty-Nine 
Articles and the Roman Catholic creed. This point was therefore 
often made the subject of sermons in the chapel royal. 32 It is also 
the leading idea of a book, published in 1634. which was perhaps 

2* Avvisi da Londra, May 6, 1633. Barb. 8671, no. 59. 

25 See Panzani's and Conn's letters, passim. 

2° Rossetti to Barberini, Apr. 6, 1640. Barb. 8647, fol. 93 seq. 

27 Avvisi da Londra, May 6, 1633. Barb. 8671, no. 59. 

28 Panzani to Barberini, Feb. 27, 1636. Barb. 8636, fob 134. 
20 Conn to Barberini, May 1, 1637. Barb. 8640, fol. 267. 

30 Conn to Barberini, Jan. 15, 1637. Barb. S640, fol. 53. 

31 Conn to Barberini, Nov. 20, 1636. Barb. 8639, fol. 215. 

32 Avvisi da Londra, Oct. 7, 1633. Barb. 8671, no. 63. 



Charles I. and Rome 19 

more to the taste of the king than any other book written during 
his reign. Its author was a convert, Franciscus a Sancta Clara, in 
the world Christopher Davenport, brother of New England's John 
Davenport. Its title runs Deus, Natura, Gratia, sive Tractatus dc 
Pracdestinationc, etc. This book, which is dedicated to the king, 
bears on its title-page the motto : " Non habent Dei charitatem qui 
Ecclesiae non diligunt unitatem. 1 ' Much learning and still more 
dialectical skill are employed to explain away all differences between 
the two creeds. Even the declaration of the 37th Article, that the 
pope has no jurisdiction in this realm, loses its point by the sur- 
prising suggestion that it probably refers merely to the feudal 
suzerainty claimed by the pope in the time of King John. It is ad- 
mitted, however, that another interpretation is possible, and in the 
end the question is left open. 

Now this book, this brilliant apology of the king's fondest wish, 
was censured at Rome. Sir Francis Windebank, the secretary of 
state, who was appointed to negotiate with Panzani concerning the 
union, was completely upset when he heard the news. 33 He who 
knew the king's mind best in this respect, and who shared the prin- 
ciples of his master, thought all was lost. It is true, Charles was 
deeply indignant, but he. was too tenacious of the ideals he had once 
adopted as the right ones, to be disillusioned by this experience. He 
could not bring himself to see (what Archbishop Laud had told him 
from the outset) that Rome would never meet him half-way, but 
that everybody who was desirous of reconciliation had to go the 
whole length of the way to Rome. 

Here we touch the point where, if I am right, the king saw the 
main obstacle to the cherished idea of union. Not so much re- 
ligion, as honor, forbade him to accept a union which was not the 
result of mutual concessions. He often declared it dishonorable to 
change one's religion, as every Christian might be saved in his 
own. 34 The demand simply to submit to Rome was felt by him to 
be an affront to his present religion, which he thought excellent, 
because sufficient for salvation. 35 He therefore expected Rome to 
yield in some points, such as communion in both kinds, mass in 
English, marriage of priests (he wished to make celibacy compulsory 
for bishops only), and some other things. 30 He demanded these 
things not because he believed them to be the only right things, but 

33 Panzani to Barberini, Apr. 9, July S, 1636. Barb. 8636, fol. 246; 8637, 
fol. 192 v. 

3i Status catholicae religionis in Anglia circa finem anni 1632. Barb. S671, 
no. 52. 

35 Panzani to Barberini, June 27, 1636. Barb. 8637, fol. 151. 

30 Panzani to Barberini, March 9, 1635. Barb. 8633, fol. 216 seq. ; cf. 8634, 
fol. 20 seq. 



20 A. O. Meyer 

because, for the sake of his honor, he wanted Rome to make some 
advances to the Church of England. " You must induce the Pope 
to meet me half way ", he plainly told Conn one day. Whereupon 
he got the clever reply : " His Holiness will even come up to Lon- 
don, to receive you into the Catholic Church." 37 

There is another point where the king thought his honor in- 
volved. He required the pope to relinquish his pretended power of 
deposing heretical princes. 38 There was not the slightest possible 
chance of the pope using his power against Charles. And Cardinal 
Barberini authorized Conn to assure the king that the pope would 
use his power neither against him nor his successors. 39 But Charles 
wanted more, the formal renunciation by the pope of the deposing 
power as a matter of principle. And this could not be granted. 
Barberini wrote to Conn : " Either the popes have the deposing 
power or they have not. If they have not, a discussion is super- 
fluous. If they have, they cannot relinquish it, even if they wished, 
because in that case they would cease to be popes." 40 

The demand of Charles, however unacceptable to Rome, still 
did not go so far as King James's famous oath of allegiance. 41 For 
in this oath the English Catholics were asked not only to declare 
that the pope had no authority to depose the king, but also, that they 
abjured as impious and heretical this damnable doctrine that princes 
excommunicated by the pope may be deposed. This form of ab- 
juration interfered with the Roman Catholic doctrinal system. It 
is part of the Church, not of the individual Catholic, to denounce 
a doctrine as heretical. And there was no possible chance that the 
Church would declare the doctrine of the pope's deposing power to 
be heretical. The utmost that could be expected was a tacit ac- 
quiescence in the fact that the English Catholics did not acknowledge 
the doctrine of the pope's deposing power. 

King Charles was unprejudiced enough to see that this oath of 
allegiance was unfair. When asked by Conn to alter it, he pro- 
posed another form, according to which the Catholic subject vowed 
unconditional fidelity to the king and promised to defend him 
against every enemy at home or abroad, against all invasion, deposi- 
tion, rebellion, etc., attempted by any prince, priest, or people. 42 
The king meant to do his best, and it was only after long hesitation 
that he could be induced at all to think of altering the oath made 

3 ? Conn to Barberini, Aug. 14, 1637. Barb. 8641, fol. 62. 
38 L. c. and frequently passim. 

3" Barberini to Conn, Nov. 28, 1636. Barb. 8639, fol. 234. 
40 Jan. 8, 1637. Barb. 8640, fols. 35 v., 36. 

•» Introduced after the Gunpowder Plot by 3 Jac. I. c. 4. §9. See also Dodd's 
Church History (ed. Tierney), IV. cxviii (1841). 

42 Conn sent the form to Rome, Dec. 11, 1636. Barb. 8639, fols. 265, 268. 



Charles I. and Rome 2 1 

by Parliament. "With all this Conn was not satisfied; he objected 
to the two words deposition and priest. Cardinal Barberini at once 
acceded to Conn's objections. Not even this new instance of refus- 
ing compliance on the side of Rome opened the king's eyes to the 
inflexibility of the system. He went on forming new oaths, with 
the same result. No allusion to church and religion was allowed to 
stand, if the oath was to receive the tacit approbation of Rome. 
Instead of words like " prince or priest " the cardinal demanded 
" any prince whosoever ". Instead of the clause " under pretence of 
religion ", which referred to possible attacks on the king, the 
cardinal required "under pretence of public welfare or any 
other". 43 

With all the willingness of Charles to meet the pope more than 
half-way, the negotiations with regard to the oath yielded no result. 
Only on the very eve of the Civil War, in 1639, the king found 
favor in the eyes of the papal agent: the oath which was then 
offered to all members of the army contained no objectionable 
words, except, perhaps, the closing paragraph, " from which [oath] 
I hold no power on earth can absolve me in any part ". Conn 
recommended the cardinal to connive at this sentence ; 44 the theo- 
logians of the Curia, however, refused even this. 45 

During the whole of this and many other transactions between- 
Charles I. and Conn, nothing seems more remarkable than the 
infinite patience and pliability of the king. The king endured every 
sort of contradiction from Conn, he never used a word like papist, 
then universally adopted by the language of the day, and he showed 
no sign of anger, when Conn applied the terms of heretic or schis- 
matic to the non-Roman Catholics of England, as indeed the papal 
agent continually did. Conn writes at one time: "I have dealt on 
religion with the king in a manner that, if he were not such a good 
prince, I should rather have lost my head than gained his good 
graces." 40 

This forbearance contrasts strangely with the king's ordinary 
jealousy of his royal dignity. A language so frank and firm as 
Conn's the king would never, at the time of his personal govern- 
ment, 47 have condoned in a discussion about the merits and demerits 

■43 Barberini to Conn, March \z, 1637. Barb. 8640. fol. 172. 
« Conn to Barberini, May 6, 1639. Barb. 8644, fols. 211, 217. 

45 Barberini to Conn, June 25, 1639. Barb. 8644, fol. 291. 

46 Conn to Barberini, Oct. 15. 1636. Barb. 8639, fol. 144. 

« It is true, Charles was very gentle and tolerant of contradiction when 
discussing the problem of church government with the Presbyterian divine, 
Alexander Henderson (see The Papers which passed at New-Castle betwixt His 
Sacred Majestie and Mr At. Henderson, London, 1649) ; but this correspondence 
took place in 1646, when Charles was a captive. 



22 A. O. Meyer 

of Episcopalian or Presbyterian church government. He would 
then have plainly refused any sort of discussion on that subject. 
For his natural feeling towards those who differed from him in 
their opinion was repugnance and contempt. If he showed in- 
dulgence with regard to the differences between himself and Conn, 
it was because he felt himself drawn to the system which was 
represented by the agent. 

And George Conn, diplomatist as he was with all his seeming 
boldness, never lost an opportunity of bringing home to the king his 
affinity with Rome. It was only natural that he repeatedly assured 
the king that he was superior to Parliament, in his own opinion and in 
that of all Catholics. For a policy that aimed at improving the posi- 
tion of Catholics was incompatible with the acknowledgment of 
parliamentary prerogative. But Conn also, and almost continually, 
touched upon other and more delicate strings in the king's soul. He 
became the adviser and companion of Charles in his patronage of 
the fine arts. He would occasionally show the king a fine cameo or 
a picture, or such like, and if the king liked it, would offer it as a 
present. 48 He would induce Cardinal Barberini to make similar and 
more costly presents, or to negotiate the king's often difficult pur- 
chases of statues and pictures in Italy. At times the cardinal sent 
"half a dozen, and more, works of renowned Italian painters — 
Lionardo, Veronese, Correggio, Andrea del Sarto, and other names 
'Occur among them. Lord Cottington, the chancellor of the ex- 
chequer, and Sir Francis Windebank, the secretary of state, both 
Romanizing in religion and Italianizing in taste for art, sometimes 
shared in these princely gifts. 

Often Conn would look at the collections of the king and talk 
with him on art. The king evidently enjoyed his conversation far 
more than business. One day, at the feast of the Garter, when 
Charles was taking his friend over his picture gallery, he was so 
absorbed in it that he did not regard repeated messages that the 
knights were ready and waiting in full robes. There were some 
Puritans present who could hardly conceal their indignation at the 
king's cordiality with the pope's emissary. 40 It is a scene, I think, 
peculiarly characteristic both of Conn's position at court, and of the 
unrivalled pre-eminence which art had in the king's mind. Rather 
than to break off a talk over pictures, he would fail in courtesy 
towards the first noblemen of his realm. The king seems to have 
considered that only those were his equals who knew something of 
art. And the more dissatisfaction he found in the world of reali- 
48 Conn to Barberini, Oct. 9, 1636. Barb. 8639. fol. 11S. and frequently 
■elsewhere. 

« Conn to Barberini, May 1, 1637. Barb. 8640, fol. 266. 



Charles I. and Rome 2 3 

ties, the more willingly he took flight to the sanctuary of art. The 
arrival of a picture or a statue from Italy was an event of far 
greater interest to him than the news of a battle in the Thirty Years' 
War, or the warning of civil strife at home. He had that aristo- 
cratic gift of putting aside and dismissing from his mind whatever 
hurt his feelings, and of cultivating his own individuality. 

Now there was nobody who appreciated this individuality better 
than George Conn, and thanks to him, Pope Urban VIII. and 
Cardinal Barberini. No more exquisite compliment was ever 
devised for King Charles than that which Urban paid him by 
allowing Bernini to make his bust. 50 It is practically the only bust 
made by Bernini of a prince not belonging to the Church of Rome. 
Encouraged by Cardinal Barberini, the great artist did his best, 
having before him Van Dyke's picture (now at Windsor) which 
shows the head of Charles in three positions. The delight of the 
king and queen when they saw the bust was boundless. 51 

Panzani, in one of his letters, speaks of "una certa simpatia che 
ha con Roma questo regno". Indeed, Panzani did not know the 
regno, he merely knew the royal court, and with regard to it the 
sentence is right. But the only field on which this sympathy grew 
into perfect harmony was the field of aesthetic culture. Here the 
two crowned patrons of art, the pope and the king, understood one 
another thoroughly well. And is it a mere accident that the only 
peer of the realm whose artistic nature equalled the king's, the 
Earl of Arundel, was a Roman Catholic? It would have been in 
vain for Charles to look for appreciative companions among the 
heads of the Puritan party. 

The feeling of being understood in what he loved best, the 
feeling of an affinity in culture with Rome, was evidently stronger 
with Charles than an occasional distrust of Roman Catholic morals. 
Once or twice he pointed out to Conn the " indigestible " doctrines, 
that their priests could absolve from oaths, and that faith need not 
be kept with heretics. 52 He was also inclined to think that, under 

60 Panzani to Barberini, June 13. 1635. Barb. S634, fol. 114. 

51 The bust was executed during the winter of 1636-1637, was embarked at 
Civitavecchia in April, 1637, and arrived in England in July, not "early in 1638" 
as Lionel Cust supposes (Notes on Pictures in the Royal Collections, London, 
191 1, p. 79). Some doubts which are entertained by Mr. Cust in regard to the 
dates in the early history of this memorable bust may be easily removed by the 
evidence given in the correspondence between Cardinal Barberini and George 
Conn. See especially Barberini to Conn, Apr. 27, 1637 (Barb. 8640, fol. 261). 
and Conn to Barberini, July 31, 1637 (8641, fols. 37, 41) ; cf. Fraschetti, 77 Bernini 
(Milan, 1900), p. m, n. 1. We are indebted to Mr. Cust for the reproduction 
of the only engraving extant of the bust (Notes, p. S). 

=2 Conn to Barberini, Oct. 9, 1636. Barb. 8639, fol. 130. Cf. Apr. 24, 1637, 
Barb. 8640, fol. 24S seq. 



24 A. O. Meyer 

given circumstances, the Church of Rome favored the doctrine of 
tyrannicide. 53 But, more or less, he used to associate these 
blemishes of Roman Catholicism with the Jesuits, who were in his 
mind on a level with the Puritans. Strange as it sounds, the king 
seldom mentioned the Puritans to Conn without calling them 
Jesuitical, and seldom the Jesuits without describing them as the 
Puritans of Rome. The king hated both of them, hated the ex- 
tremes which they represented, and he felt at the same time that 
extremes meet. He was too refined, too delicate, too aesthetic to 
endure the harshness which is inseparable from strong characters. 
His disgust at the Jesuits, and at the Puritans too, is quite as much 
due to moral as to political antagonism. 

The main political result of the sympathy of Charles with Rome 
was, of course, the partial (not complete) suspension of the penal 
laws against the Roman Catholics during the time of his personal 
government. Though the king was obliged by his unfortunate 
marriage treaty to suspend the laws, he would hardly have done so, 
if it had not been repugnant to his mind to persecute men with 
whom he felt, to a certain degree, one in creed, whom, at least, he 
decidedly preferred to his Puritan subjects. All reasons of political 
expediency were against suspending the laws. If Charles by the 
suspension secured the good-will of France and the pope, he for- 
feited the confidence of his subjects. It is an acknowledged fact 
that his reluctance to put priests to death for their religion was one 
of the chief causes of the rupture between the crown and the 
Parliament. Count Rossetti, the papal agent, reports that soon 
after the dissolution of the Short Parliament Archbishop Laud on 
his knees implored Charles to enforce the penal laws against 
Catholics. But even after the full outbreak of the crisis, in the 
beginning of 1641, the king firmly declined to sacrifice the life of a 
priest, John Goodman, in order to win the good will of City and 
Parliament. " I do not sell men's lives ", the king said. Rossetti 
writes in February, 1641 : "The question whether Goodman shall 
live or die, has turned into the question whether the supreme 
authority lies with the king or the Parliament. There is no other 
topic of conversation at present." 54 

It would be a mistake to make the queen's influence with Charles 
responsible for his leniency towards the Catholics. In several in- 
stances her influence is visible, indeed, and is not very creditable to 
her judgment. But, as a whole, the direct influence of Henrietta 
Maria was not very great ; she was not a politician. She exercised 

53 Conn to Barberini, May 8, 1637. Barb. 8640, fol. 288. 

54 Rossetti to Barberini, Feb. 8, 1641 ; cf. Gardiner, History of England, 
IX. 265. 



Charles I. and Rome 2 5 

however an indirect, unconscious influence which can hardly be 
overestimated. The personal attachment of Charles to his queen 
made it morally impossible for him to be harsh against her co-re- 
ligionists. Especially at the time when she was about to become a 
mother (and that occurred six times during the period of the per- 
sonal government of Charles), the king was anxious to avoid any 
sort of measure against Roman Catholics that was likely to cause 
her pain. 

Had it not been for his lack of money, Charles would have will- 
ingly discharged the Catholics from their legal fines as well as from 
the danger to life and liberty. But he could not afford this, so he 
merely softened the burden of fines through selling letters patent 
which entitled the bearer to absent himself from the Anglican 
service. The annual return from these letters patent fell a good 
deal short of what Charles would have had, had he put the penal 
laws into force. The king, therefore, through favoring the Cath- 
olics, materially and morally weakened his sovereign power. When 
in the end he professed himself a martyr for his people, this has 
some justification in respect to at least one section of his people, his 
Roman Catholic subjects. 

If we now ask the question, what Rome did, on the other hand, 
for Charles in return for all the favor shown to her children, the 
answer can only be: materially, nothing. Gifts out of her great 
treasury of art were the only acknowledgment. And, as a matter 
of fact, Rome could not do any more, as long as Charles did not 
become a convert. It is true there were the famous five millions 
of scudi in the Castle of S. Angelo, but according to the rules laid 
down by Pope Sixtus V., who had hoarded them, this treasure was 
not to be touched, except for averting the loss of a country from the 
Catholic Church, or for the re-conquest of the Holy Land, or some 
similar purpose. When, therefore, at the end of 1640, Queen Hen- 
rietta Maria sent a pathetic appeal for help to Cardinal Barberini, 55 
his answer was bound to be : " Only in the case of the conversion 
of the king should I be in a position to ask His Holiness to unlock 
the treasure of S. Angelo." 513 The queen answered that the king 
would proclaim liberty of conscience if the pope helped to restore 
him ; conversion at this moment would mean the loss of his crown. 
The cardinal replied coldly, that the king had lost his crown already 
(he wrote this in February, 1641), that liberty of conscience applied 
to all sects, while Rome wanted nothing except' liberty for the 

55 She did so without any knowledge on the king's part : " II n'i a personne 
que sa S.te vous et moy qui sache sesy encore". Barb. S615, fols. S3-86. 

so Barberini to Rossetti, Feb. 1, 1641. Barb. 8649, fol. 124; cf. Jan. 26, 
fol. 94. 



26 A. O. Meyer 

Catholic religion, and this had been granted already by the marriage 
treaty. 57 

With the same definiteness with which Rome declared some 
years before that the articles of the Creed could not be matters 
of negotiation in bringing about the union, she now and hereafter 
professed herself unable to support the tottering throne of Charles, 
so long as one who was not an avowed Catholic was seated on it. 
Yet there can be no doubt that Charles never seriously contemplated 
becoming a convert or restoring the Church of Rome in any of his 
kingdoms. Even after the battle of Naseby had been fought, the 
king refused to secure the assistance of the Irish confederates by 
allowing them to have the existing churches, ready though he was 
to grant them freedom of worship in chapels which they built for 
themselves. For with him surrender of the churches would have 
meant abandonment of his religion and submission to rebellion. " I 
will rather chuse to suffer all extreamitie than ever to abandon my 
religion, and particularly either to English or Irish rebells." 5S 
Pride, quite as much as religion, forbade him to yield, and the feel- 
ing, once strong within him, of an affinity in culture with Rome, was 
now of no consequence whatever. The great idea which he 
cherished during the days of his happiness was reunion with Rome, 
but on equal terms, not in the way of submission. That he ever 
thought this possible shows how much he misunderstood both the 
Church of Rome and his own country. 

Arnold Oskar Meyer. 

5' Feb. 9, 16. June 15, 1641. Barb. 8649, fols. 153 scq., fol. 175; Barb. 8650, 
fols. 15-17- 

58 The king to the Marquis of Ormond, Cardiff, July 31, 1645. Thomas 
Carte, The Life of James Duke of Ormond, VI. 306 (Oxford, 1851). 



THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CABINET, 1688-1760 

PART II 

The period of the first two Georges is beyond all others the 
era when cabinet government began in England. During those 
vears the great lords and politicians, once servants and advisers, 
became advisers and masters of the crown. Steadily the king was 
deprived of authority until he himself confessed it and ceased to 
protest. 1 During those years power passed from the king and Privy 
Council alike to small groups of men, lords of the committee, lords 
of the cabinet council, lords justices, and smaller circles of power- 
ful leaders, who silently and in private guided the destinies of the 
nation. By 1760 the process was complete for the time being. 
Neither king at Kensington nor Parliament at Westminster then 
ruled the nation, but a small group of important political leaders 
meeting apart at the call of their leaders. 

In 1714 the executive both legally and actually was the king, 
though his power had been dwindling steadily since 1688. The 
prerogative of the sovereign was still very great, and even after this 
time royal authority declined less rapidly than has sometimes been 
supposed ; nevertheless, prerogative was waning, and a transfer of 
power was taking place from the sovereign to the confidential 
advisers of the crown, the lords of the cabinet council. It is true 
that the body which assisted the king in the rule of the realm was 
supposed to be his Privy Council, but little authority remained to it 
except in formal and customary procedure, such as the issuing of 
writs for new elections, the proroguing of Parliament or convoca- 
tion, the giving out of proclamations and orders of council, and the 
granting or denying of petitions and memorials, all of which was 
now usually done without protest or debate, as a result of decisions 
made previously and elsewhere. 2 The important work of the Privy 
Council was being done by the committee of council, a standing 
committee of the whole Privy Council. By 1714 cabinet and com- 

1 " ' Your Ministers, sir, are only your instruments of government.' This 
was too much for Royal patience. The King smiled and said bitterly, ' Ministers 
are the King in this country.' " Account by Lord Hardwicke of an interview 
with the king, January 5, 1745. Quoted in W. M. Torrens, History of Cabinets. 
etc., II. 53- 

2 Southwell, Privy Council Routine, 1692-1695, Add. MSS., 34.349; Privy 
Council Memoranda, 1660-1708, Add. MSS., 35.107; St. P. Dom., Anne; Due 
d'Aumont in Salomon, Geschichte des letzten Ministerhims Konigin Annas, p. 35 2 - 
(27) 



28 E. R. Turner 

mittee had approximated to each other so closely that it might 
almost be said that the members of the committee, meeting in a 
royal cabinet or apartment to advise the sovereign, made up the 
cabinet council, while the same men, meeting in Whitehall to pre- 
pare and decide the business of the Privy Council, made up the 
committee of council. In 1714 the cabinet contained fifteen mem- 
bers; 3 apparently in a meeting of the committee there were about 
the same number. 4 

These two bodies, which were now taking over the executive and 
administrative work of the nation, though they might well seem to 
be modes of one and the same thing, were yet fundamentally dif- 
ferent in origin and possible development. The committee was and 
continued to be the essence of the Privy Council, while the cabinet 
was a confidential and extra-legal council of the sovereign. Not- 
withstanding that the two had practically the same members, they 
began now to move along different lines of development. As the 
importance of the Privy Council continued to decline, the power of 
the committee dwindled; but as the greatness of the sovereign be- 
came less, his power was taken over by the cabinet, which became 
stronger and ever more important. After 1740, the committee may 
be the co-worker, but it can no longer be the rival of the cabinet. 

In the growth of the cabinet during this period the same phe- 
nomenon is seen as earlier in the case of the Privy Council: mem- 
bership increases until the body becomes unwieldy and relatively in- 
effective, and as a result its activity and real power are taken over 
by a small group, an inner circle, or part of the cabinet itself. In 
the period 1688-1714 the principal interest of the student must be in 
the double development of the cabinet and the committee of council ; 
in the period 1714-1760 attention should be drawn to the develop- 
ment of the private meeting of ministers, and the gradual emergence 
of the inner cabinet or "conciliabulum ". 5 

The study of this period presents a problem essentially different 
from that of the years preceding. The development of the cabinet 
from 1688 to 1 714 is difficult to understand because of lack of 
material, the student having to rely for the most part upon allusion 
and chance information. His task, then, is to a great extent one 
of research. In the Hanoverian period, on the other hand, it is 
possible to accumulate great numbers of actual minutes, memoranda, 
notes, and records; but these records are most often endorsed 

3 " List of the Cabinet Councell ", St. P. Dom., George I., I. 261. 

♦ Thirteen in 1718. St. P. Dom., Entry Books, CXIX., April 14. 1718. 

= Cf. H. W. V. Temperley, " Inner and Outer Cabinet and Privy Council, 
1679-1783", English Historical Review, XXVII. 682. 

For a discussion of the materials cf. my " Sources for the History of the 
English Cabinet in the Eighteenth Century", Report of the Amer. Hist. Assoc., 
191 1. 



Development of the Cabinet, i688-ij6o 29 

simply with a date or with the caption "Minutes". 7 After some 
investigation, it becomes apparent that these papers, which in con- 
tent may scarcely be distinguished one from the other, relate to a 
variety of meetings very different in character; and this diversity is 
established by the fact that the subsidiary material of the period 
contains allusions to cabinets, committees of council, private meet- 
ings, and inner councils, 8 and a few of the minutes themselves are 
specifically so endorsed. Accordingly, the problem here is one of 
interpretation and collation, after reading through bundles of faded 
and scribbled papers to gather details from the humdrum routine of 
official business. So elusive and difficult is the material that posi- 
tive results can scarcely be obtained without a systematic comparison 
of the entire mass of minutes remaining among the papers of the 
secretaries of state, in the Public Record Office, with the great body 
of those to be found among the remains of such officials as New- 
castle and Hardwicke, and then interpreting them all in the light of 
explanations occurring at random in contemporary correspondence 
and in the diaries of men who attended the meetings, like Lord 
Hervey and Sir John Xorris. 

At the beginning of the Hanoverian period the composition of 
the cabinet was substantially what it had been under William and 
under Anne. In 1701 Sunderland had advised Somers to admit 
none to the cabinet council but those " who have, in some sort, a 
right to enter there by their employment '*. He specified the Arch- 
hishop of Canterbury, the lord keeper, the lord president, the lord 
privy seal, the lord steward, the lord chamberlain, the first commis- 
sioner of the treasury, the two secretaries of state, and, when he 
happened to be at hand, the lord lieutenant of Ireland; that is to 
say, the great officials of the realm. He also suggested, though he 
did not advise, the addition of the first commissioner of the 
admiralty and the master of the ordnance. 9 In 171 1 the cabinet 
contained eleven members. 10 In the year following, the Due 
d'Aumont wrote an account of it. According to him it consisted 
of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the lord chancellor, the lord 
treasurer, the lord president, 11 the lord privy seal, the lord lieutenant 
of Ireland, the lord steward, the lord chamberlain, the master of the 
horse, and the two secretaries of state. 12 In the first year of the 

7 St. P. Dom., George I., George II., Various, passim ; Newcastle Papers, 
Add. MSS., 32,993-33,004 ; Hardwicke Papers, Add. MSS., 35,870. 

'For example, the Journals of Sir John Norris, Add. MSS., 28,132, 2S.133. 

9 Hardwicke, Miscellaneous State Papers, II. 461. 

10 Edward Harley, jr., to Abigail Harley, March 22, 1710/1. Portland MSS., 
Hist. MSS. Comm. Reports, 15, IV. 669. 

11 Whom he calls " President du Conseil du Cabinet ". 

12 Salomon, Geschichte des letsten Ministeriums, pp. 352-356. 



30 E. R. Turner 

reign of George I., the addition of several influential leaders brought 
the number up to fifteen, including now, as of course, the great 
officials of the realm and the two secretaries. 13 The increasing im- 
portance of national finance also brings the chancellor of the ex- 
chequer definitely into the small council, and his name appears along 
with twelve others in a formal " List of the Cabinet Council " in 
1717. 14 In 1729, a summons for a meeting has an endorsement 
which shows that the cabinet at that time contained fourteen mem- 
bers, including in addition to a number of prominent Whig leaders, 
such dignitaries as the archbishop, the lord chancellor, the lord 
privy seal, the lord steward, the lord chamberlain, the chancellor of 
the exchequer, and the secretaries of state. 15 In 1738 there were 
fourteen or more members. 16 The same was true in 1740 ; 17 while 
in the year following there were at least fifteen. 18 The number 
tended to increase slowly. In 1744 it was seventeen or more. 19 In 
1757, Newcastle notes that the "Cabinet Council at present" in- 
cludes sixteen members, while he was at the moment planning to 
add three more. The entire list included practically all the im- 
portant officials of the realm: the Archbishop of Canterbury, the 
lord chancellor, the lord president, the lord privy seal, the lord 
steward, the lord chamberlain, the chancellor of the exchequer, three 
secretaries of state — for Newcastle proposed to add the secretary 
of state to the Indies — the lord lieutenant of Ireland, the lord chief 
justice, the first commissioner of the treasury, the first commissioner 
of the admiralty, the chancellor of Scotland, the master of the 
ordnance, the master of the horse, and the groom of the stole. 20 

Nor did these large numbers indicate merely nominal member- 
ship. Not infrequently the entire body attended for the considera- 
tion of some important business. In 1735 eleven members con- 
sidered the petition of the South Sea Company, 21 while a little later 
fourteen deliberated upon communications relating to a dispute with 
Spain. 22 In 1737 the same number assembled to consider what 
action should be taken with reference to a recent reception of the 
Pretender's son at Venice. 23 In 1738 such a cabinet decided to give 

is St. P. Dora, George I., I. 261. 
i*/6id., IX., May, 1717, 
is St. P. Dom., Various, I., June 9, 1720. 
"'■Ibid., II., February 15, March 14, 1737/8. 
it Add. MSS., 33,004, ft. 41-43. 

is Ibid., ff. 46, 47; St. P. Dom., Various, III., January 16, 1740/1. 
10 Add. MSS., 33,004, ft*. 58, 59; St. P. Dom., Various, V.. February 2. 1743/4- 
20 Newcastle Papers, Add. MSS., 32,997, f. 146. Sir Thomas Robinson is 
mentioned as "Additional ". 

-' St. P. Dom., Various, I,, March 12, 1734/5. 
22/61'd., April 14, 1735. 
23 Ibid., II., June 16, 1737. 



Development of the Cabinet, 1 688-1760 31 

notice that the king would grant letters of reprisal against Spain. 24 
A meeting of fifteen approved a draft of the king's message to the 
House of Lords in 1739. 25 and a month later advised the king to 
begin war against Spain. 26 In 1741, when the news reached Eng- 
land that Frederick of Prussia had seized Silesia, a cabinet of fifteen 
debated the grave question, whether England should fulfil her treaty 
engagements in support of the Pragmatic Sanction. 27 In 1744, 
seventeen members met to decide what orders were made necessary 
by the sailing of the French squadron from Brest. 23 A few days 
later fourteen, considered the advisability of suspending the habeas 
corpus act; 29 and at this time meetings of fourteen, fifteen, and 
sixteen were held repeatedly. 30 During the crisis of 1745, a meet- 
ing of fourteen considered how London might best be defended. 31 
Except for very important matters the number now showed a 
tendency to decline, but meetings of ten, twelve, and thirteen were 
not unusual. 32 

The increase was owing to the fact that from time to time cabinet 
leaders found it necessary to admit influential associates in order to 
gain their support. 33 As early as 1694 William experienced diffi- 
culty in restricting the number in his cabinet. 34 In 1720, Lady 
Cowper spoke of the body as a mob. 35 But during these years, 
while the cabinet was slowly increasing in numbers, it was also in- 
creasing its activity and power, with the result that the leaders were 
presently compelled to recognize that it was becoming too big to be 
effective, and too unwieldy for frequent assembly and decisive ac- 
tion. Therefore it was inevitable as time went on that the enlarging 
cabinet should undergo a change similar to that which had char- 

2i Ibid.. February 15, 1737/8. 
25 Ibid., May 7, 1739. 
z*Ibid., June 3, 1739- 

^ Ibid., III., January 16, 1740/1; Add. MSS., 28,133. ff. 74. 75 1 33.004, ff. 
4<5, 47- 

28 St. P. Dom.. Various, V., February 2, 1743/4. 

29 Ibid., February 16, 1743/4. 

so Ibid., February 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, March 2, 5, 1743/4. 

3i Ibid., December 6, 1745. 

&Ibid., George II., LXXXVI., August 6. 15, 1746; XC, December 15, 1746; 
XCV., March 26, 1747; XCVII., May 25, 1747; Add. MSS., 35,870, ff. 222, 223 
(1751), 226-229 (1753) : King's MSS., LXXV., June 29, i 7 55; Add. MSS., 32.997, 
f. 207 (1757); 32,998, ff. 382, 383 (1760). 

33 It is probable that Walpole tolerated Newcastle in the latter years of 
their association because the seats in the Commons controlled by the duke were 
necessary for the maintenance of his power. 

34 Coxe, Correspondence of Shrewsbury, pp. 3S, 39. 

3» Describing a reception at St. James's, she says: "Because the Chancellor 
was not to s'encanailler. he came alone, and a very little While after, the Mob 
of the Cabinet, with little Kent at their Head." Diary. April 27, 1720. 



3 = 



E. R. Turner 



acterized the enlarging Privy Council, namely, that its power should 
he to a considerable extent taken over by a smaller part of itself. 

When this began and exactly what were the specific causes of 
the change it is not possible to discover now. As a rule, no doubt, 
the entire membership of the cabinet council was not present at a 
cabinet meeting, simply because it was inconvenient for all the 
members to attend. In 1729 and 1730, the cabinet contained at 
least fourteen persons, but it was seldom that more than half that 
number assembled. 36 On July 26, 1730, a cabinet of seven at 
Windsor considered French and Spanish matters. 37 On May 25, 
1731, a cabinet of five deliberated whether reprisals should be made 
upon Spanish commerce in the West Indies. 3S A list of cabinet 
members in 1729, endorsed "Summons for a Cabinet", contains a 
note stating that " Bowys has summoned all that are in town ". 
The meeting which followed was attended, probably, by nine. 39 As 
might be expected, it is the active and important members who are 
generally present, those merely with great names inherited from the 
past who stay away. In 1730, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the 
lord steward, and the lord chamberlain rarely come to the cabinet; 
Walpole and the secretaries of state are seldom away. They come, 
doubtless, because they desire to come, and because their presence 
is necessary for the conduct of business. The great officers of the 
king's household may attend, and do attend sometimes, 40 but they 
doubtless discover after a while that their presence is not indis- 
pensable, and that they are not able to take an active or influential 
part as regards matters in which they are not closely engaged. It 
can only be surmised that this is true, but it is very probable that it 
is so. Nevertheless, the fact is evident, that of the entire member- 
ship of the cabinet council only a part attends, unless the business to 
be considered is of great solemnity or importance, like drafting the 
king's speech or advising a declaration of war, 41 and that certain 
members are usually not present. 

This development, as a result of which a part of the cabinet 

so St. P. Dom., Various, I., June 9. ". i~^9; September 21. 1730; St. P. 
Dom., George II., XII., June 17, 1729. 

3' St. P. Dom., Various, I., July 26, 1730. 

3S Ibid., May 25, 1731. 

30 Ibid., June 9, n, 1729. 

40 For example: the lord privy seal attended July 17 and 26, 1730, and June 
30, 1731; the lord president, May 25, June II, 28, and 30, 1731 ; the lord cham- 
berlain, June 30, 1731. September 28, 1732, the lord chancellor, the lord presi- 
dent, the lord privy seal, and the lord chamberlain were all present, as they were 
also October 10. St. P. Dom., Various, I. 

«C/. St. P. Dom., Various, I., January 11, 1731/2; V., March 29, 1744: Add. 
MSS., 33.004, ff. 46. 47- 



Development of the Cabinet, 1688- ij 60 33 

council tends to become the real and effective cabinet, is facilitated 
by the device of private meetings of the cabinet members, to which, 
in course of time, only the most important members are admitted. 
The private meeting develops when the cabinet meets without the 
king, in such place and such manner as it pleases. 

The cabinet, which was in its origin the private council of the 
sovereign, met, during the earlier period, only in the royal presence. 
This was always so under William, and I know of but one doubtful 
exception under Anne. Such also was the rule when George I. 
came to the throne. For a while the king continued to attend, 42 
and when he could not be present, meetings seem to have been post- 
poned. 43 Even while he was absent in Hanover, in 1716, his place 
in the cabinet meeting was taken by the Prince of Wales. 44 Not- 
withstanding, George labored under such great disadvantages that 
his attendance as well as his leadership in the cabinet soon came to 
an end. He knew little of the laws or the constitution of the king- 
dom which he had come to govern, and not knowing the language 
of his new subjects, could with difficulty converse with his ministers 
in bad Latin. This in itself placed him entirely at the mercy of his 
chief officials ; 45 but the circumstances of his accession made the 
very maintenance of his throne dependent upon their support. Ac- 
cordingly he was neither able to oppose them nor to dispense with 
their services in the conduct of English affairs; 46 but he was further- 
more unable to participate in the conduct of these affairs himself. 
The result was that the king soon came to the cabinet very infre- 

■»? St. P. Dom., George I., VIII., January 29, 1717; IX., June 19, 1717, and 
passim. Also, " There is a Cabinet Council summoned to attend his Majesty at 
St. James's to Morrow at twelve." George Tilson to Sir Henry Penrice. St. P. 
Dom., Entry Books, CXXII., July 13, 1721. 

43 " I forgot to ask My Lord whether a Cabinet Council should be summoned 
for Thursday next and whether for the Morning or Evening in regard to His 
Maty's drinking the Waters." Delasaye to Tilson. St. P. Dom., George I., IX., 
August 13, 1717. "I this moment receive yours of the 13th; my Lord says there 
must be no Cabinet Councill, the King continuing to take the Waters." Tilson to 
Delasaye. Ibid. 

"St. P. Dom., Entry Books, CCLXVIL, July 13. August 14, 25, October 4, 
11, 12, November 15, 16, 1716. 

45 " Cette ignorance de la langue et des affaires . . . n'a pas permis au Roi 
d'abolir un Conseil que l'ignorance des affaires dans le chef a introduit sous le 
regne precedent . . . Cette necessite oil S. M. est de continuer ce Conseil le 
prive d'une infinite de lumieres, ne lui fait voir que l'ecorce de plusieurs affaires 
et confere un grand pouvoir a ses ministres." Bonet in Michael, Englische Ge- 
schichte im achtzehnten Jahrhundcrt, I. 440, note. 

46 "She [the Princess of Wales] said [to the king], 'Sir, I tell you they 
say the Ministry does Everything, and you Nothing.' He smiled, and said, ' This 
is all the Thanks I get for all the Pains I take.' " Diary of Lady Cowper, Feb- 
ruary 20, 1 716. 

KM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 3. 



34 



E. R. Turner 



quently, though occasional instances can be found as late as 1781. 47 
The withdrawal of the king from the meetings of the cabinet 
made it no longer necessary to hold the meetings in the royal palace, 
as had been the case previously. For a long time cabinets did 
assemble at the king's residence, when it was desirable to communi- 
cate with him readily; 48 but after 1720 the vast majority of the 
meetings were held elsewhere. At first nearly all the gatherings of 
ministers took place in the office of the secretary of state, in the 
Cockpit, at Whitehall. 49 Later on they were held wherever the 
cabinet leaders desired. During the reign of George I., while the 
meetings were called largely in Whitehall, it is very difficult to dis- 
tinguish them from meetings of the committee of council, held in the 
same place ; s0 which gives no little speciousness to the theory, some- 
times maintained, that the cabinet of the Georges is descended from 
the committee of council of the period of Anne. 51 It may be that 
for a while cabinet ministers meeting apart from the king trans- 
acted business of state in committees of council at Whitehall as, 
indeed, they had long been wont to do ; and that real cabinet meet- 
ings were held only at rare intervals at Kensington or at St. James's. 
In the absence of specific information, the point is a difficult one 
to decide; but it is probable that as early as 1719 cabinet meetings, 
without the king, were held in the Cockpit. 52 There is no doubt, 

4" Cf. Temperley, Eng. Hist. Rev., XXVII. 693 ; C. G. Robertson, England 
under the Hanoverians, pp. 50S, 509. The most important instance, probably, is 
a meeting held at St. James's at the most critical moment of the Rebellion of 
1745. Fourteen members assembled to confer with the king. Most of them were 
present at two other cabinets held at Whitehall the same day. St. P. Dom., 
Various, V., December 6, 1745. Sir John Norris notes in his Journal, November 
'4, 1739, "This noon his Magesty had a Cabinet Counsell at St. Jamesis upon 
his Speach." Add. MSS., 28,132, f. 78. 

48 For example: Hampton Court: St. P. Dom., George I., IX., August 8, 1717. 
Windsor: St. P. Dom., Various, I., July 9, 12, 17, 26, September 21, 1730. Hamp- 
ton Court: ibid., June 11, 25, 28, 1731; II., September 9, October 11. 1737. Ken- 
sington: ibid., I., September 28, 1732; V., September 20, 24, 1745. St. James's: 
ibid.. V., December 6, 1745. 

■19 St. P. Dom., George I., George II., Various, passim. 

so See ante, pp. 762-768, of the preceding volume of this journal. 

si " Das Kabinett Konig Georgs recht eigentlich die Fortsetzung des ' Com- 
mittee ' und nicht des ' Cabinet Council ' Konigin Annas ist." Salomon, Ge- 
schichte des letzten Ministeriums, p. 356, note. 

52 In 1719 a meeting of ten men, all of whom seem to have been members 
of the cabinet, deliberated about transporting troops to England, and causing 
the Admiralty to fit out more ships. The record is endorsed " Committee of 
Councill, at the Cockpit". St. P. Dom., George I., XV., March 13, 1718/9. On 
the same day a meeting of nine was held in the Cockpit. Every name in the list 
occurs in the list of those present at the meeting of the committee. " The 
Lords " were of opinion that a proclamation should be issued against persons 
attainted in the late rebellion, and that rewards should be offered for apprehend- 
ing them. Ibid. These would appear to be two different bodies, though it is 
possible that we have two sets of minutes of the same meeting. 



Development of the Cabinet, 1688-IJ60 35 

however, that this gradually came to be the custom. 53 When, in 
1739, Sir John Norris was invited to attend meetings of the chief 
ministers, he records in his diary again and again that he was 
present at cabinets in the office of the secretary of state in White- 
hall, 54 and it would appear from his expressions that cabinets were 
at that time rarely held in other places. 55 

From assembling in Whitehall to transact cabinet business it 
was but a single step for members to meet wherever they chose. 
Accordingly, they are found discussing policy and considering meas- 
ures in the private houses of some of their number, the most usual 
place being in the house of the prime minister. At first such meet- 
ings were undoubtedly not considered cabinet meetings, but were 
looked upon merely as private meetings of the ministers who 
attended. 

Private meetings of the king's ministers probably originated in 
the desire to prepare business for cabinet or council meetings, in 
order that it might be more expeditiously dealt with when it came 
up for consideration. It would seem that the ministers of Charles 
II. did this with some regularity as early as i68o. 56 In 1683 the 
secretary of state sent out a communication to the effect that " My 
Ld Keeper and severall other Lds of the Councill having appointed 
a meeting to be att my hous in old Spring Garden, between 7 and 
eight of the clock this present Tuesday in the afternoon, you are 
desired to be there attending at that time." 57 It is probable that a 
great deal of business was thus settled in a preliminary way. Not 
only was this quite natural, but, as the cabinet leaders became more 
and more powerful, and so, less willing to brook interference, it must 
have seemed both necessary and desirable that they should do much 
business in. this fashion. Particularly when the king ceased attend- 
ing the cabinet, and when cabinet meetings began to be held at 

53 John Couraud, writing to Newcastle in 1735, says that the answer to be 
returned to Sir Thomas Fitzgerald is to be settled at a meeting of the " Cabinet 
Council, which is summoned for Monday next at Your Grace's Office ". St. P. 
Dom., George II., XXXVII., December 13, 1735. In the year following, Lord 
Harrington summons Sir David Patten in these words: "I am to desire that you 
will please to attend the Lords of his Majesty's Cabinet Council this Evening at 
seven o'clock at the Duke of Newcastle's Office in the Cockpit Whitehall, their 
Lordships meeting there at that hour." St. P. Dom., Entry Books, CXXIX., Sep- 
tember 17, 1736. 

54 Sir John Norris, Journals, Add. MSS., 28,132, ff. 34, 
136, 151, 160, 163, 164, 165, 166, 169, 174, 1S3, 193 (1740); 
(1740), 74 (1741). 

5 5 He records a meeting at St. James's, November 14, 
28,132, f. 78. 

56 Lord Keeper Guilford, " Memoranda Historica ", Add. MSS., 32,520, f. 
253. Cf. North, Lives of the Norths. II. 62, 63. 

" St. P. Dom., Entry Books, LXVIII., April 24, 16S3. 



1 7 1 


d/39 


), 119 


:33. 


ff. 64, 


67, 6: 


39- 


Add. 


MSS. 



2,6 E. R. Turner 

Whitehall away from the king, it must have been easy for ministers 
to meet whenever and in such places as they chose. It may be that 
as much effective work could be done at Sir Robert Walpole's house 
in Chelsea, or at Newcastle's residence in Lincoln's Inn Fields, as 
in the secretary's office in the Cockpit, and with more intimacy and 
good cheer for those who assembled. However this be, at the 
beginning of the Hanoverian period private meetings of the im- 
portant ministers have come to be usual, and in these meetings busi- 
ness of importance is discussed and decided. In 17 19, when the 
fate of the peerage bill was hanging in the balance, the leaders finally 
decided that the measure should go to the Commons after they had 
deliberated in such a gathering. 58 On this occasion, Craggs sup- 
ported the bill in the House of Commons, though, according to a 
contemporary, he opposed it " in the private consultations of the 
Ministers upon it". 59 Frequently, no doubt, these meetings were so 
small and informal as to be unimportant f° but the tendency was 
increasingly to make of them small cabinet meetings of the most 
influential members of the cabinet council. In 1722, the lord chan- 
cellor, the lord president, the lord chamberlain, the Duke of Devon- 
shire, Townshend, Walpole, and Carteret assembled at the Duke of 
Devonshire's house, and resolved upon measures to guard against 
a possible French invasion." 1 This was not a meeting of the 
cabinet, but it was a gathering of the most important and skilful 
members working in the manner which suited them best. By 1730 
these meetings are being held, perhaps, as frequently as formal 
meetings of the cabinet, and a great deal of important policy and 
business of government is both considered and decided there. 62 
This was true to a greater extent ten years later, when Sir John 
Norris attended. 03 After 1730 the number of private meetings is 

58 " I am informed . . . that at a private meeting of the Chief Ministers last 
night it was resolved to send it down to us to take its fate." Marquess of Granby 
to the Duke of Rutland. Rutland MSS., Hist. MSS. Comm. Reports, 12, V. 193. 

=0 Onslow MSS., Hist. MSS. Comm. Reports. 14. IX. 450. 

60 For example : " I desire that you will be pleased to meet my Lord Town- 
shend and me to morrow morning at Eleven o clock at the Earl of Sunderland's 
house." Carteret to Sir John Eylcs. St P. Dom., Entry Books, CXXI., Novem- 
ber 30, 1721. 

61 St. P. Dom., George I., XXXI., April 23, 1722. 
' ' Si 1'. Dom., Various, I., 1730. 

03 Journals, Add. MSS., 28,132, (T. 14, 63, 70, So, 86, 87, 94, 95, 97, 99. 106, 
iog, in (1739), "4. !'7, '-°. 131. 141, M5. 147, '55. 166, '68, 190 (1740); ibid., 
28,133, ff- 6 . I2 . '4. 5 s . 6l - 6 3- 6 ". "5. 77 (1740). Cf. also St. P. Dom., Various, 
II., August 13, 1739. January 11, 21, 28. February 4, 13. March 5, 1739/40, April 
1, May 20, 1740; St. P. Dom., George II., 1.1.. June 16, 10, July 2, 3, 1740; LII., 
September 8, 18, 1740; LIII., October 9, 14. November 20. 25. 27. 1740: UV , 
December 2, 12, 1740. 



Development of the Cadi net, i688-ij6o t>7 

probably as great as the number of meetings of the cabinet wher- 
ever held. 

The relation between the private meeting and the formal meeting 
of the cabinet was, roughly, that in the smaller meetings of ministers 
preliminary consideration was given to business which later on 
would be decided upon in a gathering of the members of the cabinet, 
whose consent was necessary before the final decision could be 
taken. On October 29, 1739, Sir John Norris writes : " This Even- 
ing I was at a private meteing at Sr Robt Walpole house, the cum- 
pany being his selfe and Brother Horry the Duke of Newcastle and 
his Brother Henry Pelham the Duke of Grafton, Lord Harrington, 
Sr Charles Wager and my selfe." Here there was a long discus- 
sion about the best means of making an attack upon the possessions 
of Spain. 64 Two days later he records : "At 7 this Evening was a 
Counsell of the Cabinet at the Duke of Newcastle office, present his 
Grace and the Duke of Grafton and Dorsett Lord Pembrook and 
Ila, the Lord Chancellor Sr Robert Walpole Sr Charles wager and 
my selfe." 65 The next day there was a similar gathering at White- 
hall, at which were present the lord chancellor, the lord steward, the 
lord chamberlain, the earls of Pembroke and Hay, Lord Harrington, 
Sir Robert Walpole, Sir Charles Wager, Sir John Norris, and the 
Duke of Newcastle. Here there was further consideration of 
Spanish matters, and it was decided what disposition should be 
made of certain booty, and what instructions should be sent to 
Haddock and Vernon with reference to the sailing of the Flota 
from Cadiz. 66 On May 22, 1740, the lord chancellor, the lord presi- 
dent, Sir Robert Walpole, Sir John Norris, and the Duke of New- 
castle assembled at Sir Robert's house, GT where they considered 
numerous details relating to naval matters, and agreed to summon 
the cabinet council. 68 Two days later there was a meeting of all 
the cabinet members at Whitehall. 69 Those who came were the 
lord chancellor, the lord president, the lord privy seal, the lord 
steward, the lord chamberlain, the dukes of Richmond, Bolton, 
Devonshire, and Montagu, the earls of Pembroke and Hay, Sir 
Robert Walpole, Sir John Norris, and the Duke of Newcastle. The 
matters which had been discussed at Sir Robert's house were brought 
forward, given further consideration, and finally decided. 70 

64 Add. MSS., 28,132, ff. 63-70. 

65 Ibid., f. 71. 

66 St. P. Dora., Various, II., November 1, 1739. 
(-Add. MSS., 2S,i 3 2, f. 190. 

6S St. P. Dom., Various, II., May 20, 1740. 

69 " This Evening I was at the Duke of Newcastle office whare all the Cabi- 
nett Counsell was present." Sir John Norris, Journals, Add. MSS., 28,132, f. 193. 
™ St. P. Dom., Various, II., May 22, 1740. 



38 E. R. Turner 

Private meetings were held at the houses of the cabinet leaders, 
usually at the residence of the prime minister. During the days 
of Walpole's supremacy, most of the gatherings were at his house; 
after 1742, most of them were at the Duke of Newcastle's or at the 
lord chancellor's, and occasionally elsewhere. 71 They took place 
for the most part in the evening. The attendance ranged from four 
or five to eight or ten, and sometimes more. Those usually present 
were the prime minister, the secretaries of state, and some of the 
cabinet members conspicuous because of ability, 72 or necessary be- 
cause of political power. Outsiders, who had no cabinet position, 
were often called in, when their presence was desirable because of 
the nature of the business to be transacted, as Horatio Walpole, 
brother of Sir Robert and ambassador at the court of France, when 
diplomatic matters came before the meeting, or Admiral Sir John 
Norris, when naval affairs were under discussion. Meetings were 
held by agreement, 73 or as a result of messages or summons to 
individuals from Walpole or Newcastle. 74 There was apparently 
no set time. Frequently they took place every day or so; 75 some- 
times long intervals elapsed between. 

The business considered was, generally speaking, cabinet busi- 
ness of every kind, all sorts of foreign and domestic affairs coming 
up for discussion. At these meetings were taken up such matters 
as the political situation on the Continent and the proper policy of 
England as a consequence ; the relations of England with France, 
Spain, Portugal, and the Empire; the representations of foreign 
ministers ; the assisting of allies ; the preparing of hostile measures 
against the king's enemies ; the victualling, disposition, and despatch- 
ing of troops ;, preparing ships, and ordering the admirals to attack, 
seize, burn, and destroy ; encouraging colonial governors to give 
assistance against France and Spain; the consideration of colonial 
defense; the fostering of trade and commerce; preserving order at 
home, and suppressing mutinies and riots; considering the desires 
of the king and preparing answers to his representations ; preparing 
the first form of the king's speeches; and deliberating about the 
proper management of Parliament. 

"i St. P. Dom., George I., George II., Various, passim. 

72 Such, for example, was Lord Chancellor Hardwicke. 

'3 Add. MSS., 32,687, f. 155. 

H"On Saturday night the 19th of Felir : I was called to a Meeting at Sir 
Robt. Walpole's." Hardwicke Papers, Add. MSS., 35.870. f- '9 ('73"). "I had 
a letter from Mr Stone the Duke of Newcastle Secretary signifying I would mete 
his Grace at Sr Robert Walpoles at seven this Evening, which I did." Sir John 
Norris, Journals, Add. MSS., 2S.132, f. 80 (1739). 

"For example: ibid., ft. 86 (December 5, 1739V 95 (December 11), 97 (De- 
cember 14), 99 (December 17); St. P. Dom., George II., I. III.. November :o, 25, 
27, 1740. 



Development of the Cabinet, 1688-1760 39 

At these meetings the cabinet leaders talked over and frequently 
settled such matters as how to mediate between Spain and Portugal, 
and how to bring about an understanding between Austria and 
Spain; the payment of a subsidy to the Queen of Hungary, and 
how to persuade her to yield to the inevitable without driving her 
into the arms of France ; the effecting an accommodation between the 
king and the Prince of Wales ; the exact terms of the instructions to 
the lords justices; the draft of a bill for Parliament; the report of 
the Spanish ambassador as to what his master would do to satisfy 
the complaints of the English court; the affairs of the South Sea 
Company; that Vice-Admiral Vernon should be ordered to do all 
possible damage to the Spaniards; detailed naval instructions for 
Sir John Norris ; how many troops the plantations could raise to 
serve in the West Indies and how many they probably would 
raise ; secret instructions to the colonial governors ; a report of the 
Admiralty, and directions to the Admiralty about the sending of 
provisions to Jamaica; how to convict certain rioters in Edinburgh. 

Minutes of these meetings were regularly taken, as they were 
also of cabinet meetings. 76 In neither case were they copied into a 
register, as was done with the records of the Privy Council. They 
seem to have been made solely for the temporary use of those who 
attended, and for the king, or for important ministers who were 
compelled to be absent. Sometimes several copies of the same 
minutes can be found. 77 

During this period it is probable that cabinet meetings were held 
as often as private meetings of the ministers. There seems to have 
been no exact regularity, but cabinets were summoned as the leaders 
desired, this being determined sometimes in cabinet and sometimes 
in private meetings. 78 On some occasions the smaller meeting 
comes before the larger one ; again the private meetings are held 
almost to the exclusion of cabinets; at other times ministers seem to 
do their business altogether in meetings of the cabinet council. So 
far as there is any regularity, cabinet meetings appear to be held 
at intervals of one or two weeks ; 79 but in times of stress or danger 
they occur every day, and sometimes twice a day. 80 The time of 

■ 6 The State Papers Domestic, Various, are made up almost entirely of 
these minutes. 

« Many of the duplicates are to be found in the Newcastle MSS. and in the 
Hardwicke Papers. 

78 St. P. Dom., Various, III., January 27, April 15. 1741. 

"For example: Add. MSS., 28,132, ff. 169, 174, 180, 1S3, 193; St. P. Dom., 
Various, II., April 23, 28, 30, May 5, 6, 22, 1740. 

so " I am very much ashamed. That I have not sooner return'd Your Lordp. 
my Thanks for the Honor of Your two Letters. . . . But I am persuaded Your 
Lordp. will have the Goodness to attribute it to the very great Hurry of Business 



40 E. R. Turner 

assembling is either arranged from one meeting to another/ 1 or 
made known by summons issued from the office of the secretary of 
state. 82 Cabinets were usually held in the secretary's office in the 
Cockpit in Whitehall, for the most part in the evening. S3 

The attendance varied from five or six up to fourteen or fifteen, 
the usual number being ten or twelve. For the most part the 
cabinet was larger than the private meeting of the ministers, though 
occasionally this was not so. 84 Those who attended were the cabinet 
members who generally took part in the private meetings, that is. 
the prime minister, the secretaries of state, and the most important 
of the political leaders, and, in addition, cabinet members who were 
usually not to be found at the smaller gatherings, such as the 
archbishop, the great officers of the king's household, and the less 
important leaders. Apparently the great dignitaries could always 
attend, but since they were taking less and less part in the conduct 
of the important affairs of state, they often stayed away from the 
formal meetings of the cabinet for the same reason that they were 
not invited to the private gatherings. 

So far as the procedure can be ascertained from the minutes, it 
would seem that the proceedings tended to become more and more 
perfunctory, having to do largely with the hearing, consideration, 
and approval of what had previously been worked out in the smaller 
meetings. Divisions were infrequent. 85 Except on very important 
occasions there was not much effective debate, and apparently not 
much real discussion, these things taking place for the most part in 

I have been in, for some time past; (The Cabinet-Council meeting almost every 
Night, and some times twice in a Day . . .") Newcastle to Earl Poulet. St. P. 
Dom, George II., LXXVII., December 13, 1745. Cf. St. P. Dorn., Various, V., 
September 20, 24 (twice), 26, 30, October 1, 4, 10, 15, November 14, 25, 27, 29, 
December 5, 6 (three times), 7, 8, 10, n, 12 (twice), 14, 28, 1745. 

81 " Before we parted it was agreed that a Meeting of the whole Cabinet 
Council should be held on friday the 9th of Septr. at 10 o'clock in the evening, 
to consider of this weighty affair, and the Lords summoned the next morning 
... to the end they might not want sufficient notice." Hardwicke's account. 
Add. MSS., 35,870, f- 26. 

82 " The Lords of the Cabinet Council being to meet, at My Lord Duke of 
Newcastle's Office, in the Cockpit, tomorrow, at Eleven o'Clock, in the Forenoon. 
I am order'd by His Grace, to desire, that You would be pleased to meet their 
Lordships there, at that Hour." Andrew Stone to Sir John Norris. Add. MSS., 
28,132, f. 33. 

83 St. P. Dom., fassim. 

84 There was a meeting of ten at Sir Robert Walpole's, August 25, 1735, and 
one of eight on September 15. Meanwhile there were two cabinets at Whitehall 
of eight and seven respectively. St. P. Dom., Various, I., August 25, September 
2, 4, '5. 1735- For a meeting of thirteen at Newcastle House, cf. ibid., V„ Feb- 
ruary 5, 1746/7- 

80 For an instance, cf. St. P. Dom., Various, IV., November 24,11743. 



Development of the Cabinet, 1688-I/60 41 

the private meetings. SG It is not clear that the prime minister pre- 
sided, or exercised any formal or unquestioned authority. Such a 
man as Walpole or Pitt could, indeed, make his authority felt and 
obeyed, but this leadership was rather the personal leadership of 
Walpole or Pitt than the official authority of a premier. Frequently 
he controlled his associates with difficulty, and sometimes not at 
all. 87 During the entire period the leadership of the cabinet may 
be said to be in the hands of the two or three most important and 
influential members, such as Stanhope and Sunderland, Walpole and 
Newcastle, Newcastle and Hardwicke and Pelham, Newcastle and 
Pitt, rather than in the hands of the prime minister alone. The 
proceedings and decisions were written down as "minutes", to be 
read, sometimes, at the beginning of the next meeting. 88 A foul 
copy was made usually by one of the secretaries of state, or by one 
of the under-secretaries, from rough memoranda furnished by his 
master. A fair or often an amended copy was sent to the king, 
while other copies were made for the principal members, and some- 
times, apparently, by the members themselves. 89 

In the cabinet were considered all sorts of matters, foreign, 
domestic, colonial, parliamentary, and diplomatic. At these meet- 
ings the final draft of the king's speech was decided upon. Ap- 
proval was given to answers to foreign ministers, or to English 
ministers abroad. Questions of policy and diplomacy were settled. 
Treaties were arranged. All sorts of military and naval business 
were despatched. Communications from the colonies were received 
and answered. Petitions were read and complaints considered. 
Measures were taken to maintain security and preserve the peace. 
The desires and commands of the king were considered, answers 
were returned to him through the prime minister, and advice was 
given him as to what he should do. 

As examples of business before the cabinet may be cited: the 
supporting of the Pragmatic Sanction ; crushing the Pretender in 
1745; continuing a treaty with Hesse Cassel ; replying to M. de 
Broglie's memorial; adjusting a dispute between Spain and Por- 
tugal ;. the consideration of military works erected by the Spaniards 
near Gibraltar; the ordering of reprisals upon Spanish commerce; 
the draft of a declaration of war; conferring with the lords com- 

86 In 1743, the question of giving assistance to Maria Theresa was thoroughly 
debated. Add MSS., 35.S70, ft'. 59-62. Cf. ibid., f. 85. 

87 Cf. Hardwicke Papers, Add. MSS., 35,407, ff. 44, 53 ; Lord Hervey, 
Memoirs of the Reign of George the Second, etc. (Philadelphia, 1S48), II. 414, 
4i5- 

88 St. P. Dom, Various, II., September 25, 1739; V., March 28, 1744. 

89 St. P. Dom., Various, passim, and the papers of Newcastle and Hardwicke. 



42 E. R. Tinnier 

missioners of the admiralty; preparing drafts of instructions for the 
admirals; advising with the Board of Trade about the protection 
of Nova Scotia; hearing a memorial about Dutch ships detained by 
the embargo in Ireland ; reading the petition of the South Sea Com- 
pany in regard to the Asiento trade ; measures for putting into effect 
a law to encourage trade in the West Indies; instructions for the 
postmaster-general; suppressing seditious matter written and 
printed; and the framing of a message from the king to the Prince 
of Wales. 

It may be seen that the business transacted in the formal meet- 
ings of the cabinet was largely the same as that brought up in 
private meetings. The difference, so far as it existed, was that at 
first the consideration in the smaller groups was rather of a pre- 
liminary character. At Sir Robert Walpole's house business was 
considered and arranged so that with order and precision it might 
be considered and decided in Whitehall or at Kensington. But 
gradually an important development can be traced out. At first the 
private meeting merely prepares and the cabinet decides. In the 
smaller meeting is done the less important work ; in the larger, the 
more important. Then, after a while, the smaller group becomes so 
powerful that what it prepares is decided in the larger group largely 
as it intends. There is now little difference between what is done 
in the private meeting and what is carried on in the cabinet council. 
Finally, the small group overshadows the large one, and at New- 
castle House or at the lord chancellor's are decided important ques- 
tions of politics or diplomacy which are brought to the cabinet 
merely for formal acquiescence, or are not reported at all. 00 It may 
be remarked that the relations between the private meetings of the 
principal ministers and the cabinet councils are entirely similar to 
those existing between the private meetings and the meetings of the 
lords justices, who ruled as regents while the sovereign was out of 
the realm. 

After 1745 it becomes very difficult to distinguish a private meet- 
ing from a meeting of the cabinet, and so entirely has one absorbed 
the power of the other, that it is probable that the meetings which 
were now held in the houses of the chief ministers were really small 
cabinet meetings. 01 In 1757 the Duke of Newcastle speaks of the 
smaller group as the " conciliabulum ", 92 and about the same time 
he alludes to the " Committee of the Cabinet Council ".° 3 There 

00 St. P. Dora., Various, IV., November 10, 1743. 

01 As late as 1755, however, Newcastle speaks of "the Private Meetings of 
the King's Servants ". Add. MSS.. 32.996. '• 227. 

8* Ibid., 35,416, f. 181. 
"3 Ibid., 32,997, f- 207. 



Development of the Cabinet, 1688-1760 43 

was, then, by this time, some recognition of that which had long 
existed, a double cabinet system. There were now, as has been well 
said, an inner and an outer cabinet. 94 There was a body of sixteen 
or more, consulted in supreme crises for advice and assistance, but 
•otherwise only for formal approbation. Beside it was a group of 
four or six or ten, as suited the leaders, which did the planning 
and the considering and the deciding, and was the real cabinet and 
the real governing body of the kingdom. 

It has been my purpose to trace in some detail the manner in 
which the Privy Council, as it enlarged, gave over its initiative and 
power to the committee of council and the cabinet ; also the manner 
in which the cabinet became the principal heir to this authority; 
and then, how in process of time the cabinet, enlarging, lost the 
greater part of its real importance to the private meeting or concili- 
abulum or inner cabinet, which had been brought forth from itself. 
Such a record is apt to be as cold and lifeless and dull as the crackling 
documents from which it is drawn. Yet behind it are the men and 
deeds of the past. And sometimes as the student wearily search- 
ing his manuscripts lingers for a moment, he catches once more a 
gleam of this dead past. Almost he can see the groups assembling 
at the Cockpit or at Chelsea or at Powis House. Almost he can 
hear the solemn deliberation, the lively discussion, the opinions of 
the leaders, the objections of those who would lead but may not. 
Again he knows the commanding patience of Sir Robert, the 
industry and pettiness of Newcastle, the wisdom of Philip Yorke, 
the cunning of Pelham, the pathetic zeal of Sir John Norris, and the 
imperial arrogance of Pitt. Then the voices hush, the vision fades, 
and revery dies ; and once more he holds in his hand the cryptic 
scrawl of some minister of bygone days or the minutes which some 
secretary of state prepared long ago for the king. 

Edward Raymond Turner. 

m Temperley, Eng. Hist. Rev., XXVII. 682. 



INFLUENCE OF THE CLERGY, AND OF RELIGIOUS 

AND SECTARIAN FORCES, ON THE AMERICAN 

REVOLUTION 

The purpose of this paper is to assemble, so that they may be 
viewed and comprehended at one time, all those causes, remote and 
immediate, of the American Revolution, which are religious, sec- 
tarian, or ecclesiastical in character. This is not to argue that the 
Revolution was a holy war, or even that religious prejudices and the 
dissenting clergy were dominant forces, but it will be shown, I 
think, that the historical muse has been too much of a worldling, 
and has worshipped too partially the golden calf of economic causes. 

When one enters on the search for the fountainhead of a great 
movement, one risks being tempted to go back and back until one 
reaches absurdity in the Garden of Eden. If, however, we go no 
further than John Adams, a contemporary, in his quest for causes- 
of the Revolution, we shall at least have worthy authority. Writ- 
ing to Jefferson, in 1818, he said: "I think, with you, that it is 
difficult to say at what moment the Revolution began. In my 
opinion, it began as early as the first plantation of the country. In- 
dependence of Church and Parliament was a fixed principle of our 
predecessors in 1620, as it was of Samuel Adams and Christopher 
Gadsden, in 1776." 1 

This, I take it, suggests that when the British government forced 
the Dissenters to leave England and flee to America, it simply put 
off for one hundred and fifty years, and removed to another land, 
the final struggle between those who represented the established 
church, feudal practice and tradition, the king's prerogative, landed 
property and privilege, on the one side ; and their opponents on the 
other side, the radicals and liberals in Church and State, with 
antagonistic ideas as to church and secular government. Of course, 
the Pilgrims and Puritans of Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay, 
believers in the philosophy of Locke and the thinking of Milton^ 
did not bring to America the conservative views of the divine right 
of kings, of monarchy, or of ecclesiastical tradition. 2 The Epis- 
copal Church, upholding these ideas and the pretensions of the 
Stuarts, having driven many of the Dissenters out of England, 
seemed, for nearly a hundred years, content to be rid of them, hut 

1 John Adams, Works, X. .513. 
* Andrews, Colonial Period, p. 60. 



The Clergy mid tlie American Revolution 45 

as the colonies grew in importance, the church began to try to regain 
this lost opportunity for expansion. American resistance to this 
effort coincided with resistance to taxation. John Adams asserted 
that one reason for opposing taxation was that " if Parliament could 
tax us, they could establish the Church of England, with all its 
creeds, articles, tests, ceremonies, and tithes, and prohibit all other 
churches, as conventicles and schism shops." 3 

But before we take up the causes of the final bitterness that 
led directly to independence, we must see how, in the whole colonial 
period, controversies of a religious character kept the colonists 
suspicious of encroachment by the Anglican Church. The Puritans 
had been obliged, soon after their first settlement, to resist an 
attempt to transplant into their midst the institutions of feudalism 
and the seeds of privilege. The aristocratic Gorges, supporter of 
the Stuarts, believer in the kingly prerogative, tried to stop the 
Puritan growth by setting up a feudal proprietorship in their 
very midst. Archbishop Laud, hoping to see the Anglican Church 
supplant the Puritan in New England, gave his powerful aid, but, 
as if by miracle, the Puritans triumphed. 4 Again, it was the 
Episcopalian zeal of Andros, in the last years of the seventeenth 
century, that much aroused the wrath of the Puritans. In spite of 
their laws penalizing every observance of Christmas, Andros at- 
tended Anglican service on that day, " a redcoat ... on his right 
hand and Captain George on his left ", and sixty redcoated soldiers 
in the rear. In the spring, as if again to flout the " immodest 
godliness " of the Puritans, he even caused a Maypole to be set up. 
and thereupon Increase Mather became sure that " ' the Devil ' had 
begun his march of triumph ". When the governor, in his Anglican 
zeal, established an Episcopalian minister in Boston, Puritan intoler- 
ance could see in him only " Baal's priest ", and his prayers were 
" leeks, garlic and trash ", while his church was a no less hateful 
thing than " Egypt's Babylon ". 5 

3 Adams, Works, X. 288. " And independence of Church and Parliament 
was always kept in view in this part of the country, and, I believe, in most others. 
The hierarchy and parliamentary authority ever were dreaded and detested even 
by a majority of professed Episcopalians." Ibid., p. 313. 

* Andrews, Colonial Period, pp. 36-39; Eradford, History of Plymouth Plan- 
tation ("Original Narratives" series), pp. 3!5-3i6. 

5 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, seventh series, VII. 133 ; Chan- 
ning, History of the United States, II. 174-175; Oliver, Puritan Commonwealth, 
pp. 446-450 ; Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, second series, XIII. 
410-41 1. Edward Randolph also aroused Puritan wrath when he insisted upon 
tolerance for the Anglican Church in Massachusetts. Hutchinson, Collection of 
Papers relative to Massachusetts Bay, pp. 525-576 (especially 538) ; Oliver, Puri- 
tan Commonwealth, pp. 434-445; Doyle, The English in America, II. 268-269; 
Osgood, American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, III. 390. 



46 C. H. Van Tyne 

After 1700, the suspicions of the colonists were repeatedly 
aroused. First, when an effort was made to subject all corporate 
and proprietary governments to the direct control of the crown, the 
Anglican Church supported the plan with great zeal, as did the 
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and all devout Epis- 
copalians in the colonies, who saw in this their opportunity to over- 
throw in New England the power of the Puritans, and in Penn- 
sylvania and New Jersey, that of the Quakers. It was not un- 
noticed that in England the Tories supported and the Whigs op- 
posed this plan. 6 

Again and again, the dissenting sects in America took alarm as 
they noted the influence of the Bishop of London in getting Amer- 
ican political plums for those who gave promise of being useful 
allies of the Anglican Church in America. 7 The bishop always 
seemed to understand that a profitable religion never wants pros- 
elytes. This same watchful shepherd of the Episcopalian flock was 
consulted repeatedly as to the laws affecting the interests of 
Anglican churchmen in America. Under his influence many laws 
fathered by the Dissenters were disallowed to their bitter disap- 
pointment and disgust. 8 A law of North Carolina giving Presby- 
terian ministers the right to perform the marriage ceremony was 
disallowed in England, because the Episcopalian clergy, not above 
six in number, would thus be deprived of their fees. 9 In some cases 
of interference of this kind even the Anglican churchmen in the 
colonies were offended. This was true when the Board of Trade 
recommended the disallowance of certain acts of the colonial legis- 
latures providing for the disposal of Episcopalian parish property, 
reducing the salaries of church ministers, or providing for the 
punishment of ministers for immoral conduct — perhaps those de- 
scribed by Hammond, who " could babble in a pulpit and roar in a 

6 Andrews, Colonial Period, p. 143. 

t Dexter, Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles. I. 54-55. No minister could be pre- 
ferred to any benefice in America without certificate from the Bishop of London. 
No schoolmaster could go from England to the colonies without license from him. 
Documents relative to the Colonial History of Neiv York, VII. 368-369 (Sher- 
lock's report). William Penn's charter forced him to acknowledge the right 
of the Bishop of London to appoint ministers to Pennsylvania, if twenty colonists 
expressed that wish. Thorpe, Constitutions and Charters, etc., V. 3°43- 

8 Root, Relations of Pennsylvania with Great Britain, pp. 228, 232; Pennsyl- 
vania Statutes at Large, II. 450, 480, 490; Colonial Records of North Carolina. 
VI. 716. 

Channing, History of the United States, III. 6, quoting Dickcrson, Colonial 
Government, ch. V.; Colonial Records of North Carolina, VI. 715-716. Andros 
tried to place marriages in the hands of Anglican clergy. Hutchinson, History of 
Massachusetts, I. 318. Legal marriage in Virginia was by Anglican clergy only. 
Mcllwaine, Struggle . . . for Religious Toleration (Johns Hopkins University 
Studies, XII., no. 4). 



The Clergy and the American Revolution 47 

tavern ". 10 Again Parliament passed laws encroaching on the gen- 
eral freedom of worship in the colonies, 11 an interference resented 
more or less by all sects. Though in general the Board of Trade 
sought to protect the interests of the established church, yet the 
graven image of commerce was never forgotten amidst the zeal for 
the true God, and the board did not neglect to enforce such a 
degree of toleration as would not check colonial growth and pros- 
perity. 12 Even this last laudable activity of the board was often 
hateful to bigoted colonists, and became a cause of estrangement 
from the mother-country. 

In addition to these actual acts of interference, we must re- 
member that all governors, lieutenant-governors, secretaries, 
councillors, attorneys general, chief justices, customs-officers — all 
colonial officers, in fact, who were appointed by the British govern- 
ment — were " ruffle-shirted Episcopalians ", and attended the Angli- 
can Church. 13 This fact, especially in the northern colonies where 
an opposing sect was established, served to keep the British officials 
aloof religiously, and to make the Dissenters less willing to yield 
obedience to them. Moreover, these officers, thus isolated at this 
important point of social contact, lost that opportunity of under- 
standing and sympathizing with the people. It was to an American 
public thus irritated by a nagging fear of intrusion by the Anglican 
Church, and out of sympathy with an Episcopalian officialdom, that 
there came, about the middle of the eighteenth century, a threat of 
the establishment of an American episcopate. 

To repeat here the story of the struggle against the real or 
imaginary danger of the establishment of an American episcopate 
seems unnecessary after the prominence that has been given to that 
subject by Dr. Cross's exhaustive and scholarly study of The 
Anglican Episcopate and the American Colonies. It will suffice to 
state briefly his cautious judgment as to the importance of the 
controversy. "If the question of the establishment of bishops", 
he says, " did not contribute a lion's share in causing that enmity 
to the mother country ... it was involved in the struggle and 

10 The Bishop of London was given a royal commission authorizing him to 
hold spiritual courts in America. Documents relative to the Colonial History 
of New York, V. 849. In South Carolina, such tribunals were employed for cor- 
recting the morals and irregularities of the clergy. Cross, Anglican Episcopate, 
pp. 80-86. 

n Dickerson. American Colonial Government, p. 231. 

12 Ibid., pp. 232-233. 

13 For nearly one hundred years before the Revolution, royal governors were 
instructed to see that the Book of Common Prayer was read " each Sunday and 
Holy Day ", and " the Blessed Sacrament administered according to the rules of 
the Church of England". Documents relative to the Colonial History of New 
York, VII. 362- 



48 C. H. Van Tyne 

deserves to be regarded as an important part of it", and again, 
" it was at least one of the causes tending to . . . alienation v '. 14 
Looking at the matter from another angle, he says later: "The 
strained relations which heralded the approach of the War of Inde- 
pendence strengthened the opposition to episcopacy, rather than that 
religious differences were a prime moving cause of political aliena- 
tion." 15 

The truth is, that one studying only this contention against the 
Anglican episcopate, could not have a full realization of the signifi- 
cance of religious and sectarian forces in bringing on the Revolu- 
tion. One must also study the work of Presbyterian and Congrega- 
tionalist preachers who taught the political doctrines of Locke and 
Milton until the members of their congregations held the liberal 
theories of government which rendered them most sensitive to gov- 
ernmental oppression. Regard must be had for the extent to which 
revolutionary leaders made use of, or were affected by, religious 
convictions and sectarian prejudices. We must study the details of 
the wrangling among the Anglicans and Dissenters over other 
matters than the episcopate. Attention must be given to the de- 
monstrable fact that in the war itself, north of the Mason and 
Dixon line at least, the Episcopalians became in a great majority 
Loyalists, while the Dissenters became Patriots. Even in the 
South, where a much larger proportion of Episcopalians came out 
on the Patriot side, it was, in Virginia especially, the Scotch-Irish 
Presbyterians and the German Dissenters that originally forced the 
conflict with England against the conservative planter Episcopalians. 

Of these influences, the first and most important to study is that 
of the Calvinistic preachers. Some attention has been given to the 
activity of Jonathan Mayhew and Samuel Cooper because John 
Adams regarded them as prime movers, with Otis, Thacher, and 
Samuel Adams, for American liberty. 16 But a far more subtle in- 
fluence than that which attracted John Adams's attention was the 
preaching by a large number of Congregational and Presbyterian 
ministers, 17 of the doctrines of political liberty which they had 
learned from their study of Sydney, Milton, Locke, and Hoadly, 

14 M. Chamberlain, John Adams, pp. 23, 25. note. 27; Brooks Adams. Emanci- 
pation of Massachusetts, pp. .114 ct scq. ; Cross. Anglican Episcopate, pp. 15;. 214 ; 
Thornton. Pulpit of the Revolution, pp. 109, no. 

I' Cross, Anglican Episcopate, p. 271. 

10 Adams, Works, X. 284. Chastcllux also suggests Cooper's influence. Travilt 
in Xorlh America (trans.), II. 281-283. Rev. Samuel Cooper seems to have been 
an intimate friend of John Hancock, and to have influenced him greatly. 

IT A. E. Dunning, Congregationalists in America, pp. 270, 275; Notes and 
Queries, fifth series, VI. [42 : Kapp, Lift of Kalb, p. 73. Kalb sent many of these 
sermons to Versailles (1764). The Singular Happiness of Such Heads or Rulers, 
as are able to Choose out their People's Way: a brief Sermon /'reached to the 
Great and General Assembly of the Province of Massachusetts Bay . . . May iS, 



The Clergy and the American Revolution 49 

apostles of free institutions, whose teachings had never before found 
such receptive minds as those in America. 18 Most Presbyterians 
and Congregationalists of New England looked upon themselves as 
lineal descendants of the Puritans, and as such the)- felt bound to 
defend the Puritan Revolution. Bookish men, as most of the New 
England clergy were, found a mine of arguments, political weapons 
for that defense, in the writings of Locke and Milton. Upon the 
mellowing of occasion, preachers rarely failed to draw upon these 
sources, and they often stated Locke's theories more clearly than 
Locke himself. Many of the sermons had no hint of discontent, no 
incitement to rebellion, but merely an unimpassioned exposition of 
the political theories of the Puritan writers on government, of a 
century or more before. People living in an open-minded frontier 
community and nourished with such intellectual pabulum as this, 
would never be content to be governed arbitrarily by a government 
three thousand miles distant and not of their own making. 

In these sermons, the congregations were told of Locke's doctrine 
that it was the people's right to choose their own rulers and to fix 
the bounds of their authority. They were taught that government 
was accountable to the people and that the New England charter 
had been a compact between the sovereign and the first patentees. 19 
Samuel Davies, the eloquent Virginia preacher to whom Patrick 
Henry listened from his eleventh to his twenty-second year, taught 
that the British constitution was " but the voluntary compact of 
sovereign and subject". 20 Henry declared, "government is a con- 
ditional compact between king and people ... a violation of the 
covenant by either party discharges the other from obligation." 

A Connecticut preacher, early in the seventeenth century, was 
teaching that : " The choice of public magistrates belongs unto the 
people, by God's own allowance. They who have the power to 
appoint officers and magistrates, it is in their power, also, to set the 
bounds and limitations of the power and place unto which they 
call them."- 1 If there is truth in the old adage, "like priest, like 
people ", New England was no healthy place for absolutism. 

1701 (Boston, 1 701) ; The Duty of Civil Rulers: an Election Sermon, by E. Dorr 
(Hartford. 1-65): Works of John Witherspoon (Philadelphia, 1800), I. 319-344. 
Titles of many more of these sermons will appear later in this article. 

is Thornton. Pulpit of the Revolution, pp. xxxiii, 46; Stille, Life and Times 
of John Dickinson. I. 29-31, 77; Notes and Queries, fifth series, VI. 142. 

is Thornton, Pulpit of the Revolution, pp. 159, 175. 

20 Samuel Davies, Sermons, III. 80. There is little doubt that Davies was 
Henry's model in public speaking. Ibid.. I. 21 ; H. A. White, Southern Presby- 
terian Leaders, pp. 52-56, 104. 

21 Lord Acton, Lectures, p. 311. Mayhew, more than one hundred years 
later than the Connecticut preacher, makes the same argument ; see Thornton, 
Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 61. 



50 C. H. Van Tyne 

New England ministers, along with their "three mile prayers 
and half mile graces ", at which their critics jeered, were preaching, 
too, that people were justified in rising even against the sovereign 
himself in order "to redress their grievances; to vindicate their 
natural and legal rights; to break the yoke of tyranny". 22 This 
they reasoned from the natural freedom of man, basing their argu- 
ments upon the ideas of Milton, Sydney, and Locke. 23 From the 
earliest times in fact, the ministers had taught the duty to God and 
the fear of offending God, but had not worried their flocks about 
their duty to kings or with the fear of offending them. 24 " Honor 
. . . and obedience to good rulers, and a spirited opposition to bad 
ones ", was the burden of some New England preaching, wrote 
John Adams. 25 "If", he said again, "the orators on the 4th of 
July really wish to investigate the principles and feelings which 
produced the Revolution, they ought to study . . . Dr. Mayhew's 
sermon on passive obedience and non-resistance." 20 This famous 
sermon of Mayhew attracted Adams's attention because of its bold- 
ness, but the thesis was an old one, and much dwelt upon later by 
the dissenting ministers of New England. They were driven to it 
in defense of their rebellious Puritan ancestors. 27 and out of mere 

22 Thornton, Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 62. 

23 Stille. Life and Times of Dickinson. I. 
Revolution, pp. xxxiii and xxxiv. Dean Tucke 
sequences arising from the Propagation of Mr. 
Four Letters on Important National Subjects. 
Milton, V. 647 ; Milton, Defence of the People of England and The Tenure of 
Kings and Magistrates ; and Locke. Essay on Government. Milton wrote: "That 
no unbridled potentate or tyrant, but to his sorrow, for the future may presume 
such high and irrepressible license over mankind, to havoc and turn upside down 
whole kingdoms of men, as though they were no more in respect to his perverse 
will than a nation of pismires." And again, "Our liberty is not Caesar's: it is a 
blessing we have received from God himself ... to lay down this at Caesar's 
feet, which we derive not from him . . . were an unworthy action, and a degrad- 
ing of our very nature. . . . Being, therefore, peculiarly God's own . . . we are 
entirely free by nature, and cannot ... be reduced into a condition of slavery 
to any man, especially to a wicked, unjust, cruel tyrant." Thornton, Pulpit of the 
Revolution, pp. 62, 83. 

2-» Andrews, Colonial Period, p. 84. 

2= Adams, Works, II. 167-16S. 

2» Adams, Works, X. 301. See A Discourse concerning unlimited Submission 
and Non-resistance to the Higher Powers, etc.. by J. Mayhew (Boston, 1750, pp. 
55} ; Remarks on an Anonymous Tract (1764), by J. Mayhew, a reply to an attack 
on the above. James Otis was much influenced by Mayhew, who seems, indeed, 
to have suggested to him the idea of revolutionary committees and of union. 
Thornton, Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 44. Robert Treat Paine used to hear 
Mayhew at the Wesl Church, and greatly admired him. Davol, Two Men of 
Taunton, p. 77. 

27 John Witherspoon's attitude is a typical one (1758). "The noble straggle 
which many in England made, about an hundred years ago, for their liberties 
sacred and civil, still bears the name of the grand rebellion". Works of John 
Witherspoon, I. 326. 



3>, 77; Thorn 


ton, Pulpi 


( of the 


r calls attention 


to " the e 


vil Con- 


Locke's democr 


atical Prir 


iciples ". 


p. 89. See als< 


) Masson, 


Life of 



The Clergy and the American Revolution 5 1 

oppugnance to Episcopalian teachings. The young candidates for 
the Anglican clergy were taught at Oxford that submission and 
obedience, clear, absolute, and without exception, was the badge 
and character of the Church of England. - s The Anglican clergy 
were compelled to read on the anniversary of the death of Charles I. 
the Oxford homily "against disobedience and wilful rebellion", or 
to preach a sermon against that sin.-" Mayhew indulged in only 
modest hyperbole when he charged the Anglican clergy with teach- 
ing that if kings oppress, and prayers and entreaties fail, we must 
all " suffer ourselves to be robbed and butchered at the pleasure of 
the ' Lord's anointed ', lest we should incur the sin of rebellion and 
the punishment of damnation ". 3n 

The scorn of the Puritan for such doctrines is also well shown in 
John Adams's article in the Boston Gazette (1765) wherein he 
asserts: "The adventurers [New England Puritans] . . . had an 
utter contempt of all that dark ribaldry of hereditary, indefeasible 
right, — the Lord's anointed, — and the divine, miraculous, original 
of government, with which priesthood had enveloped the feudal 
monarch in clouds and mysteries, and from whence they had de- 
duced the most mischievous of all doctrines, that of passive obedi- 
ence, and non-resistance". 31 Adams did not like it when Mr. Gay 
011 the day of Thanksgiving said, " the ancient weapons of the 
church were prayers and tears, not clubs ". This, he thought, in- 
culcated submission to authority in pretty strong terms. 32 

In refutation of the submission doctrine, Mayhew preached the 
right of people to free themselves from inglorious servitude and 
ruin. " It is upon this principle that many royal oppressors have 
been driven . . . into banishment, and many slain by the hands of 
their subjects . . . that Tarquin was expelled from Rome, and 
Julius Caesar . . . cut off in the senate-house . . . that King Charles 

28 Thornton, Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 41 ; Adams. Works, X. 1S7. 

29 Thornton, Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 42. Now and then one was hardy- 
enough to omit it. See Dexter, Literary Diary of Stiles, I. 339-340. A favorite 
text among the Anglican clergy was Romans xiii. 1-8: "Let every soul be subject 
unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God; the powers that be 
are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the 
ordinance of God : and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation." 
See Mayhew's reasoning on this, Thornton, Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 53. There 
were, to be sure, low churchmen like Benjamin Hoadly, who had the same view 
as Mayhew on this subject. 

30 Thornton, Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 63. One must remember in reading 
Mayhew's sermons that he and his views were discussed far and wide in Massa- 
chusetts. See Adams, Works, II. 4. 

3i Adams, Works, III. 454. See also Samuel Adams on this subject; Wells, 
Life of Samuel Adams, I. 245. 

32 Adams, Works. II. 167-168. 



52 C. H. Van Tyne 

I. was beheaded before his own banqueting-house . . . that King 
James II. was made to fly that country which he aimed at en- 
slaving." 33 When Patrick Henry, a few years later, expressed 
such ideas in the Virginia House of Burgesses, he was greeted with 
shouts of " Treason ! treason ! ". Mayhew banned the submission 
doctrine with bell, book, and candle, declaring: "The hereditary, 
indefeasible, divine right of kings, and the doctrine of non-resist- 
ance, which is built upon the supposition of such a right, are 
altogether as fabulous ... as transsubstantiation, or any of the most 
absurd reveries of ancient or modern visionaries ". 34 " How does 
this prove ", asked Mayhew, " that those who resist a lawless, 
unreasonable power, which is contrary to the will of God, do therein 
resist the will and ordinance of God?" 35 Mayhew also ridiculed 
Charles I., in the role of "blessed saint" and "royal martyr". 
Rather was he a " man black with guilt " and " laden with iniquity ", 
a " burlesque " upon saintship and martyrdom. A tyrant, such as 
he, was " a messenger of Satan to buffet us ". 3li Such doctrines so 
clearly hark back to the days of Cromwell that we can understand 
why that charitable and Christian gentleman, Rev. Arthur Browne, 
stepping forth in the beauty of holiness, accused Mayhew of licking 
up the " spittle " of his Puritan predecessors and coughing " it out 
again, with some additions of his own filth and phlegm ". 3T 

To this point, we have had to do with political doctrines taught 
to New England congregations before the day of any of those 
measures of the British government which are commonly regarded 
as the causes of the American Revolution. As these measures — the 
Stamp Act, the Townshend Acts, the Tea Act, and others — came 
forth to plague the Americans, the Puritan pulpits " thundered ", 
to use John Adams's expression, 38 and more and more emphasis was 
given to the idea of the right of resistance. 39 On August 25, 1765, 
Mayhew preached from the text : " I would they were even cut off 
which trouble you." When, soon after, a mob destroyed Hutchin- 

33 Thornton, Pulpit of the Revolution, pp. 62-63. He might have taken his 
text from Milton, " It is not, neither ought to be, the glory of a Protestant state 
never to have put their king to death; it is the glory of a Protestant Icing never 
to have deserved death." Milton, The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates, quoted 
in Thornton, Pulpii of the Revolution, p. 62, note. 

3-1 Thornton, Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 84. See also p. 86, note a,' and pp. 
7<>. 73. 75. 7 s . R ^- See Witherspoon on the same subject, Works. I. 326. 

86 Twenty-five years later, John Adams was proclaiming the same doctrine. 
Thornton. Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 75 and note. 

**Ibid., pp. 73-74. note, 99. Stiles has a like attitude in his Literary Diary. 
I. 34-35- 

3' Cross, Anglican Episcopate, p. 150. 

3 s Adams. Works, II. 154. 

3« StilM, Life and Times of Dickinson, I. 77. 



The Clergy and the American Revolution 53 

son's house, a ringleader, who was seized, is said to have excused 
his actions on the ground that he was excited by the sermon, " and 
that he thought he was doing God service ". 40 Charles Chauncey, 
one of the most eminent divines in America, preached against the 
act with power and learning, and on its repeal, preached a memor- 
able sermon, filled with liberal political doctrines, from the text: " As 
cold waters to a thirsty soul, so is good news from a far country ". 41 
Samuel Stillman, a Baptist, also denounced the Stamp Act from his 
pulpit in Boston, 42 while John Zubly, a German Lutheran minister 
in Georgia, taking for his text the words — later used with the same 
significance by Lincoln — " A house divided against itself cannot 
stand ", boldly denied the British right to tax. 43 

The Boston Massacre was piously magnified by Xew England 
divines, Rev. John Lothrop preaching upon the " Innocent Blood 
Crying to God from the Streets of Boston ". 44 Rev. Samuel Cooke's 
sermon on this occasion was filled with the doctrines of Locke, and 
the Massachusetts house of representatives resolved that it be 
printed in the public press. 43 On the anniversary of the Massacre 
in 1772, Dr. Chauncey preached a sermon in the Old South Church. 
and then Joseph Warren stepped into the pulpit, which was hung 
with black cloth, and delivered an oration on the danger of standing 
armies. In a sermon preached before the governor and council, 
Mr. Tucker discussed the origin and design of government, and the 
sacredness of compacts. "The people", he declared, "as well as 
their rulers are the proper judges of the civil constitution they are 
under. . . . Unlimited submission is not due to government in a 

*o Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts. III. 123. 

41 A Discourse on "the Good News from a Far Country" (on the repeal of 
the Stamp Act), by Charles Chauncey (Boston, 1766) ; also in Thornton, Pulpit of 
the Revolution, pp. 114, 119. 1 33- 

*ZT. Armitage, History of the Baptists, p. 781. Other sermons on this occa- 
sion were: (a) Divine Providence Illustrated and Improved, a Thanksgiving dis- 
course preached in the Presbyterian or Congregational Church in Providence by 
David S. Rowland (1766) ; (b) Some Important Observations, Occasioned by, and 
Adapted to the Public Fast, Ordered by Authority, December iSth, 1765, by 
Stephen Johnson (Newport, 1766). 

43 An Humble Inquiry into the Nature of the Dependency of the American 
Colonies upon the Parliament of Great Britain and the Right of Parliament to 
Lay Taxes on the Said Colonies, by John J. Zubly (Savannah, 1769). 

4* Hearing that Governor Hutchinson would pardon the soldiers, Dr. Chauncey, 
in his pulpit, cried : " Surely he would not counteract the operation of the law 
both of God and of man . . . surely he would not make himself a partaker in the 
guilt of murder, by putting a stop to the shedding of their blood who have mur- 
derously spilt the blood of others." Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, III. 
329, note. 

45 Thornton, Pulpit of the Revolution, pp. 147, 155. The text was: "He that 
ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God." It was listened to by 
the lieutenant-governor, council, and house of representatives. 



54 C. H. Van Tyne 

free state." 40 Upon every event in that series that led to a war for 
independence, the influence of New England's dissenting clergy mav 
clearly be seen. 47 

But notwithstanding all of these sermons, and the liberal political 
doctrines which they imparted, one may ask whether anv heed was 
given to them. In the days of New England's foundation, political 
leadership as well as moral guidance was beyond question with the 
clergy, and only 'the commandments of God took precedence over 
their teachings. Many of the political doctrines noted above were 
inculcated in those days, and even in the eighteenth century, when 
the influence of the " elders " had declined, their council and advice 
was eagerly sought. 4S No Englishman knew more of American 
conditions than Governor Pownall, and in a speech in Parliament in 
1769, he refers to the leadership of the New England clergy, and 
the probable unifying effect they would have. "The spirit of their 
religion will ", he cried, " like Moses' serpent, devour every other 
passion and affection ". 4!l The statement of Samuel Adams that 
the people of New England were not " priest-ridden ", and that of 
John Adams that " the clergy have little influence . . . beyond that 
which their own piety, virtues, and talents naturally give them ", 50 
■does not militate against this view, for the " brace of Adamses " 
wrote these opinions, having in mind a comparison with Catholic 
■countries. In the same breath, John Adams testified that the clergy 
were "jealous friends of liberty". His letters show him to have 
constantly sought their advice on public affairs, finding them 
"zealous in the cause", and agreeing with him that the British 
measures would " ruin the liberties of the country "." 

It must be remembered too that the pulpit was in that day the 
most direct and effectual way of reaching the masses — far out- 
rivalling the newspaper, then only in its infancy. In New Eng- 
land, moreover, a sermon was always preached as a part of the 
imposing ceremony of the election. This was not a mere compli- 

16 Diary of Stiles. I. 218; Headley. Chaplains ami Clergy of the Revolution, 
p. 26. 

« Diary of Stiles, I. 103, 184. 

« Sabine, Loyalists, p. 51; Stille, Life and Times of Dickinson. I. 29-31; 
Eddis. Letters, pp. 46-49; Thornton. Pulpit of the Revolution, p. xxxvi ; Familiar 
Letters of John Adams, pp. 5, 6. In this connection it is interesting to note that in 
Evans's Bibliography of Boohs printed in the United Slates we find that over two- 
thirds of the books and pamphlets printed in the colonies in the first half of the 
eighteenth century were on religions subjects. From 1-50 to 1773 about one-half 
arc on these subjects. The writings of the clergy, therefore, would seem to have 
been in demand. 

*« American Archives, fifth series, II. 390. 

go Samuel Adams, Writings. II. 195-196; Adams, Works, V. 495. 

51 Adams, Works. II. 11, 329, 4^4- 



The Clergy and the American Revolution 5 5 

ment to religion, for after 1750, certainly, the sermons were listened 
to as a source of political instruction. By legislative resolution they 
were published in pamphlet form, and were scattered through the 
colony, becoming in some cases a sort of text of civil rights. They 
boldly attacked the question of the nature of compacts and charters 
as they affected the relations of the colonies to England. They dis- 
cussed the origin, nature, and end of government, and the rights of 
man, and asserted that all laws were designed for the good of the 
governed. 52 

That the revolutionary leaders courted the support of the clergy 
is shown by many facts, one of which was the banquet given ( 1770) 
by the " Merchants and other Sons of Liberty " to the ministers in 
Faneuil Hall. 53 A little earlier, a Tory, describing the Revolu- 
tionary Whig gatherings, said : " Garrets were crowded with 
patriots ; mechanics and lawyers, porters and clergymen, huddled 
promiscuously into them." 54 

During the last years of agitation, 1773 to 1775, the activity of 
the Puritan ministry became more and more marked. Rev. Charles 
Turner in his election sermon, 1773, denied that ministers should 
not meddle in politics. " It is their duty to interfere ", he cried, 
" where the liberties of the land are assailed. . . . Religious liberty 
is so blended with civil, that if one falls it is not to be expected that 
the other will continue." The first provincial congress of Massa- 
chusetts acknowledged " with profound gratitude the public obliga- 
tion to the ministry, as friends of civil and religious liberty ", asking 
their aid to enforce the resolutions of the Continental Congress. 55 
The justices of the court of general sessions, addressing General 
Gage, regretted that " some whose business it is to preach the gospel 
of Christ" were trying to "destroy the harmony of society", and 
General Gage, replying, was piously shocked that ministers " shame- 
fully pervert the duties of their sacred functions ". 5G In a procla- 
mation, Gage declared that " the name of God has been introduced 
in the pulpits to excite and justify devastation and massacre ", and 
he refused the assembly, when they asked him to appoint a fast 
day, for, he said, " the request was only to give an opportunity for 
sedition to flow from the pulpit ". 5r Nor was this confined to New 





52 Preache! 


•s like Mayhew and Cooper 


seem 


to have known as 


much 


of th< 


sci 


ence of gov 


eminent as Otis and 


the Adams 


es. Headley, Chaplains 


of tin 


Re 


volution, pp. 


22, 25-40. 














53 Diary of Stiles. I. 54-55. 














=•* Frothing 


ham, Life and Times 


of Joseph H 


'arrcn, pp. 50, 51. 








S3 Headley, 


Chaplains of the Rev 


olution 


, P- 2; 


7 ; Thornton. Pulpit 


of the 


■ Revo- 


lut 


ion, p. xxxi. 
















56 Rivington's Gazetteer, July 21 


■ I774- 












57 The Rei 


nembrancer, I. 127 ( 


1775) 


; Hea 


dley, Chaplains of 


the Revolt,- 


tion, p. 59. 















56 C. H. Van Tyne 

England, for Governor Martin in North Carolina declared in his 
proclamation (August, 1775) that "the tools of sedition" were 
" extravagantly profaning even the most sacred name of the 
Almighty " to excite rebellion. 58 Governor Hutchinson asserted 
that men were incited to rebellion by " some of the clergy who make 
the highest pretence to devotion ". 59 Reverend Samuel Peters in 
Connecticut bemoaned that " spiritual iniquity rides in high places, 
with halberts, pistols, and swords . . . preachers and magistrates left 
the pulpit, etc., for the gun and drum . . . cursing the king and 
Lord North . . . and the Church of England ". 60 

In fact, both Whig and Tory preachers often made a recruiting 
house of the sanctuary. 01 Perhaps the most famous and picturesque 
example of this was Muhlenberg, " Peter the Devil ", as he was 
dubbed, who was pastor of a German church in the Shenandoah 
Valley. In January, 1776, he preached from Ecclesiastes, "A time 
of war, and a time of peace". As his sermon ended, he declared: 
" There is a time to fight, and the time is here." Removing his 
clerical gown, he appeared in a colonel's uniform ; whereupon, three 
hundred men of his congregation enlisted under him." 2 

After Concord and Lexington, the dissenting clergy in every 
section of the country took up the work of arousing the people. In 
Philadelphia, the fugitive Loyalist, Curwen, heard in the Arch 
Street Meeting-House a truly American patriotic sermon, " pathetic- 
ally lamenting the evils we are suffering from wicked and tyrannical 
ministers ; exhorting us manfully to oppose them ". G3 Silas Deane 
also listened, in a Philadelphia church, to a warm " Son of Liberty ". 
as he ardently wrote his wife, Elizabeth. M John Adams, on his 
arrival in the City of Brotherly Love, thought the clergy there 
" but now beginning to engage in politics ", but " they engage with a 
fervor that will produce wonderful effects ". Those " of every 

58 American Archives, fourth series, III. 65. 

60 Frothingham, Life and Times of Joseph Warren, p. 204. 

80 Thornton. Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 195. 

"Sabine, Loyalists, p. 51. Diary of Stiles. I. 484; some entries art: 1 . No- 
vember 17, 1774) "East Guilford 83 armed with Mr. Todd their pastor. . . . 
Haddam — 100 armed — animated by Rev. Mr. May. . . . Chatham — 100, marched 
with Rev. Mr. Boardman Pastor." The Remembrancer. I. 76 (1775I: Thornton, 
Pulpit of the Revolution, p. xxxvi ; Headley, Chaplains of the Revolution, p, 118; 
Frothingham. Life and Times of Joseph Warren, p. 404; American Archives, Bfth 
series, I, 195. 

"2 H. A. Muhlenberg, Life of Peter Muhlenberg, pp. 52-53; Bittinger, Amer- 
ican Lutheran Biographies, p. 541. Other Lutheran preachers were almost as 
fervid in their patriotism, for example, Strcit, Martin. Nussman, Butler, and 
Rabcnhorst. See Bittinger, German Religious Life. p. 129. 

«'S. Curwen, Journal, p. 27 (May 7. 1775)- 

• .1 \,:, York Historical Society Collections (1886). The Deane Papers. 1. 17. 



The Clergy and the American Revolution 57 

denomination" . . . "thunder and lighten even- Sabbath"/' 5 To 
North Carolina, we are told, the Presbyterian ministers came down 
from Pennsylvania to convert the Scotch-Irish Presbyterians of the 
back country to the Patriot cause. 60 But this was hardly necessary, 
for the Scotch-Irish Presbyterian preachers, like Charles Cummings 
and William Graham, were great admirers of Locke, whose doc- 
trines they preached, and they led their people into the revolutionary 
movement, either fighting or preaching with them during the war. 67 
In South Carolina, John Harris, Presbyterian minister at Ninety-Six, 
boldly stamped his republican ideas on his congregation, boasting 
that every man in it was a Whig. Tradition has it that he preached 
with a gun in his pulpit and a powder horn suspended about his 
neck. 08 Dr. Zubly in Georgia was so zealous in the cause that he 
was sent to the Continental Congress by his Whig constituency. 00 
These are but typical instances of the activity of the clergy, and 
might be multiplied many times from the extant records. 

Many of the sermons and pious exhortations of this critical 
period have come down to us. 7 " They preached, though more boldlv 
in this period than earlier, the liberal thinking of the Puritan 
philosophers, and against the doctrine of non-resistance. The 
people have the right, contended one, from " the sacred and in- 
alienable Charter of the Almighty to . . . alter the Government 
under which they live" if this is for the general good. "The 

65 Familiar Letters of John Adams, pp. 65, 76, 90. 

en North Carolina Colonial Records, X. 173; Jones, Defence . . . of North 
Carolina, p. 230. In Maryland, too, some were active. American Archives, 
fourth series. III. 10; McCrady, History of South Carolina. II. 456. In 1775 the 
vestries of the German Lutheran and Reformed churches of Philadelphia sent a 
pamphlet of forty pages to the Germans of New York and North Carolina urging 
them to support the cause of Congress. Mann, Life of H. M. Muhlenberg, p. 4S5. 

6" H. B. Grigsby. in Washington and Lee Historical Papers, no. 2, pp. 19. 39. 

68 McCrady, History of South Carolina, II. 454. 

69 Adams, Works, II. 421-422; Diary of Stiles, I. 545-546. Later Zubly 
seemed to go over to the Loyalist side. 

1° See especially W. D. Love, Fast and Thanksgiving Days. pp. 545 et seq. ; 
Thornton, Pulpit of the Revolution. In addition to these, the following are some 
of the best known: The Law of Liberty: a Sermon on American Affairs, preached 
at the opening of the Provincial Congress of Georgia, 1775, by John J. Zubly; 
An Oration Delivered March 15, 1775. at the request of . . . Inhabitants of 
Boston, by Dr. Thomas Bolton (Boston) ; A Sermon Preached before the Honor- 
able Congress of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay. in Hew England, by Samuel 
Langdon (Watertown, 1775); The Snare Broken I a Thanksgiving Sermon on 
Occasion of the repeal of the Stamp Act. by J. Mayhew (Boston, 1766) ; A Sermon 
Preached before the Honorable Council and the Honorable House of Representa- 
tives of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay in New England. May 20. 1776. by 
Samuel West (Boston); An Oration in Memory of General Montgomery, by 
William Smith (Philadelphia, 1776) ; A Discourse Preached December is, 1774; 
Thanksgiving Sermon, by William Gordon (Boston, 1775). 



5 8 C. H. Van Tyne 

Supreme Being", averred another, "hath left it in our power to 
choose what Government we please for our civil and religious happi- 
ness ". The nature and design of government was discussed, and it 
was affirmed that " there are no laws, where there are no repre- 
sentatives of the people for whom they are . . . made ". 71 

" Will we ", asks the Rev. William Gordon, " conform to the 
once exploded but again courtly doctrine of passive obedience and 
non-resistance, rather than hazard life and property?" This doc- 
trine of unlimited passive obedience is "contrary to natural law", 
declared Samuel West. 72 " Self-preservation ... the first law of 
nature cannot be contradicted by any social or national obligation ", 
cried another sacerdotal dogmatist. " The man who refuses to 
assert his right to liberty, property, and life, is guilty of . . . high 
treason against God." 73 The Bible was raked with a fine Calvin- 
istic comb for every quotation seeming to give divine sanction for 
resistance to Great Britain. 74 John Adams was pleased when the 
preacher, Mr. Duffield, " ran a parallel between the case of Israel 
and that of America; and between the conduct of Pharaoh and 
that of George ". 75 When Rev. Samuel Langdon preached a sermon 
full of democratic ideas from the text, " As a roaring lion and a 
ranging bear, so is a wicked ruler over the poor people ", the 
provincial congress of Massachusetts voted that a copy of the 
sermon be sent " to each minister in the colony and to each member 
of the Congress ". 

Common themes in the sermons of '75 and '76 were the necessity 
of obedience to the measures of the Continental Congress lest dis- 
union should result, 70 and the wickedness of Britain, " that with 
merciless and unhallowed hands wouldst cut down and destroy this 
branch of thine own vine ", 77 Chastellux, travelling in America, 
admired the address with which a young minister speaking " reason- 
ably enough for a preacher", introduced politics into his sermon, 
comparing " Christians redeemed by the blood of Jesus Christ, but 
still compelled to fight against the flesh and sin, to the Thirteen 
United States " fighting with England to preserve liberty and inde- 
pendence. 78 There was truth enough in the Loyalists' reports of 
sermons aiming to " animate and inflame the minds of the Rebels, 

'i American Archives, fourth series, II. 230; Thornton, Pulpit of the Revo- 
lution, p. 303. 

'2 Ibid., pp. 203, 272. 

78 American Archives, fourth series, I. 335. 

'•* Ibid., II. 140-151. 

IB Familiar tellers of John Adams, p. 173. 

"'•Thornton. Pulpit of the Revolution, pp. 231, 232. 

"Tyler, Literary History of the American Revolution, II. 287. 

'« Chastellux, travels in North America, II. 228. 



The Clergy and the American Revolution 59 

and depreciate the Britons ". T9 From the Loyalist point of view, 
such preachers were all that William Gordon's opponent, speaking 
"most invectively ", called him; "fire-brand of sedition . . . war- 
faring priest . . . Christian sower of sedition . . . church-militant 
general ", preaching " carnage and blood ". 80 

Not only were the dissenting clergy making every effort to fan 
the flames of rebellion, but some of the more astute Whig leaders 
were using religious and sectarian forces in a more or less conscious 
way to the same end. Xo one can study closely the work of Samuel 
Adams, " the Man of the Revolution ", without realizing how far 
he himself was actuated by religious prejudices, and the extent to 
which he worked upon the religious passions of others. A stern 
Calvinist, observant of religious ceremonies, he had all the Puritan 
hatred of Anglican episcopacy and Roman papacy. His natural 
affiliations were with the Puritan clergy, and he used them to the 
utmost for political purposes. It was worthy of St. Ignatius, as 
Brooks Adams says, " the way Samuel Adams used the toleration, 
granted the Canadian Catholics by the Quebec Bill, as a goad where- 
with to inflame the dying Puritan fanaticism ". Holy water and 
papal bulls were special objects of Puritan hatred, and Adams made 
his fellow-citizens fear that they were in danger of both. 

After the "Great Awakening" (1740), religious fervor had 
fallen into a decline, and there were many even in New England 
who had ceased to attend divine service. By the time of the Revo- 
lution, there were sad apostates who did not believe that infants 
unbaptized would be eternally damned, and that " beauty and 
pleasure, comfort and joy were offensive in the sight of God ", S1 yet 
Samuel Adams, and others taking their cue from him, so aroused 
the latent Puritan bigotry that pre-revolutionary literature is filled 
with denunciations of the wise act of the British government, 
recognizing the Roman Catholic religion in the province of Quebec. 82 
Even in an address to the Mohawk Indians, Adams appealed to the 
religious passions. " Brothers, — They have made a law to estab- 
lish the religion of the Pope in Canada, which lies so near you. We 
much fear some of your children may be induced, instead of wor- 
shipping the only true God, to pay his dues to images made with 

"0 American Archives, fifth series, II. 564; fourth series, V. 1275. 

so Thornton, Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 196. 

si Andrews, Colonial Period, p. 85. 

S2 American Archives, fourth series, I. 180, 184, 189, 194, 202-203, ?°4, 2°5. 
206, 212, 215-216, 218, 498-499, 513, 708-709, 777, 801, 816, 853-854, 912. 920- 
921, 959, 1104, 1146-1147, 1310, 1313. 1315, 1824-1825, 1S28, 1831, 1S36-1S37, 
1845, 1846, 1847. 



60 C. H. Van Tynt 

their own hands. " S3 Again and again the Americans were asked 
whether they would " submit to Popery and Slavery ". 

How real this danger seemed to them, we can comprehend only 
when we recall their traditional fear and hatred of the Roman 
Church and of the Catholic French in Canada. In 1745, the Puritan 
expedition against Louisburg was a crusade. On their flag was the 
motto, "Nil dcsperandum, Christo duce". One of the chaplains is 
said to have carried a hatchet to destroy images in Catholic churches, 
and one old deacon wrote: "Oh that I could be with you and dear 
parson Moody in that church, to destroy the images there set up." S4 
It was a regular colonial custom at the time of the Revolution that 
the pope and the Devil were religiously burned on Guy Fawkes Dav. 
Calvinists were ready to believe any yarn concerning Catholic deceit 
and cunning. William Livingston (1755) stoutly affirmed that the 
French persuaded the Indians that the Virgin Mary was born in 
Paris, and that our Saviour was crucified at London by the Eng- 
lish. 83 To Jeremy Belknap, the Church of Rome was " the mother 
of harlots and abominations". Samuel Adams, in 1768, "verily 
believed", that "much more is to be dreaded from the growth of 
Popery in America, than from Stamp-Acts or any other Acts de- 
structive of mens civil rights ". 8C He thought one should be very 
cautious in talking about popery before youth, lest unwittingly one 
should speak " the language of the Beast ". ST John Adams, too, 
was alarmed (1771) that "the barriers against popery, erected by 
our ancestors, are suffered to be destroyed, to the hazard even of 
the Protestant religion ". ss He was much pleased that " the rascally 
Roman Catholics " of Braintree did not dare show themselves. 
Jonathan Mayhew and Ezra Stiles, powerful ecclesiastical figures in 
New England, were both violently prejudiced against the " Romish 
church ", 89 

When we find bigotry like this in the minds of American leaders, 
we are not surprised that a favorite device on the banners carried by 

88 Writings of Samuel Adams, III. 213. 

84 U. Parsons, Life of Pepperrell (third cd.), p. 52. See Cotton Mather's 
Diary, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.. seventh series, VII. 572; VIII. 30; Barrage, Maine 
at Louisburg, pp. 17, 25, 45 ; Belknap, History of New Hampshire, p. 272: Atlantic 
Monthly. LXVII. 318, 514 (1891). 

8r ' Sedgwick, William Livingston, pp. 97-98. He spoke of the "superstitious 
rites and fantastic trumperies of popery". See also Adams, Works. II. 5. 

Hn Samuel Adams, Writings, I. 201, 203. See also Davies, Sermons. I. 21 ; 
III. 120, 146. 

s ? Samuel Adams, Writings. I. 209, 210. 

88 Adams, Works, II, 252. His antipathy toward Catholics appears repeat- 
edly. Ibid., II. 5; III. 254, <' s : X, [88. 

«» Tyler. Literary History of the American Revolution. I. 133-134! Diary of 
Shies. I. 455, 490. 



The Clergy and the American Revolution 6 1 

Puritan mobs, after the Quebec Act, was the demand " no Popery ", 00 
and that one of the motives animating the captors of Ticonderoga, 
was to secure the colonies from the incursions of the Roman 
Catholics, " those children of darkness '*. 91 Ezra Stiles was 
astonished that the king and Lords and Commons, a whole Prot- 
estant Parliament — even the bishops concurring — should establish 
the Romish Church and "Idolatry" over three-quarters of their 
empire ; 92 and he preached on " the Nature and Danger of Popery in 
this Land ". It was, thought one of Silas Deane's friends, the 
finishing stroke for the British ministry. 93 Judge Drayton, in 
South Carolina, having in mind the ministry's effort to establish the 
Roman Catholic religion, pictured " the flames which are lighted, 
blown up, and fed with blood by the Roman Catholic doctrines ; 
doctrines . . . which tend to establish a most cruel tyranny in Church 
and State — a tyranny under which all Europe groaned for many 
ages ". 94 A citizen of the county of Hampshire addressing the in- 
habitants of Massachusetts, expressed his forebodings that, "As a 
single amour induced one King to change the National Religion 
from the Roman Catholick to the Protestant, so a passion not more 
justifiable, though perhaps less personal, may influence some future 
Monarch to barter away the Protestant for the religion of the 
Canadians ". 95 

Public assemblies as well as individuals made their solemn 
protest. The New York assembly expostulated with the British 
government, and the famous Suffolk resolves deprecated the act as 
'" dangerous in extreme degree to the Protestant religion ". 9G The 
Continental Congress approved of these resolves, and took the same 
ground, as to the Catholic menace, in their addresses to the people 
•of Great Britain and to the colonies. 97 It does not matter that Con- 
gress, a few months later, when it saw the advantage of allying 
Canada with the American Union. " perceived the fate of the 
Catholic and Protestant to be strongly linked together ", 9S for the 
earlier sentiments were the real, and the later the feigned ones. 

90 American Archives, fourth series, II. 4S. 

si T/if Remembrancer, I. 119 (1775); American Archives, fourth series, III. 
637. 

" 2 Diary of Stiles, I. 455, 490. This act was connected \ 
over the American episcopate. Parliament might exercise thi 
up bishops in America. Adams, Works, X. 188. 

*3New York Hist. Soc. Coll. (1886), The Deane Papers. 

»4 American Archives, fourth series, I. 959: fifth series, 

»slbid., II. 9S (March, 1775). 

W'Ibid., I. 777, 902, 13 1 5. Cumberland County, Massachv 
ground. Ibid., p. 801. 

f> 7 John Jay, Correspondence, I. 27 ; American Archive 
^12, 920, 927. 

»8 American Archives, fourth series, I. 930; V. 411, 412 



th the controv 
same power to 


ersy 
set 


I. 1048. 




:tts, took the s 


ame 


fourth series 


; I- 



62 C. H. Van Tyne 

Even while the commissioners of Congress were soliciting the 
friendship of the people of Canada, Washington was obliged to issue 
an order to the Continental troops against the " ridiculous and 
childish custom of burning the effigy of the Pope " ' M The general 
liberalizing influences of the Revolutionary period, the French 
alliance, and the fact that many American Catholics embraced the 
Patriot cause, brought about a much more tolerant attitude in 
America toward the Roman faith, but we have dealt here with the 
effects of the prevailing intolerance at the beginning of the war. 

The Whig leaders not only made use of such religious fanaticism 
as they found suited to their purposes, but they were obliged to 
combat certain religious prejudices which were restraining men from 
open rebellion. All Episcopalians were by the rubrical formula con- 
cerning the " Most Gracious Sovereign Lord King George, and the 
Royal Family ", duly and piously impressed with the divine right of 
the king and the sanctity of his royal prerogative. 100 Many of other 
denominations, who had faith as a grain of mustard seed, were 
made slow to wrath against King George because they were worried 
over certain Scriptural passages which were dinned in their ears by 
the loyal defenders of the crown. " Thou shalt not revile the gods, 
nor curse the ruler of thy people ", was a solemn warning to many, 
as was " Curse not the king, no, not in thy thought ". They re- 
membered, too, that " the king's wrath is as the roaring of a lion ", 
and they wished rather his favor which " is as dew upon the 
grass ". The " divine right " theory of government was simple and 
easier to understand than some more democratic doctrines. " 1 am 
bound by God's law to honor the King " was the quiet faith of many 
Loyalists. 101 

We have already seen how the Puritan preachers uttered their 
holy breathings against the doctrine of submission and non-resist- 
ance, but in those early arguments the quibble was made that air 
oppressive ruler was a tyrant, and not a king. They had not met 
squarely the question of kingship as a form of government. When 
all the logic of events ( 1775— 1 7/f>) betrayed a drift toward inde- 
pendence, and actual denial of the king himself, many halted and 
drew back. The " divine right " reasoning had to be met. Jeffer- 
son in his Summary View (1774) had called the king's attention 
to the fact that he was "no more than the chief officer of the people, 
appointed by the laws ... to assist in working the great machine 

ni Sparks, Washington, III. 144. 
m« American Historical Review, IV. 277. 
* 101 American Archives, fifth scri.-s, II. 985; Tyler, Littrary History of Un- 
American Revolution, I. 323-324; Merriam, American Political Theories, p. 66;. 
American Archives, fmirlli series, II. 132; V. 839, 850. 



The Clergy and the American Revolution 63 

of government, erected for their use". There was no "divine 
right " admitted there. Samuel Langdon attacked it openly in his 
famous election sermon (1775)- "Let them", said he. "who cry 
up the divine right of kings consider that the only form of govern- 
ment which had a proper claim to a divine establishment was so far 
from including the idea of a king, that it was a high crime for 
Israel to ask to be in this respect like other nations." 102 But it was 
Thomas Paine — one at least in the odor of sanctity, for he had 
preached without taking orders — who made the most effective attack 
upon the divine-right dogma. " Government by kings was first in- 
troduced into the world by the Heathen", he wrote, "which the 
will of the Almighty . . . expressly disapproves." As to their 
hereditary descent, how absurd ! We do not attempt to establish an 
hereditary wise man, or an hereditary mathematician, or an hered- 
itary poet. A good king is a miracle, he declared, and the history 
of kings is only the history of the folly and depravity of human 
nature. Monarchy, he wrote, subtly appealing to the American 
aversion to Catholicism, is the popery of government. 103 George 
III. was a frantic potentate in breeches, a brutish tyrant. In gen- 
eral, kings were chosen because of a ruffianly pre-eminence. 
" Sceptred savage ", " royal brute ", " breathing automaton ", were 
the rhetorical missiles with which Paine broke in pieces the idol of 
the king-worshippers. 104 After Paine's sophisms, and " keen at- 
tempts upon the passions ", as John Adams found them, there was 
little recurrence to the " divine right " argument except by out-and- 
out Loyalists. 105 

We have thus far barely spoken of the opposition to all this 
pious sedition. The Episcopalian ministry did not meanwhile sit 
with bridled tongue, mute and unprotesting. But in the North they 
preached to a small minority of people, while in the South, especially 
in Virginia, they were in bad repute, and had, moreover, little influ- 
ence over their congregations, made up of a planter aristocracy 100 

102 Jefferson, Writings (Ford ed.). I. 429; Thornton, Pulpit of the Revolu- 
tion, p. 239. For contemporary attacks, see American Archives, fourth series, II. 
58; III. 1 106. Here again the latter-day Puritans had only to develop the ideas 
of their ancestors of 150 years earlier. Milton mourned that Englishmen should 
" fall back or rather creep back ... to their once abjured and detested thraldom 
of kingship ". He asked, " Where is this goodly Tower of a Commonwealth, 
which the English boasted they would build to overshadow Kings?" Masson, 
Life of Milton. V. 647. 

10s American Archives, fourth series, IV. 1544-154S. 

1114 Paine, Common Sense. See " Cato " on this subject, American Archives, 
fourth series, V. 545, 546. 

105 American Archives, fifth series, II. 939. 

108 I hope in a future study of the great sectarian conflict going on before 
and during the war, to take up this whole problem in a more satisfactory manner. 



64 C. H. Van Tyne 

which took its religion not over seriously. Besides, the Scotch- 
Irish Presbyterian preachers of the southern uplands were spreading 
in that region the same anti-monarchical doctrines as those we have 
noted, for the most part, in Xew England. 107 There were dissent- 
ing clergy, it must be admitted, who did not join with their brethren 
in teaching liberal political doctrines, or, later, in urging their flocks 
to open resistance to England, but they were in a small minority 
and had little effect in staying the tide of rebellion. 

In view of all the facts that have here been presented, I believe 
that we must hereafter give more weight to the religious factor 
among the causes of the American Revolution. After twelve years' 
study of the period, I am not convinced that the economic causes of 
which so much has been made are adequate alone to explain the 
bitterness of the controversy. In fact, the whole colonial period 
must be studied, and many conditions noted, which there is no time 
to mention here, before one may at all comprehend why the Ameri- 
can people rebelled in 1775. Among the many causes, I rate re- 
ligious bigotry, sectarian antipathy, and the influence of the 
Calvinistic clergy, which we have reviewed, as among the most im- 
portant. One may argue that after all the clergy were merely a 
part of the American people, affected by the same conditions, and 
driven in their political actions by the same motives as the members 
of their congregations, and that, therefore, their teachings merely 
reflect the general views of the times, and are not to be taken as 
causes, but I am convinced that they have deeper significance than 
that. Conflicting political ideas, and not tea or taxes, caused the 
American secession from the British empire, and the Puritan clergy 
had a large part in planting the predominant American political 
ideas which were antagonistic to those dominant in England. As 
has been said, the Americans were not only Protestants, but protes- 
tants from Protestantism itself, and from this fact, as Burke ex- 
pressed it, a fierce spirit of liberty had grown up. This spirit the 
dissenting clergy communicated to a people far more influenced by 
what they heard in the House of God than we in these degenerate 
days can comprehend. 

C. H. Van Tyne. 

10' See Grigshy's article in Washington <uul Lee Historical Papers, no. 2, pp. 



CAPTURED AND ABANDONED PROPERTY DURING 
THE CIVIL WAR 

The Civil War affords many instances of the use of extreme 
methods in crippling an enemy. On both sides the methods of con- 
ducting the war were of questionable reputableness, and this was 
true not only in unauthorized orders and in breaches of discipline, 
but in many measures which received the full sanction of govern- 
ment. The humanizing effect of modern international law has been 
nowhere more strikingly revealed than in the guarantees which have 
been introduced for the security of the lives and property of non- 
combatants, and the principle of the inviolability of private prop- 
erty on land has been thoroughly established. Yet the thoughtless 
repetition of " Marching through Georgia " is but a glorification 
over the harshness of Sherman's most famous campaign, and the 
failure of this sort of warfare to produce a sentiment of condemna- 
tion is but an evidence of callousness due to the frequency of such 
outrages. The use of explosive and poisoned bullets and chain- 
balls, the practice of bushwhacking, the confiscation of debts, the 
cruel treatment of prisoners, and the failure to exempt medicines 
from contraband restrictions are practices of the time which are 
now generally condemned, and would be avoided by civilized 
nations. 

In this category we should now place the measures by which 
each belligerent dealt with the property of its enemy. The con- 
fiscation acts of the Union government 1 providing for the judicial 
seizure of " rebel " property in federal courts formed only an in- 
effective part of a larger policy of virtual confiscation which con- 
templated the employment of an elaborate machinery for appro- 
priating the goods of the enemy. The confiscation acts involved the 
prosecution of suits in federal courts, and this was obviously im- 
possible in insurrectionary districts where no such courts were in 
operation and where peaceful judicial process was impracticable, 
even though the Union forces might be in occupation of the terri- 
tory. It was to be expected, however, that as the federal armies 
advanced they would make captures of large amounts of private 
property, especially cotton, and that there would be left in their 
train estates and miscellaneous property which had been aban- 
doned by the owners. Much of this property would necessarily be 

i American Historical Review, XVIII. 79-96. 

AM. HIBT. REV., VOL. XIX. — 5. 65 



66 /. G. Randall 

of such a nature that the military authorities could not dispose of it, 
and unless some action were taken it would be left without owner- 
ship. It was also thought desirable to encourage the capture of some 
of the staple products of the South, not for direct military use, but 
as a means of reducing the enemy's resources, and adding to the 
resources of the Union government. 

To meet this situation Congress passed, March 12, 1863, the act 
relating to " captured and abandoned property ", 2 Under this law 
the Secretary of the Treasury was to appoint special agents to 
collect property of this kind in the insurrectionary territory. The 
agents were to have nothing to do with property used for waging 
war, such as arms, ordnance, ships, etc., nor were they to have any 
authority over maritime prizes. The property thus collected was 
either to be devoted to public use on due appraisement and certifi- 
cate, or to be forwarded to some place of sale in a loyal state and 
the proceeds turned into the treasury. Provision was also made in 
the law for restoration to loyal owners after the war. 

This act of Congress was essentially an exercise of the belligerent 
right of confiscation, in a form different from that of the confisca- 
tion acts, and applying to property which the latter could not reach. 
Congress was competent, according to later decisions of the Supreme 
Court, to provide for the forfeiture of the property of all persons 
within the Confederacy, loyal as well as disloyal, on the principle 
that all inhabitants of enemy territory are enemies. 3 This how- 
ever would have been an extreme measure, and the restoration of 
the property of loyal citizens was therefore provided for, but in 
doing so Congress was renouncing a part of its strict belligerent 
rights as the Supreme Court understood them. 4 

The Treasury Department proceeded vigorously in carrying out 
the provisions of this law, 5 and soon developed an elaborate admin- 
istrative machinery for collecting and marketing captured property. 
A general agent was given charge of the whole work, under whom 

2 Statutes at Large, XII. 820. According to an opinion submitted to the 
Treasury Department by Attorney-General Speed, July 5, 1865, property hostilely 
seized by the military authorities on land was to be regarded as " captured ", 
while the term " abandoned " was held to apply to property " whose owner shall 
be voluntarily absent therefrom, and engaged either in, or otherwise aiding or 
encouraging the rebellion ". Sen. Ex. Doc. No. .?:>, 40 Cong., 2 sess. ; U. S. v. 
Padelford, 9 Wallace 531. 

s Young v. U. S., 97 U. S. 39, 60 ; U. S. v. Winchester, 99 U. S. 372 ""•. espe- 
cially 375- 

* Briggs v. U. S., 143 U. S. 346 ff., especially 356. 

& Secretary Fessenden's circular of instructions concerning commercial inter- 
course, and captured and abandoned property, July 29, 1864. The first stages of 
the work of enforcing the Captured Property Act are discussed in Finance Report, 
1S63, pp. 23-24. 



Captured Property during the Civil War 67 

was placed a large corps of " supervising agents " and " local 
agents ", who were in turn assisted by " agency aids ", and customs 
officers specially designated for this work by the Secretary of the 
Treasury. 

This army of treasury officials which was thus set upon the trail 
of captured property in the South did not find its chase a holiday 
pastime. Even though within the Union lines, they found that they 
were in the enemy's country, and that the inhabitants had either 
deserted or were hostile to the removal of property. Cases of 
personal injury to the officials were frequent enough to render the 
work highly dangerous. Marks and other evidences of the char- 
acter and ownership of the cotton were often destroyed, and cotton 
was often hauled to the woods or swamps and concealed in advance 
of the agent's arrival, or, in cases where this was impossible, it 
was frequently burned. Agents of the Confederate government 
were at the same time abroad through the South collecting cotton, 
and this complicated the work of the Union officials, while it in- 
creased the tendency to evasion on the part of private owners. 7 
Naturally much of the cotton so collected was in unfit condition, and 
needed overhauling and rebaling before being placed on the market. 
Above this difficulty, there still remained the danger of secret raids 
upon the government depots, resulting in the theft or destruction of 
the cotton, or perhaps the substitution of an inferior grade for that 
contained in the government store. Sales were required to be con- 
ducted in the loyal states, but a serious obstacle to this plan was the 
lack of sufficient means of transportation. Naturally the chief 
concern of the quartermasters in the field was the forwarding of 
supplies to the army, and they showed little zeal in co-operating with 
the treasury agents for the removal of captured property. 

6 A general description of the methods used in collecting captured property 
is to be found in Secretary McCulloch's report, November 8, 1866, House Ex. 
Doc. No. gy, 39 Cong., 2 sess. To secure unpublished material concerning the 
operations of the treasury officials, search has been made in the files of the Mis- 
cellaneous Division of the Treasury Department, where the records concerning 
captured property are deposited. Here much testimony, more or less reliable, is 
to be found in the form of affidavits, financial certificates, and official reports. 
This material is the chief source of the data upon which this article is based. 

" It is well known that considerable cotton was burned by the Confederate 
authorities to prevent it from falling into the hands of the Union government. 
Among the Confederate cotton records, in charge of the Miscellaneous Division 
of the Treasury Department, is a book containing the names of persons who had 
made claims on the Confederate treasury for cotton destroyed by their own forces, 
among whom was President Jefferson Davis, who made claim for 200 bales burned. 
The following are published documents dealing with this general subject: Report 
of A. Roane, Chief of Confederate Produce Loan Office, House Misc. Doc. No. 
igo, 44 Cong., 1 sess., p. 39 ; Report of DeBow, general Confederate cotton agent, 
ibid.; Treas. Dept. Circular, no. 4, January 9, 1900. See also account of the facts 
in Mrs. Alexander's Cotton, 2 Wallace 405. 



68 J. G. Randall 

Because of the perilous character of this work of bringing in 
property from the insurrectionary districts, the government offered 
large inducements to private individuals who would undergo the 
necessary risks. Treasury officials offered to pay twenty-five per 
cent, of the proceeds to any who would bale up and bring in cotton 
and deliver it to the agent at one of the shipping ports. This form 
of contract did not authorize purchases within the Confederate 
lines. 8 A peculiar kind of executive permit, however, was issued by- 
President Lincoln which authorized the holder, even over the protest 
of the military authorities, to pass through the lines and seize 
property in the insurrectionary districts, the licensee being allowed 
to keep three-fourths of the proceeds. 9 After Lincoln's death, 
some of the licensees were deprived of the property, and the pro- 
ceeds were put into the treasury. The Supreme Court decided that 
the President had no power to make these contracts, since they were 
in violation of the non-intercourse acts. 10 Wherever purchases 
were made beyond the lines of military occupation of the federal 
forces they were outlawed. Later, however, Congress by a special 
act came to the relief of claimants who were thus dispossessed. 

As might be expected, this system of collecting property pro- 
duced many irregularities and cases of fraud. Individuals under 
contract to collect and deliver cotton to a Union agent would often 
seize property which they had no right to touch, or would collect 
heavy bales of good quality and turn over to the government light 
bales of poor quality. Residents in some cases represented them- 
selves as agents for the Union government, and simply robbed under 
this pretended authority, not condescending to show by what right 
they made their seizures. Agents themselves blundered at times 
because of a misunderstanding of their duties, or committed out- 
rages in deliberate dishonesty. The unscrupulous agent, of course, 
had exceptional opportunities for gain. In the process of repack- 
ing, large quantities of cotton might be abstracted and disposed of at 
private sale. False reports might be submitted, concealing the true 
amount received. Immediate supervision might be evaded by the 
pretext of direct orders from Washington to dispose of the cotton 
in some other way than through the office of the next superior agent. 
In certain districts, military authorities were implicated in defraud- 
ing the government, and in such a situation lawless bands of thieves 
were encouraged while good citizens were intimidated. 

s House Ex. Doc. No. 97, 39 Cong., 2 sess., p. 3 ; U. S. v. Lane, 8 Wallace 185. 

Report of House Committee on Judiciary. House Report So. gj, 45 Con«.. 
3 sess. In the case of U. S. v. 129 Packages, 27 Fed. Cas. 284, such a permit was 
used fraudulently to ship whiskey into a Union camp. 

10 Ouachita Cotton Case, 6 Wallace 521; McKee v. U. S., 8 Wallace 163. 



Captured Property during the Civil War 69 

Considering these difficulties, the Captured Property Act was ex- 
tensively enforced. As reported officially in May, 1868; the gross 
proceeds from the sale of cotton were $29,518,041, and the gross 
proceeds from miscellaneous property $1,309,650. The net total 
derived from captured and abandoned property was $25, 257,931. 21 

It will be seen that over ninety-five per cent, of the property 
handled by the treasury agents was cotton. It is not hard to under- 
stand why this important commodity was so eagerly sought by the 
Union authorities. Being the greatest staple product of the South, 
it was regarded as their most valuable source of wealth, and was 
held to contribute so directly to the support of the Rebellion that it 
should not be regarded in the same light as ordinary private prop- 
erty. It was declared by the Supreme Court to be a proper subject 
for capture by the Union authorities during the Civil War, and not 
to be protected by the general rule of international law which con- 
demns the seizure of private property on land. 12 

The control of deserted houses and plantations was one of the 
important problems involved in the execution of the Captured Prop- 
erty Act. Property whose owner was absent in aid of the insur- 
rection was legally regarded as abandoned, and was given over to 
the jurisdiction of the Treasury Department. 13 No attempt was 
made to disturb the title to this deserted property, some of which, in 
spite of the legal definition, was understood to belong to loyal 
owners ; it was merely held under the temporary control of the 
Union officials, ready to be returned to its owners after the war in 
the event of their loyalty being proved, or to be confiscated if owned 
by a " rebel ". The property was ordinarily put in the hands of 
tenants who engaged to cultivate it, but in some cases, especially in 
towns, it was appropriated to the relief of needy applicants who 
could show both poverty and loyalty. 

The machinery for administering these abandoned estates, as 
illustrated by the case of Louisiana, 14 involved a plantation bureau 
at New Orleans, in charge of a " superintendent of plantations " 

11 Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 56, 40 Cong., 2 sess., p. 52. 

12 Mrs. Alexander's Cotton, 2 Wallace 404 ; Briggs v. U. S., 143 U. S. 346, 
357; Whitfield v. U. S., 92 U. S. 165, 170. In the last case the court declared 
that cotton was " during the late war, as much hostile property as the military 
supplies and munitions it was used to obtain ". 

13 Stat, at Large, XII. 820, sec. 1; XIII. 375, 376. 

1* The records of these transactions are deposited in the archives of the 
Treasury Department at Washington, in charge of the Miscellaneous Division. 
The following titles will indicate the nature of this unpublished material : List of 
Plantations transferred to the Treasury Department, 3d. agency, by S. B. Hola- 
bird. Col. and Chief Quartermaster, Dept. of Gulf, October 1, 1863; Plantation 
Inventories, bk. no. 74 ; Plantation Bureau Records, containing inspectors' re- 
ports, bk. no. 72. 



70 J. G. Randall 

under whom was placed a corps of agents and inspectors whose 
function it was to keep the central office in touch with the large 
number of lessees and occupants to whom the estates were leased 
or granted. The rents and proceeds derived from this period of 
temporary control were appropriated by the government, and turned 
in as a part of the captured and abandoned property " fund ". 

The disturbance of the ordinary conditions of life which is 
incidental to warfare was nowhere more in evidence than in connec- 
tion with this system of operating deserted plantations. Neglect of 
improvements, dilapidation of buildings, and deterioration due to 
inexperienced farming were everywhere apparent. The lessee's in- 
terest naturally extended only to the harvesting of the immediate 
crop, and this object was furthered in disregard of the perma- 
nent up-keep of the property. Several plantations might at times 
be under the control of one individual or firm and this led to 
the transfer and indiscriminate mixture of movable property which 
should have been localized in particular estates. The negroes, sud- 
denly shifted to a free status and to a system of lax discipline, be- 
came unruly and faithless to contract. Offers of higher wages or 
easier work would readily seduce them from one plantation to 
another and such a departure of laborers might occasion the loss of 
a whole crop. Trouble arose also because of the "hands" claiming 
the right to plant cotton or anything else in their respective patches 
regardless of the requirements of the overseer. All of these diffi- 
culties of management were enhanced by the military authorities, 
who caused constant annoyance by deporting mules without com- 
pensation, issuing full rations to idle negroes, and enrolling the 
" hands " as " contraband troops ". It sometimes happened that a 
plantation might be occupied for months as a camp or a recruiting 
station, making successful cultivation impossible. 

It is clear that this whole system, in its essential features, 
amounted to temporary confiscation. The government based its 
claim to the proceeds of " captured " property and the revenue from 
deserted property, during the period of its abandonment, upon the 
owner's disloyalty. In the measures adopted after the war, how- 
ever, the hardships caused by confiscation in its various forms were 
considerably mitigated, and this was especially true of the seizures 
made under the Captured Property Act. Seizure in these cases did 
not involve final condemnation, since the statute itself contemplated 
relief to all "loyal" claimants who would, within two years after 
the close of the war, prove their right before the Court of Claims. 
In addition, the executive policy of unconditional pardon and gen- 
eral amnesty, adopted after the war, removed finally all distinction 



Captured Property during the Civil War 7 1 

between " loyal " and " disloyal " owners, and required the restora- 
tion, so far as practicable, of all forfeited property rights. 13 

In treating the question of restorations as affecting captured and 
abandoned property certain incidental methods will be briefly ex- 
amined, and then the work of the Court of Claims will be somewhat 

is It will perhaps be in order to give at this point a brief explanation of the 
effect of pardon upon confiscated property. The first pardon proclamation of 
President Lincoln, and the first three of President Johnson, contained various 
exceptions and conditions, among which were provisions that confiscated prop- 
erty should not be returned. Finally, a proclamation of December 25, 1868, 
declared an unconditional pardon without the requirement of an oath, and without 
reservations as to forfeited property rights. So far as executive policy is con- 
cerned, however, there seems to have been no very definite programme touching 
the effect of pardon upon proceedings and judgments under the confiscation acts. 
Attorney-General Speed's first official utterance on the subject, issued in the form 
of instructions to district attorneys in May, 1865, directed the discontinuance of 
confiscation proceedings, but these orders were later revoked, and district attor- 
neys were directed to press cases forward to an early determination. In -the 
order of President Johnson regarding the re-establishment of the authority of the 
United States in Virginia after the close of the war, we find the following: "The 
Attorney-General will instruct the proper officials to libel and bring to judgment, 
confiscation, and sale property subject to confiscation, and enforce the adminis- 
tration of justice within said state." In accordance with this order, Speed di- 
rected District Attorney Chandler to see that the appropriate officials were in- 
structed to perform their duties as the President directed. (Letter Books of the 
Department of Justice, 1865 and 1866; Exec. Order, May 9, 1865, Offlc. Rec, 
third series, V. 14.) The problem was ultimately disposed of by the Supreme 
Court in a series of decisions. As regards the first confiscation act the question 
was decided in 1867 in the case of Armstrong's Foundry, 6 Wallace 766, where 
the court held that the statute regarded the owner's consent to the hostile use 
of the property as an offense of which confiscation was the penalty ; hence pardon 
would restore to the claimant that portion of the proceeds which went to the 
government, no opinion being expressed as to the informer's share. A different 
and somewhat confusing line of interpretation was followed in the case of the 
act of 1862, for here the court declared that not even universal amnesty could 
restore the lost property rights. The court argued that the second confiscation 
act was passed in exercise of belligerent rights, not for the punishment of trea- 
son, hence pardon of the traitor could not relieve him of the forfeiture. It was 
further maintained that property which had been sold to a purchaser in good 
faith and for value could not be interfered with, and that the proceeds deposited 
in the treasury were beyond the reach of judicial action, since Congress alone 
has power to reappropriate money once covered into the treasury. (Semmes v. 
U. S., 91 U. S. 2i, 27; Knote v. U. S., 95 U. S. 149.) The judicial interpretation 
of the two acts is, in fact, somewhat puzzling, and it does not appear that any 
broad underlying principles were consistently adhered to. In the case of the act 
of 1861 the whole title in fee was held to be surrendered on the ground that the 
proceeding was merely against the property, but the pardoned owner was as we 
have just seen entitled to that share of the proceeds which went to the govern- 
ment. In seizures under the act of 1862 the life interest only was forfeited, thus 
at least partly recognizing the confiscation as a penalty for a criminal offense, but 
no recovery could be secured by reason of pardon. Moreover, in the very brief 
opinion in the case of Armstrong's Foundry nothing is said about the exclusive 
right of Congress to control the appropriation of money from the treasury, 
though in the case of Knote v. United States this was made one of the chief 
grounds for refusing restoration. 



72 /. G. Randall 

more fully considered. Both during and after the war we find that 
direct methods of release were followed which disregarded, in some 
measure, the statutory jurisdiction of the Court of Claims over 
these cases. Quartermasters at times released property, secured by 
military seizure, before it had passed to the treasury officials. The 
Secretary of the Treasury, who was continually beset with appeals 
concerning erroneous seizures, exercised regularly during the war 
the judicial function of allowing releases if convinced of the good 
faith of the applicants. 10 This policy he continued for some months 
after the war, until, by an opinion of the Attorney-General, these 
cases were all referred to the Court of Claims. 

Another important agency concerned in the restoration of prop- 
erty was the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands. 
This institution was created by Congress, March 3, 1865, to provide 
protection and support for emancipated negroes, and to it control of 
confiscated, captured, and abandoned real property was entrusted. 17 
Estates which had been administered on a lease system by treasury 
agents were placed in charge of the bureau, as was also property 
seized for judicial confiscation but not actually condemned, and a 
miscellaneous class of property in the hands of military authorities 
at the close of the war. The original intention was that deserted 
lands should be allotted in small holdings to individual freedmen, 
and, in South Carolina and Georgia, some land was actually as- 
signed. In general, however, the bureau either used its land for 
colonies of freedmen, or continued the lease system in order to make 
its property productive of revenue. 

At first the bureau adopted a cautious policy regarding restora- 
tions, and declined all applications not supported by proof of past 
as well as present loyalty. By President Johnson's order in August, 
1865, however, the bureau was instructed to return the property of 
all who were included in the partial amnesty proclamations of that 
year, or who, if excluded from these proclamations, could show 
certificates of special pardon. As a result of these instructions, the 
bureau was compelled to part with the greater portion of the 
property once under its control, and the plan of allotment to freed- 
men was defeated because of the uncertainty of tenure applying to 
the bureau's holdings. A report of Commissioner Howard shows 
that the officers of the bureau restored 15,452 acres of land seized 
under the second confiscation act, 14,652 acres received as aban- 

i fi Thc actual adjudication of these claims rested, in fact, with the local 
agent; that is, he would send in the papers with his recommendation for the 
secretary's action. Report of Secretary McCulloch, Sen. Ex. Doc. S'o. a, 40 
Cong., 2 sess. 

n Stat, at Large, XIII. 507. 



Captured Property during the Civil War 73 

doned and allotted to freedmen, and 400,000 acres of abandoned 
property which had never been allotted. Thus the total restorations 
amounted to 430,104 acres. 18 

It should be remembered, however, that the restorations made 
by the Treasury Department, by the military authorities, and by the 
Freedmen's Bureau were but incidental, since the Court of Claims 
was the regularly designated tribunal for adjudicating these cases, 
and was the only agency by which the grounds of release were sub- 
jected to a strictly judicial determination. In dealing with these 
cases the Court of Claims followed, not too rigidly, the terms of the 
various statutes involved, 19 and introduced certain rules of its own 
making. The claimant was required to show that he was the owner 
of the property claimed and that he had never given aid or comfort 
to the Rebellion. The government was not to be loaded with the 
burden of proving disloyalty. Voluntary residence in an insur- 
rectionary district was taken as prima jade evidence of a rebellious 
character, and this must be rebutted by satisfactory testimony cover- 
ing the whole period of the war, and showing that no act of sym- 
pathy to the Confederate movement had been willingly performed. 

The Court of Claims thus became the tribunal for judging the 
facts as to the conduct of thousands of professed Unionists in the 
South, and its hearings assumed somewhat the character of a judg- 
ment-day proceeding, where, after the deeds of all had been laid 

is After President Johnson's order, the rules followed by the bureau in con- 
nection with these restorations were that land should not be regarded as con- 
fiscated until condemned and sold by a federal court ; that property not properly 
considered abandoned or confiscated should be surrendered to claimants ; that 
property be restored to pardoned " rebels ", and that restoration of land under 
cultivation be conditioned upon the payment by the claimant of an amount suffi- 
cient to compensate loyal refugees for their labor in working the lands. For 
the action of the Freedmen's Bureau regarding property see : General Order War 
Dept. no. no, Offic. Rec, third series, V. 51; Reports of General O. O. Howard, 
Commissioner, House Ex. Doc. No. 11, 39 Cong., 1 sess. ; House Misc. Doc. No. 78, 
38 Cong., 1 sess. ; House Ex. Doc. No. 19, 39 Cong., 1 sess. : ibid., No. 99 ; Peirce, 
The Freedmen's Bureau (University of Iowa Studies, vol. III., no. 1), pp. 21, 22, 24. 

is The following provision for the reclamation of property was included in 
the Captured and Abandoned Property Act : " Any person claiming to have been 
the owner of any such abandoned or captured property may, at any time within 
two years after the suppression of the rebellion, prefer his claim to the proceeds 
thereof in the court of claims ; and on proof to the satisfaction of said court of 
his ownership of said property, of his right to the proceeds thereof, and that he 
has never given any aid or comfort to the present rebellion, to receive the residue 
of such proceeds, after the deduction of any purchase-money which may have 
been paid, together with the expense of transportation and sale of said property, 
and any other lawful expenses attending the disposition thereof." Stat, at 
Large. XII. S20. sec. 3. By a further enactment of July 27, 1868, the remedy 
thus given was declared to be exclusive, precluding the claimant from " suit at 
common law, or any other mode of redress whatever ". Ibid., XV. 244, sec. 3. 



74 J. G. Randall 

bare, the faithful were rewarded and the rebellious turned away. 
The voluminous testimony which the court examined constitutes 
perhaps the best body of material revealing in detail the conduct of 
"loyal" Southerners, and for the historian who takes up the study 
of the Civil War loyalists it will have somewhat the same value as 
the papers of the New York Royal Commission had for the study 
of the corresponding topic in the Revolutionary War. 20 

Men and women of Union sympathies, as this testimony shows, 
were scattered in considerable number throughout the South. Sur- 
rounded as they were by a repressing and persecuting majority, they 
naturally found it difficult to express their loyalty in any active, 
organized form. They had to be content, therefore, with a negative 
attitude, a sort of " passive resistance ", refusing to take any volun- 
tary measures against the government at Washington, and perform- 
ing individual acts of friendship to the Union cause. We find them 
resisting the Confederate draft, carrying provisions and medicine 
to the Union soldiers, contributing funds for helping the "blue- 
coats ", attending the boys in the hospitals, and in other equally 
mild ways promoting the Union cause. 

This " loyalty ", which meant simply treason from the standpoint 
of Southern communities and neighborhoods, naturally incurred 
local persecution, and the Unionist of the South moved constantly 
in an atmosphere of scorn and prejudice, and was continually dis- 
turbed by threats of personal violence. Furthermore, he was often 
compelled against his will to give some support to the Southern 
cause. It was an exceptional Unionist indeed who was not pressed 
into the conscript lines, or compelled to subscribe to a Confederate 
loan, or forced to labor on entrenchments, and in addition to all 
this he must of course pay taxes into the " rebel" treasury, however 
loud might be his protest. Children even caught up the national 
feud, and the refusal of one daring youth to give up the Stars and 
Stripes for the neighbor boys to spit upon resulted in a severe 
laceration, and later in a fatal blow from a brickbat. 

In conducting these suits, the Court of Claims found its docket 
well crowded. The total amount paid out in judgments in such 
cases up to February 4, 1888, was reported as $9,864,300.75. =1 
When we remember that the sums involved in each case were usuallv 
small, and that these figures represent only the claims which were 

20 Testimony of the sort here referred to may be found in the following 
published reports of cases, Court of Claims Reports, III. 119, 177, 218, 240, 390; 
IV. 337; V. 412, 586, 706. 

21 Treas. Deft. Circular, no. 4. January 9, 1000. For a list of judgment's ren- 
dered between March, 1863, and March, 1867, see, House Misc. Doc. A'o. 50. 40 
Cong., 1 scss., pp. 2-9. 



Captured Property during- the Civil War 75 

allowed, we can form an idea of the vast amount of this litigation 
which the court handled. 

The most critical point of law touching these claims related to 
the effect of the pardon and amnesty action of the President upon 
the rights of claimants for property seized during the war. Were 
disloyal owners permanently divested of their property by that pro- 
viso of the Captured Property Act which required proof that the 
owner had " never given any aid or comfort to the present re- 
bellion ", or could the consequences of disloyalty be avoided by the 
President's proclamation of pardon and amnesty, and the owner's 
acceptance of the oath of allegiance? This question was presented 
in the case of United States v. Klein, appealed from the Court of 
Claims to the Supreme Court. 22 The most liberal view of the case 
was sustained by the latter tribunal. In substance the opinion was 
that Congress had intended to restore property not only to loyal 
owners, but to those who had been hostile and should later become 
loyal, that after the proclamation of general amnesty the restora- 
tion of property to all bona fide owners claiming under the Cap- 
tured Property Act became the duty of the government, and that 
such restoration became the "absolute right of the persons par- 
doned ", the government having constituted itself the trustee, not 
only for claimants protected by the original act, but for all who 
might later be recognized as entitled to their property. " ' Pardon 
and restoration of political rights ' ", declared the court, " were in 
return for the oath and its fulfillment. To refuse it would be a 
breach of faith not less 'cruel and astounding' than to abandon the 
freed people whom the Executive had promised to maintain in their 
freedom." 

After this decision of the Supreme Court, therefore, all claimants 
who had been dispossessed through the operation of the Captured 
Property Act were, regardless of loyalty, entitled to restoration. 
There was, however, another proviso in the original act which more 
seriously affected the claimants' prospects of recovery. The suits 
must, according to the law, be brought within two years " after the 
suppression of the rebellion ". The claim, for instance, in the case 
of United States v. Anderson was preferred June 5, 1868. 23 Could 
this be construed as having been presented within the prescribed 
limit? Here the court was called upon to fix the exact date when, 
in the strict legal sense, the Rebellion ceased. Again a liberal con- 
struction was adopted. The court held that Congress could not be 

2213 Wallace 128, 142. The decision in U. S. v. Padelford, 9 Wallace 531, 
is similar. 

23 9 Wallace 56. 



7 6 J. G. Randall 

supposed to have left possible claimants to decide this matter for 
themselves, and that, in lieu of a formal treaty of peace, which in the 
case of a foreign war serves to mark the exact point at which the 
legal relations peculiar to war cease, there must be some public act 
or legislation which will serve to fix definitely such a point. The 
date of President Johnson's proclamation, August 20, 1866, in 
which for the first time the entire suppression of the Rebellion 
throughout the country was declared, was taken by the court as 
marking the legal termination of the war. It was pointed out that 
on March 2, 1867, Congress, referring to an act of June 20, 1864, 
regarding the pay of non-commissioned officers and privates, had 
continued the act in force for three years " from and after the close 
of the rebellion, as announced by the proclamation of the President, 
August 20, 1866". This date had therefore been declared by the 
executive and legislative departments to be the termination of the 
Rebellion, and the court declared that it must therefore be so applied 
with reference to the rights intended to be secured by the Captured 
Property Act. 

Unfortunately for the claimants, the decision in the Klein case 
did not come until 1869, after the period had expired during which, 
according to the declaration of the Supreme Court in the Anderson 
case, the recovery of property was possible. It thus appeared that 
there were many claimants to whom, as a matter of equity, Congress 
owed relief, while at the same time it was alleged that a consider- 
able sum, variously reported but supposed to be well over ten million 
dollars, remained as a part of the captured property or cotton 
" fund " after the necessary deductions were made. For this reason 
agitation was begun to secure relief for those claimants who, under 
the very natural misapprehension that they would be required to 
prove loyalty, had allowed the two years' limitation to lapse without 
taking advantage of their right to plead before the Court of Claims. 
Various bills to revive in favor of such claimants the right of action 
before the Court of Claims have been presented to Congress, and 
the House Committee on the Judiciary has at various times re- 
ported favorably on such legislation, but no action has yet been 
taken. 21 Meanwhile curious suggestions have been made regard- 
ing the disposition of this " fund ", such as dividing it among the 
states or devoting it to the relief of ex-Confederate soldiers, but 
these proposals, like the proposed bills and committee reports, have 
been lost in the general oblivion of the Congressional calendar. 

"* Cong. Globe, 52 Cong., 1 sess., House Bills 1 7.1, 455, .';(>4. 5451 ; ibid., vol. 
28, House Bill 7618; House Report No. 646, 50 Cong., 1 sess.; ibid., Ho. 784, 51 
Cong., 1 sess.; ibid., Xo. /.,',-". 52 Cong., 1 sess. 



Captured Property during the Civil War 7 7 

In general the various reports and proposals presented on this 
complicated subject are inconsistent. The number of claimants 
whose right of action was debarred has doubtless been greatly ex- 
aggerated, while a careful analysis shows that the figures and as- 
sertions regarding the so-called " fund " in the treasury are mislead- 
ing. In the report of the House Committee on the Judiciary, sub- 
mitted to the first session of the Fifty-Second Congress, we find a 
statistical exhibit which shows $31,722,466.20 as the " whole amount 
of abandoned and captured property sales ", and after the deduction 
of such items as cost of collecting, amounts transferred or released, 
or amounts paid out of the "fund" on judgments or special acts 
of release, a balance of $10,512,007.96 is shown as the amount re- 
maining from the captured property " fund ". 25 

By reference, however, to the report of the Register of the 
Treasury, February 4, 1888, it appears that the net receipts from 
captured and abandoned property were $26,887,584.39. Not all of 
this, however, was secured from the sale of privately owned cotton. 26 
A sum exceeding six million dollars included under this heading 
was derived from the purchase of cotton by the treasury officials, 
the cotton later being sold for gold, thus involving a double profit 
owing to the premium on gold. Receipts from miscellaneous prop- 
erty, from rents, and from the sale of captured vessels were also 
classed in this same fund. A deduction of these various items leaves 
$15,880,664.19, as the receipts from the sale of individual cotton. 

One very important item in this last total, however, was a sum 
amounting to $4,886,671 received from the sale of cotton captured 
after June 30, 1865, nearly all of which was Confederate, not 
private, cotton. To understand the nature of this item it must be 
explained that seizures under the Captured and Abandoned Property 
Act did not cease at the close of the war. Besides the collection of 
private property the treasury officials had been constantly active in 
seizing the property of the Confederate government. 27 Much of 
this property was in the hands of private holders scattered through- 
out the insurrectionary states, and the treasury agents continued 
their collections of this sort of property during 1865. After the 
spring of 1865 the seizures of the Treasury Department were 
chiefly confined to property which had been sold to the Confederate 
government, or to one of the Confederate states, or subscribed to the 
"produce loan" of the Confederacy, or delivered as military sup- 
plies to the Confederate army. 

In collecting this property of the Confederate government, much 

25 House Report No. 1377, 5 2 Cong., i sess., p. 2. 

26 Treas. Dept. Circular, no. 4, January 9, 1900. 
-1 House Ex. Doc. No. 97, 39 Cong., 2 sess. 



78 / G. Randall 

difficulty was experienced in avoiding the seizure of purely private 
property. Agents would often take cotton held in private posses- 
sion on suspicion that it belonged to the Confederate States. If 
mistakes were discovered, the property was usually released to the 
owner at once without requiring proofs of loyalty. Sometimes 
rather loose methods were used in the collection of " C. S. cotton" 
after the war. Mr. X would come to the agent and say, " I know 
where some C. S. cotton is ", and the agent would engage to give 
him a portion if he would bring it in. X would then get any cotton 
he could lay his hands on and deliver it over to the agent. 28 In 
this and similar ways, there was indiscriminate seizure of private 
property with that which had belonged to the Confederacy, but on 
the whole considerable caution seems to have been exercised by the 
Treasury Department. 29 To aid them in avoiding erroneous seizure 
of private cotton, agents had access to lists which had been kept by 
" rebel " cotton agents showing where and in whose possession C. S. 
A. cotton was to be found. Another valuable source of evidence 
was to be had in the county tax lists from which all public (Con- 
federate) cotton was excluded as not subject to taxation, and on 
which none but private cotton was entered. 30 

If now we recur to the above-mentioned fifteen millions actually 
received from individual cotton, and deduct the various disburse- 
ments which must be charged against this sum, such as expenses, 
amounts allowed by the Secretary of the Treasury on claims, 
amounts paid on judgments of the Court of Claims, or allowed by 
private acts of Congress, there remains a balance of $4,992,349.92. 31 
This amount, it will be noticed, is substantially equal to the proceeds 
of the sale of cotton which belonged to the Confederacy. Hence it 
is maintained by the Treasury Department that no such " fund " as 
that mentioned in the House Committee's report exists, and that the 
balance now in the treasury represents not the value of cotton due to 
individuals whose claims have been debarred, but the amount re- 
ceived from Confederate cotton which the United States is under no 
just' or equitable obligation to return. 

=s In some instances of this sort as much as 75 per cent, of the proceeds was 
to be paid to the person undertaking the risk of collecting the cotton. The records 
of B. F. Flanders, supervising special agent of the Treasury Department at New 
Orleans, contain numerous such instances. These records are filed with the 
Miscellaneous Division of the Treasury Department. 

29 In Secretary McCulloch's printed circular of instructions, October 20, 1865, 
agents were warned to use great care in collecting property belonging to the Con- 
federate government, or subscribed to the produce loan, " to the end that the 
rights of individuals be not interfered with, or the property of unoffending per- 
sons taken from them ". 

••"•Affidavit of William A. McCann, December 12, 1865, Cotton and Captured 
Property Record, no. 4027. Files of the Treasury Department. 

31 Trcas. Deft. Circular, no. 4, January o, 1000. 



Captured Property during the Civil War yq 

These war claims are still being constantly urged. When pre- 
sented directly to the Court of Claims they are declared outlawed 
by the two-year limitation. If they appear in the form of private 
petitions to Congress for equitable relief, they are ultimately re- 
ferred to the Treasury Department for recommendation, and the de- 
partment maintains a set of clerks whose whole time is given to 
examining the genuineness of such claims. In this rather unsatis- 
factory shape the question rests to-day, with an exaggerated im- 
pression abroad as to the number of owners dispossessed, and with 
a misapprehension, even on the part of Congressmen, as to the exist- 
ence of a " fund " for their relief. 

James G. Randall. 



THE POSITION OF AMERICAN ECONOMIC HISTORY 

The aim of this paper is first to show what ought to be the 
scope and purpose of economic history if it is to be pursued as a 
separate subject of study and then to note what progress has been 
made in that direction in American history. It will be convenient 
to begin by calling attention to the changes which have in recent 
years taken place in the attitude of our historians and economists 
toward this subject. No one who attended the meeting of the 
American Historical Association in Boston last winter could fail to 
be impressed by the interest which its members manifested in the 
economic side of history. Professor Turner in his presidential ad- 
dress two years ago called attention to its importance to all students 
of American history and there seemed now to be a pretty general 
response to his words. In striking contrast to this interest among 
historians was the lack of it among the members of the Economic 
Association. Topics in economic history found no place upon their 
programme. Their meetings were devoted entirely to the discussion 
of current problems and no one showed the slightest disposition to 
approach those problems from an historical point of view or to look 
to history for any light upon them. It was significant also that the 
project of the economic department of the Carnegie Institution for 
a co-operative economic history of the United States received no 
attention whatever. No inquiries were heard and no information 
was given to the association concerning its progress. This differ- 
ence in the attitude of the two associations is. I believe, typical of 
the attitude of historians and economists generally in this country. 

If now we turn back a period of twenty years we shall find a 
situation in one respect exactly the reverse of the present one. 
Interest in economic history was at that time scarcely less marked 
than it is to-day, but historians had very little share in it. It was 
to be found chiefly among economists and was the result of the 
influence among them of the so-called historical school. This in- 
fluence became strong in this country during the eighties and 
culminated in the establishment of professorships of economic his- 
tory in the departments of economics in the leading universities. 
Harvard established the first of them in 1891 and other institutions 
soon after followed her lead. Economic history was everywhere 
expected to play an important part in that reconstruction of eco- 
nomic science which was then going on. Since that period there 
(80) 



American Economic History 81 

has come about the radical change to which we have referred. 
Interest in economic history among economists has steadily de- 
clined, while among historians it has as steadily increased. What 
are the influences which have produced these changes? An ex- 
amination of them will do much to reveal the real nature of the 
subject and the reasons for its development. 

The disposition of economists to regard economic history as of 
less consequence to their science is undoubtedly due to the declin- 
ing influence of the historical school among them. As a separate 
branch of study economic history owes its existence to that school. 
Its early development was a part of the reaction against the classical 
political economy, for which that school stood. According to views 
of the historical school the science of economics ought to be made less 
abstract and deductive. It ought to take into account more of the 
concrete facts of economic life; and its laws and principles, if 
indeed there were to be any, ought to be derived from a wide survey 
of these facts by a process of induction. This, however, was not 
the chief criticism. Economic science should be dynamic rather 
than static. It ought to make proper allowance for change and 
development in economic life. No general truths concerning the 
production and distribution of wealth should be laid down inde- 
pendent of time and place. Everything must be relative to the 
particular stage of development which each country has reached 
at a given time ; and the most important matters to consider are the 
forces which cause the changes. Economic science ought to be 
primarily a theory of development and not merely an explanation of 
the way in which human beings produce wealth and share it as 
income under a given set of social conditions. The great corrective 
to the old political economy and the chief means of building up the 
new was to be the thorough study of the economic life of the past. 

Without attempting here any criticism of these views it will not 
be going too far to assert that they have ceased to have any con- 
siderable influence upon the development of economic science, and 
that their advocates have failed completely to reconstruct it to fit 
these ideas. Economic theory has indeed been pretty thoroughly 
overhauled and transformed during the last generation, but it has 
not become primarily a theory of development. Through all the 
transforming influences it has remained in that respect exactly what 
it was under the classical school — a body of generalizations con- 
cerning the way in which wealth is produced and distributed as 
income under a given- set of social conditions; these conditions are 
what have come to exist in practically all civilized countries since 
the Industrial Revolution. Economic laws or principles as they are 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 6. 



82 G. S. Callender 

now formulated relate to these conditions and to no others. 
Economists are not chiefly interested in inquiring how these condi- 
tions came to exist nor in discovering the forces which may be at 
work to fundamentally change them in the future, though owing 
to the influence of the socialists they do not entirely ignore this phase 
of the subject. As to the process by which wealth was produced 
and distributed in society before it assumed this modern form, it is 
safe to say that economists as such are not interested in that at all. 
Nor can the science of economics be said to be any less abstract and 
deductive than it used to be. The old political economy was built 
up from a few general truths concerning wealth, capital, human 
nature, and the physical world, which were derived from observa- 
tion of contemporaneous conditions. The new economics of our 
day is the product of precisely the same method. The leading prin- 
ciples are not drawn from any wide survey of economic conditions 
in the past, but are obtained directly from the observation and 
analysis of what goes on about us in the business world. So far 
as history furnishes any of the facts upon which they are based 
it is very recent history — what may be called contemporary history. 
The chief economic writers of our day are as innocent of any 
thorough knowledge of history in the broad sense as ever were 
Ricardo and his followers. Moreover not a few of them show even 
less familiarity with the concrete facts of the economic life of their 
own time and quite as great a liking for abstract treatment of the 
subject. 

I do not mean to hold that the historical movement among 
economists has been entirely fruitless. It has certainly done much 
to reveal the economic life of the past, and that, as we shall see 
presently, is a service of great value to students of social evolution ; 
but so far as economic science is concerned it has had no important 
results. The body of economic history which has been produced by 
it stands in no vital relation to the principles of the science. It is 
useful and convenient as a means of illustrating some of those prin- 
ciples and to some slight extent in testing them ; but it has not in a 
single instance been the means of their discovery and establishment. 
Its chief value to the economist is that it familiarizes him with insti- 
tutions and helps him to realize the organic nature of society. 
Economic history stands in about the same relation to the science of 
economics in which political and constitutional history stand to the 
new science of modern government. In the last twenty-five years 
such a science has been created. It attempts to describe and explain 
the working of popular government in the leading civilized countries 
in the same way in which the science of economics attempts to 



American Economic History 83 

describe and explain the economic organization of those countries. 
It is more complex than economics because modern countries differ 
much more in their political than in their economic organization, and 
the science of government has to take these differences into account. 
But like economics it is based upon contemporaneous conditions and 
deals with institutions which in their present form have existed but 
a short time. Xeither science owes much that is essential to the 
study of history. 

The reason for this situation is not difficult to discover. In 
the case of economics it is due to two circumstances. In the first 
place it is practically impossible to gain a sufficiently detailed and 
accurate knowledge of the economic life of people a century or more 
ago to make their experience of any value in solving present prob- 
lems. Men have never been accustomed to write very fully about 
their business affairs for publication, and such records of private 
business transactions as have come down to us even in American 
history are extremely meagre. This difficulty is not encountered to 
the same extent in political history, where public records and the 
writings of public men supply most of the information that is 
required. The second circumstance is however far more important. 
It is the fact that the Industrial Revolution has so changed economic 
life that even if we were able to gain sufficient knowledge of past 
conditions they would be of little use in helping to explain the 
present. Power-driven machinery, modern methods of transporta- 
tion and communication, the resulting territorial division of labor 
with the use of large capital, and the appearance of the captain of 
industry, have created a new world so far as the production of 
wealth is concerned, and one which has only a very remote re- 
semblance to what existed a hundred years ago. In this respect the 
science of government is in much the same situation. The coming 
of democracy represents quite as great a break in political life as 
the Industrial Revolution caused in economic life. In both cases 
history has been made a thing of minor value in explaining con- 
temporaneous affairs. It is interesting to know how the political 
and economic institutions of the present time have come to be what 
they are, but such knowledge is by no means essential to an under- 
standing of their working. It is equally futile to seek light upon the 
present problem of the protective tariff from the history of the mer- 
cantile system of the eighteenth century and to expect to learn any- 
thing about the working of modern democratic government from a 
study of the French monarchy and the English aristocracy of that 
same period. 

Turn now to the historians and consider the influences which 



84 G. S. Cullender 

have acted to arouse their interest in the economic side of their 
subject. American historians, like those of other countries, have 
been concerned primarily with politics, but they have always given 
considerable attention to economic affairs because American politics 
have turned so largely upon economic questions that no one could 
hope to understand and explain them without studying those ques- 
tions. Moreover in a democracy, where the action of government 
is determined by the feelings and sentiments of the people, general 
economic conditions must profoundly influence political action. 
Some very good economic history is therefore to be found in the 
pages of our older historians like Ramsay and Hildreth. During 
the last fifty years, however, this connection between politics and 
economics in this country has become much closer. The character 
of the economic questions with which our government has had to 
deal has changed. Before the Civil War they related almost entirely 
to production. Should the powers of the government be used to aid 
production by levying protective duties, by establishing a national 
bank, by adopting some kind of policy of internal improvement? 
It was possible in all such cases to take a laissez-faire position and 
oppose government interference on the ground that private enter- 
prise, stimulated and controlled by competition, would produce 
better results. There was always a strong party among the people 
who held this position and in most matters it was strong enough to 
determine the policy adopted. The economic questions which came 
to the front after the war were of a different kind. They related 
to the distribution of wealth rather than to its production. Com- 
petition as an automatic regulator of economic life was breaking 
down at many points. Among the laboring class it was causing 
long hours, low wages, and the employment of women and children. 
In the railroad industry it was forcing many companies into bank- 
ruptcy and compelling all to discriminate in their charges, or to 
form pools to control rates. In many manufacturing industries it 
was giving rise to trusts and combines. In the growing cities an 
entire group of so-called public service industries, like water-supply, 
gas-supply, and street-railways, was springing up in which the 
operation of competition was obviously impossible. In all these 
matters the problem was, how to protect one class from another and 
the general public from the rapacity of individuals. There was no 
possibility of a laissez-faire position. Competition could no longer 
be relied upon to enable each person to secure his fair share of the 
product of industry, and there was nothing left but government 
interference in some form or other. It has come now to be recog- 
nized on every hand that the great problem of democratic govern- 



American Eco?iomic History 85 

ment is, how to deal with these economic questions of distribution. 
Under such conditions it was obviously impossible to deal with 
politics without a thorough understanding of economic conditions, 
and our historians have been greatly influenced in recent years by 
this situation. 

The effect of a similar situation in the world at large may be 
discerned. It is a familiar doctrine that every generation has to 
rewrite history from its own point of view. The historian's work is 
not simply to find out and record what has happened in the past. 
He must also select for treatment the events which are significant 
and important, and this work is no less essential than that of finding 
out the facts and explaining them. In it he is bound to be influ- 
enced by the spirit of his age — by the subjects which interest his 
generation and stir their thought and feeling. The middle portion 
of the nineteenth century furnishes a good example of this. After 
the Napoleonic wars, for fifty years or more, the people of all 
western Europe were engaged in the work of remodelling or entirely 
reconstructing their political institutions. The problems which 
touched them most closely and called loudest for solution were to 
be found in this field. Public men and all thoughtful people were 
eager to learn all that could be known about the political institutions 
of the past and the course of their development. Historians now 
began to give special attention to this aspect of the past and to write 
constitutional history. As a separate branch of historical study it 
had not existed before this time. The first book in English with 
such a title was Hallam's Constitutional History of England, pub- 
lished in 1827. The rapid development of constitutional history 
from about 1830 to 1880 was due to the historian's response to the 
spirit and needs of the time. During the last quarter of the cen- 
tury the situation changed. After the Franco-Prussian War the 
work of political reconstruction was nearly finished. The economic 
problems to which I have referred now came to the front in all 
progressive countries and absorbed more and more the attention of 
their people. It was inevitable that historians should be affected 
by this situation in exactly the same way as they had been by the 
earlier one. They began now to give more attention to economic 
affairs, and while they produced few special works on economic 
history much more space was given to economic matters in the 
general histories that were written. The tendency showed itself in 
such titles as Green's History of the English People and McMaster's 
History of the People of the United States. 

There is still another factor which has had perhaps more influ- 
ence than anything else in determining the attitude of historians. It 



86 G. S. Callender 

is the new conception of what history is, which they are gradually 
coming to hold. Freeman's idea that history is past politics, and 
the more modern notion of Seeley that it is the record of state- 
building, are being slowly relinquished in theory at least, although 
they still continue to determine the character of nearly all the 
general histories that are written. In their place has come a broader 
conception. It is not difficult to make out in general what this is, 
though as yet it has not been very definitely formulated. Prob- 
ably the best way to describe it in a phrase is to call it the socio- 
logical view of history. As a rule historians will object to this term. 
It does not seem possible to them that any body of theory composed 
so largely of somewhat loose generalizations as sociology, can Vave 
anything in common with careful scientific history. Even more 
than the economist, the sociologist seems to them prone to play fast 
and loose with facts. He is an utter stranger to the chastening 
influence of " source materials ". He rarely uses any documents 
except perhaps "human documents". Nevertheless it is to soci- 
ology that the new conception of history is most akin and it is with 
the sociologist that the historian is coming to have most in common. 
In spite of the great difference between them in the methods and 
materials used, and in the character of the results attained, their 
aims are to a large extent identical. The sociologist is seeking to 
discover the process by which society or civilization in all countries 
has evolved from the lowest types to the highest. What the his- 
torian now tries to do is to tell the story of the social development 
or evolution of one country or group of countries so far as this can 
be made out from the records of the past. It is no longer the polit- 
ical activity of a people and the development of their political in- 
stitutions that is the centre of his thought. It is the development 
of the whole social fabric that he seeks to depict. It is this that 
gives unity and continuity to his subject and is coming to furnish a 
substitute for that political chronology which has so long provided 
the framework for all historical narrative. Thus the conception of 
society as an organism developing like other organisms under the 
influence of environment, which is the chief contribution that 
sociology has made to modern thought, is coming to affect funda- 
mentally the historian's conception of his work. The failure of 
historians to recognize this kinship with sociology is matched by the 
indifference of sociologists to history. They are so preoccupied with 
primitive man that the course of social evolution among the great 
historical races is neglected. The institutions of the " Todas and 
the peaceful Arifuras" continue to receive more attention at their 
hands than the German kingship, the village communities of 



American Economic History 8/ 

medieval Europe, or the feudal system. Few students of sociology 
in our universities are ever advised to take such an admirable 
sociological course as the early constitutional history of England. 

It is easy to see how this new conception of history increases the 
historian's interest in economic affairs. It puts a premium on those 
matters which touch most closely the life of the masses of the people 
and so contribute most to determine the course of social evolution. 
It is not necessary to adopt Marx's view that all social structure is' 
determined by economic life and all social development caused by 
economic changes ; it is sufficient to recognize that here are to be 
found some of the great forces that have moulded institutions. 
How to make a living and what things affect their ability to do so 
have been the principal objects of interest to most people at all times 
in the history of the world. If history is to tell the story of the 
social evolution of nations it must give a great deal of attention to 
that part of human activity. 

All these influences have combined to give to economic affairs 
that prominence in historical writing which they are now coming to 
occupy and interest in the subject on the part of historians bids fair 
to continue to increase rather than to decline. 

We are now in a position to take up the question of what economic 
history ought to include if it is to be developed as a separate sub- 
ject of study. From what has been said above concerning its rela- 
tion to other subjects it may be assumed that its value will be chiefly 
for historians and sociologists rather than economists. Accepting 
this view, what ought to be its aim and what kind of economic 
history do we need most to have written? We may answer at once 
that the aim should not be to turn out works on the general history 
of countries written from an economic point of view. Whatever 
need there may be for the rewriting of history in order to give to 
economic influences their proper weight in social and political de- 
velopment, that work may be safely left to the general historian. 
There is no reason why a body of specialists should be trained to 
do it ; and certainly there is no occasion for economists to turn their 
attention to the writing of history in order to secure that end. His- 
torians, in this country at least, are in no danger at the present time 
of neglecting the economic factor in history. They seem disposed 
to provide all the " economic interpretation " that is likely to be 
required. 

What is needed in the way of special work is something which 
can be separated quite definitely from the proper work of the his- 
torian, something which he can use to great advantage but which 
he cannot well provide for himself. There is need for a descrip- 



88 G. S. Callender 

tion and explanation of the economic life of each country during 
the course of its history. The process by which wealth is produced 
and distributed among individuals in a civilized community is a 
very complex affair, especially where division of labor has made 
any considerable progress. It involves the interest of every in- 
dividual, for no one can live to himself in such a community. It is 
affected by a great variety of circumstances which differ much in 
different countries and in the same country at different stages of 
its development. The special task of the economic historian ought 
to be to analyze this all-embracing process as it has existed in each 
country at different times, and to explain it. His subject ought to 
be the wealth of nations in the literal sense of that phrase. He 
ought to make clear what factors have determined the ability of 
each nation to produce wealth at any particular time and what 
ones have influenced its distribution ; and he should also reveal 
the forces which have acted to change economic conditions from 
time to time, producing economic progress or economic decline. 

This is by no means a simple or easy thing to do. It involves 
much more than merely finding out the facts concerning the in- 
dustries carried on by a people, the nature and volume of a country's 
trade, the various economic institutions which have existed in it, 
like the currency, the transportation system, land tenure, taxation, 
and the organization of labor and capital, together with the policy of 
the government in regard to these matters. All these facts and 
many more must be had, and it is difficult enough to ascertain them. 
But this work is not different from the ordinary work of the his- 
torian and requires no special training. What is far more difficult 
is the explanation of these facts. It is possible to know them with- 
out perceiving their significance and it is here that the chief diffi- 
culties of economic history are encountered. Economic conditions 
are all related. They are never isolated. They fit together to form 
that elaborate mechanism which creates and distributes the wealth 
of a nation. The important thing to determine concerning every 
event or fact is its relation to this process as a whole. It is not 
enough to know that New England had a large trade with the West 
Indies in certain commodities during the eighteenth century. The 
important thing is to understand just how that trade affected the 
ability of the community as a whole to satisfy its wants, and thus 
to be able to judge what the hampering of this trade or its inter- 
ruption really meant to the people of New England. It is not suffi- 
cient to trace the growth of slavery in the Southern States and to 
show that it followed the invention of the cotton gin and the spread 
of cotton culture. What we want to know is why the introduction 



American Economic History 89 

of cotton culture into this country should have produced such a 
result; and above all to know how the growth of slaver)- affected 
the ability of the country as a whole to produce wealth — not only the 
ability of communities where slavery existed, but that of the rest of 
the country as well, for it is not alone in the field of politics that 
slavery influenced the life of the nation; it had a national economic 
influence quite as important as the political. In all such subjects as 
these it is necessary to view a wide range of facts in their relations 
to each other and to ascertain the effect of each event upon the 
national economy. 

In order to exhibit more concretely the nature and importance of 
the sort of work I am seeking to describe it will be worth while to 
consider an example of it in more detail. One of the striking 
features of the economic development of this country during the 
first half of the nineteenth century was the rise of internal trade. 
While such trade had existed to some extent even in colonial times, 
its amount was too small to be of much importance down to as 
late a date as 181 5. The New Englanders carried a little fish and 
a few manufactures like shoes, tinware, and wooden clocks to the 
Middle States and the South and brought back a little grain and in 
later years a little cotton. They also did some carrying of southern 
staples to Europe. The merchants of the seaboard cities sent a few 
articles of necessity and luxury to the back country and the Ohio 
valley, and a few herds of cattle were driven eastward from these 
regions to the seaboard, and a little produce sent down the Ohio 
and Mississippi to New Orleans. But the value of all this trade 
was, I repeat, insignificant before 1815. As an element in the 
economic life of the average person it played no important part. 
During the forty-five years from 1815 to i860 these small rivulets 
of internal trade swelled into a great volume which at the latter date 
equalled in value, if it did not exceed, the foreign commerce of 
the country. 

It is extremely difficult to find out the facts concerning the 
growth of this internal trade. There are no statistics, however im- 
perfect, by which to measure its volume and value. There are only 
indications of its growth more or less indefinite. Perhaps the best 
of these are the statistics of steamboat tonnage on the rivers and of 
sail and steam tonnage on the lakes and in the coasting service. In 
addition to these it is necessary to study the growth of commercial 
towns and cities in the various localities and collect scraps of in- 
formation concerning their trade from such sources as gazetteers, 
newspapers, and the writings of travellers; and finally in the latter 
part of the period to follow the building of railroads and study the 



90 G. S. Cullender 

traffic of the principal trunk lines. In this way by diligent research 
it is possible to trace out the chief currents of the trade, to ascertain 
what commodities composed it, and to form a very rough guess of 
their value. There is nothing in all this different from the ordinary 
work of the historian except that the material is more fragmentary 
and incomplete than on most other subjects and requires to be pieced 
together with great care. But when this has been done and a fairly 
trustworthy result obtained, what does it all amount to? Is the 
development of this trade an important event or not? It certainly 
had no obvious, striking consequence, such as the rise of a slave 
power or the advent of a radical frontier democracy in our politics. 
Nor can its importance be inferred from its value alone. What 
then is its significance if it has any? It is only possible to answer 
that question by taking into consideration the economic life of the 
country as a whole and seeing exactly what change this trade 
brought about in the national economy. 

From an economic point of view American society in 1815 can 
best be described as made up for the most part of small rural com- 
munities scattered over an immense area and having little com- 
mercial intercourse with each other or with the outside world. The 
only part of the country where this was not the case was a narrow 
strip of territory along the seaboard. The communities near tide- 
water and on or near navigable streams in this strip could and did 
carry on a small commerce with each other and a large commerce 
with foreign countries. But everywhere else the people lived in 
isolated, self-sufficing communities, which produced for themselves 
practically everything which they consumed. It may be noted that 
this feature of American society was much more prominent in 181 5 
than it had been before the Revolution. Then the settled area where 
these conditions prevailed could not have included more than about 
a third or possibly a half of the population. The rush of people into 
the West which followed the Revolution carried the settlements to 
the Mississippi and beyond by 1820 and spread the population over 
a large part of the intervening territory. The " back country ", as 
it was called, where these conditions were most prominent, was ex- 
panded until it made up a large part of the country. Probably two- 
thirds of the population now lived under conditions of commercial 
isolation. 

The effect of this great dispersion of our people upon their 
manners and political sentiments has received adequate attention, 
but its economic effects have been either ignored or treated very 
superficially. It did not, as is commonly assumed, bring any im- 
mediate economic advantage to the people as a whole ; that is, it did 



American Economic History 9 1 

not increase their ability to produce wealth, but had rather the 
opposite effect. It greatly increased what had always been the 
chief obstacle to the production of wealth in American society, 
namely, lack of division of labor. In spite of the great energy and 
efficiency of the individual laborers, American industry in general 
was not highly productive in colonial times. There was always 
plenty of rude comfort but not much wealth. It was easy to pro- 
duce the bare necessities but very difficult to produce anything more. 
This was due to the lack of division of labor. This phrase refers 
to two distinct though related features of industry. One is the 
separation of the laborers of a community into distinct industries or 
employments — more properly called division of employments; and 
the other is the combination and organization of laborers in each 
industry. Now the only communities in America where either of 
these features of industry had ever been developed to any con- 
siderable extent before 1815 were those in the tidewater region. 
Owing to the existence of domestic and foreign trade it was possible 
for a considerable part of the inhabitants of that region to devote 
their labors to a few industries in which natural resources were very 
rich and to depend upon the labor of others to produce whatever else 
they needed — in other words, to develop division of employment. 
Here too there was some combination and organization of labor, 
chiefly in the South, where it was made possible by the existence of 
slavery. There was a beginning of it also in the North in fishing, 
lumbering, shipbuilding, and a few small manufacturing industries. 
But everywhere else over the whole country industry was undif- 
ferentiated and unorganized. In the back country almost every one 
tilled the soil and every farmer was a Jack-of-all-trades. Each 
family produced most of what it consumed and exchanged very little 
with other families in the same community. They all produced 
about the same things. Each little community produced within 
itself nine-tenths and more of what it consumed, drawing almost 
nothing from other communities. Combination and organization of 
labor in the modern sense were practically unknown, and division of 
employment had scarcely advanced beyond a rudimentary stage. 
And these back-country conditions, it must be remembered, had 
come to prevail over the larger part of the country. They were to- 
be found everywhere except in the tidewater strip and may be said 
to be typical of the country during this period. 

If we bear these facts in mind the significance and importance 
of the rise of internal trade will at once become apparent. It was 
in fact the introduction into American society generally, for the first 
time, of the practice of division of labor, which Adam Smith rightly 



92 G. S. Cullender 

regarded as the most important circumstance affecting the ability of 
a community to produce wealth. As this trade grew it became 
possible for the first time for most of the people to devote them- 
selves to the production of one or a few products in which their 
labor was productive, and to depend upon other communities in this 
country or the outside world for what they could produce only at a 
disadvantage. The markets which now arose for various com- 
modities opened the way also for combination and organization of 
labor in various industries and localities where it had been unknown 
before. It began to show itself in the iron works of Pittsburgh, in 
the slaughter-houses and machine-shops of Cincinnati, the hemp 
mills of Kentucky, and the sawmills of Michigan. The economic 
advantages which had before been enjoyed only by the people of 
the seaboard were now extended to the whole country. There was 
nothing spectacular in these changes. They came about gradually 
and quietly. But in the course of a generation they wrought what 
amounted to an industrial revolution over the greater part of the 
country. This rise of internal trade must therefore be considered 
an event of enormous economic importance, far transcending the 
introduction of the factory system into the textile industries of the 
country, to which so much attention has been given. 

So much for an example of what is involved in the work of 
explaining and interpreting economic events. It is obvious that we 
have here something very different from the ordinary work of the 
historian. It can be done only by those who are familiar with 
economic science. It is in fact an attempt to apply that science to 
the facts of a country's economic life at a particular period of its 
history, and to make it serve as a guide for their explanation. Here 
is a kind of economic interpretation of history for which there is a 
legitimate basis and which historians need not regard as an im- 
pertinence on the part of economists. Here is an opportunity for 
the economist to render a genuine service to history by turning his 
attention to it, and confining himself to those aspects of it with which 
his professional training has fitted him to deal. 

I do not of course mean that economic science can ahvavs be 
relied upon to furnish the true explanation of past economic condi- 
tions. Professor Ashley used to insist that we should never be able 
to understand the economic life of medieval Europe so long as we 
studied it from the point of view of classical political economy : and 
Professor Schmoller has shown us how inadequate as history is 
Adam Smith's account of the mercantile system. The danger of 
this sort of error is not so great in American history as in these 
cases, but examples of it are not entirely lacking there. It is not 



American Economic History 93 

uncommon for economists who are much interested in the tariff 
controversy of our own time to fail to recognize how different were 
the conditions affecting this subject in Clay's and Hamilton's time. 
A similar defect appears in Professor Commons's otherwise admir- 
able Documentary History of American Industrial Society. His 
mind is so preoccupied with trades-unions and the present problems 
of the wage-earning class that he ignores entirely the real labor 
problem of American society during the first half of the nineteenth 
century. That problem was, not at all how to protect wage-earners 
from injury due to over-competition, as was the case in Europe, but 
how to induce people to become wage-earners and thus to secure 
that combination of labor which was the greatest economic need of 
the time. American society was not suffering from any of the evils 
of congestion of its population, but. as we have seen, from just 
the opposite thing — the too great dispersion of the population over 
a wide extent of territory. Such errors as these, however, can be 
easily avoided by the economist who becomes a specialist in dealing 
with the economic life of the past. He will gradually come to 
recognize and make due allowance for the differences between 
present conditions and past. He will cultivate an historical sense 
and acquire historical-mindedness, and with these he can use his 
knowledge of present economic relations which economic science 
provides, to interpret past conditions without danger of serious 
error. This, it seems to me, is the special study which ought to be 
developed, and this is the kind of economic history we most need 
to bring into existence. 

It remains to speak briefly of the work which has been done in 
this field. Only three books have been written which undertake 
to deal even in the briefest fashion with the economic life of the 
nation as a whole. Eighteen years ago Carroll D. Wright published 
what he called The Industrial Evolution of the United States. 1 It 
in no way came up to the promise of its title, and deserves men- 
tion only because it was the first attempt to consider the subject 
from this point of view. In 1905 Miss Coman's Industrial History 
of the United States 2 appeared. Regarding "political events and 
social changes as conditioned on industrial evolution ", the author 
aims " to bring the essential elements of our [economic] history 
within the grasp of the average reader ". Her book is a compila- 
tion of facts, with little attention to that work of explanation which 
ought to be the most prominent feature. What the essential ele- 
ments of our economic history are, that is, what events have been 

'New York, Chautauqua-Century Press, 1895. 
2 New York, The Macmillan Company, 1905. 



94 G. S. Callender 

most influential in determining the course of development, can only 
be discovered by giving attention to that aspect of the subject, and 
inevitably there is great lack of discrimination in the selection and 
arrangement of facts. Bogart's Economic History of the United 
States 3 is much more successful in selecting for treatment those 
subjects which are really essential to any understanding of economic 
development ; and the author has kept steadily in mind his declared 
intention " to bring out clearly the causal relation of events ". 
Although this work of explanation is very brief and often superficial, 
the author appreciates its importance. His book is however chiefly 
useful because it brings together the available facts and digests the 
results of such investigations as have been made. It is a good begin- 
ning in a neglected field. 

Before any such reasoned account of economic development as 
we have described can be written, a vast amount of preparatory 
work must be done. We must know in detail how individuals and 
communities have made a living and what circumstances have 
affected their ability to do so. The immediate need is for the 
same careful, painstaking study of economic activity which his- 
torians have given to political activity. We are fortunate in 
possessing in the Department of Economics and Sociology in the Car- 
negie Institution of Washington a well-organized and subsidized 
enterprise designed to accomplish precisely this work. For a decade 
it has been stimulating investigations by grants of money and seeking 
to initiate and guide them by its organization. To a large extent 
it is responsible for the work which has been done during that 
period, and a glance at the results of its activities affords striking 
evidence of the progress that has been made. According to its 
latest report fifty-two monographs prepared under its direction have 
been published and one hundred and eight have been finished but 
remain unpublished. Besides this, sixty-one shorter studies have 
been published in periodicals, a large portion of which, however, are 
merely parts of the published and unpublished monographs. To 
this must be added a considerable list of monographs that have 
originated in the graduate schools of the various universities and in 
the different departments of the federal government. Altogether 
these make up an imposing mass of material. It is only possible 
here to indicate in general terms how far it has prepared the way 
for an economic history of the country. 

Broadly speaking, there are at least three well-defined types of 
special study which ought to be multiplied in order to make such a 
work possible. First, there should be histories of the important in- 

•New York-, Longmans, Green and Company, first cd., 1907, second cd., 1912. 



American Economic History 95 

dustries in agriculture, forestry, mining, and manufactures. Sec- 
ondly, there should be studies of what for want of any other name 
may be called economic institutions — the currency, the transporta- 
tion system, public finances, land tenure, and the various phases of 
the organization of labor and capital, such as slavery, trades-unions, 
and corporations. Single great enterprises in transportation and 
banking as well as branches of foreign and domestic commerce 
belong to the first type. Studies of governmental policy naturally 
form a part of both the first and the second. The third type is quite 
different in character from the other two. It is synthetic not 
analytic. It deals not with some one factor of economic life but 
considers in detail the whole economic activity of some one com- 
munity or section where conditions are the same. The country 
naturally divides itself into regions according to differences in 
economic conditions and interests. These make up what may be 
called economic provinces. Such are New England, the Middle 
States, the Lower South, the Border States, the old Northwest, 
the Pacific coast, and the great mountain region of the Far West. 
Detailed studies of the economic life of each of these regions or of 
single states in them are examples of this type. 

An examination of the existing mass of publications reveals a 
surprising deficiency among them under all three of these heads. 
The number of important industries whose history has been thor- 
oughly investigated is very small. There are only a few such 
monographs as Wright's Wool-Growing, McFarland's Fisheries, 
Hammond's Cotton Industry, and Marvin's Merchant Marine. No 
such studies have been made of slaughtering and meat-packing, 
lumbering, flour-milling, salt-making, coal-mining, gold and silver- 
mining, the telegraph, steamboat navigation, and the express busi- 
ness, all of which have played an important part in our economic 
life. The same is true of a great number of minor manufactures, 
such as shoe-making, sugar-refining, tanning, and the production of 
clothing, furniture, and agricultural implements. In case of those 
manufactures which have received most attention, iron and the 
textiles, the aim has been to find out the influence of the tariff rather 
than to explain the development of these industries. The wide field 
of industrial history in the strict sense of the term still remains 
largely unworked. The situation is somewhat better as regards 
economic institutions. Money and banking, the canals and rail- 
ways, and the finances of the federal government are the subjects 
which have received more attention than any others in our eco- 
nomic history. A good beginning has also been made in labor 
problems, especially trades unions ; but an adequate treatment of 



96 G. S. Callender 

slaver)' and of the problems which grew out of emancipation is still 
conspicuously lacking. The growth of capital and the development 
of the great institution by means of which it is collected and applied 
to industry, the corporation, have hardly received any attention 
at all. 

Studies of the third type are the least developed of all. An 
excellent example in Bruce's Economic History of Virginia in the 
Seventeenth Century was among the first fruits of the new interest 
in this subject. A still earlier and a less valuable work was Weeden's 
Economic and Social History of New England before 1789. 
Almost the only study of this kind which has been published since 
these works is the recent Economic Beginnings of the Far West by 
Miss Coman. It fails to have equal value with them because there 
is no unity to the economic life of this region during the period that 
it covers. Something approaching this type of study is appearing 
in connection with the study of the history of agriculture and trans- 
portation. It is impossible to study agriculture by industries since 
division of employments has not developed there as in all other 
fields of production. The different branches of agriculture are 
more or less connected in most regions and it is necessary in study- 
ing it to consider the larger part of the economic activity of whole 
communities. Several such works appear in the unpublished mono- 
graphs of the Carnegie Institution. For a different reason studies 
in transportation lead to a similar result. The introduction into a 
community of modern facilities of transportation is such a revolu- 
tionary influence that the treatment of it involves the consideration 
of almost all the economic activities of that community. Nowhere 
can be found so good a brief account of the economic life of the 
Southeastern States during the first three decades of the nineteenth 
century as appears in the early chapters of Phillips's History of 
Transportation in the Eastern Cotton Belt. Gephart's Transporta- 
tion and Industrial Development in the Middle West is a less success- 
ful effort to trace the industrial growth of the state of Ohio as it was 
affected by transportation. Historical students ought to contribute 
largely to this third type of study, since it depends upon the careful 
collection of a great variety of facts. Fite's Social and Industrial 
Conditions in the North during the Civil liar represents a kind of 
work which might well be imitated. 

It is clear from this brief survey that the work of investigation 
needs to be carried much further and to be systematized so that the 
most important subjects shall receive most attention. It is to be 
hoped that the Carnegie Institution will not relax its efforts to 
stimulate and direct such work. A closer organization of the 



American Economic History 97 

collaborators, with a more definite plan of the work which they are 
seeking to produce, would be likely to secure more valuable results. 
Co-operative enterprises in historical research have never succeeded 
without such a plan and some one to hold the co-operators up to it. 
In view of the character of much of the work required as well as 
the present attitude of the two national associations toward eco- 
nomic history it would be well also to enlist the more active interest 
of historians in the enterprise. 

Guy S. Callender. 



AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — f . 



DOCUMENTS 

Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore, Private Secretary to President 
Johnson, 1866-1868 

[The introduction to these notes is contributed by Professor' St. George L. 
Sioussat of Vanderbilt University, to whom we are also indebted for procuring 
the text. The annotations have been supplied by the managing editor, with some 
aid from Professor Sioussat. A reference to Colonel Moore's intimate knowl- 
edge of President Johnson's affairs, especially at the time of the impeachment 
trial, and apparently also a reference to this private record, may be seen in 
S. S. Cox's Three Decades of Federal Legislation, p. 591.] 

William George Moore, the compiler of these "Notes", was 
born November 30, 1829, and died July 22, 1898. He served as a 
private, corporal, and sergeant in the National Rifles, District of 
Columbia Volunteers, April 15 to July 15, 1861. From May 1, 
1865, to November 5, 1866, he was assistant adjutant-general of 
volunteers, with the rank of major. November 14, 1866, he was 
appointed paymaster with the rank of major, but his testimony at 
the impeachment trial showed that his real function was that of 
private secretary to the President. December 2, 1865, he was com- 
missioned brevet lieutenant-colonel and colonel of volunteers, and 
March 2, 1867, lieutenant-colonel in the U. S. Army, for faithful 
and meritorious service. He resigned April 12, 1870. In Decem- 
ber, 1886, he was appointed major and superintendent of police of 
the District of Columbia and he retained this office until the time 
of his death. 

In the impeachment proceedings he was summoned by the 
prosecution to testify as to his correction of a report of one of the 
President's speeches ; and by the defense to give evidence in the 
matter of the delivery of Thomas Ewing's nomination as Secretary 
of War. 

Colonel Moore enjoyed the entire confidence of President John- 
son. According to his own testimony, his service as secretary began 
in November, 1865. An expert stenographer, he made use of tbe 
opportunities which his position afforded him to take down, in short- 
hand, remarks and conversations which seemed of interest and 
importance. Tbe " Notes " which follow were transcribed by him, 
apparently during tbe impeachment proceedings, in bis own ("long") 
band. The volume in which they are contained — -a bound diary or 
journal book of 1868 — is among tbe papers of President Johnson 
(98) 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 99 

which remain in the possession of Hon. A. J. Patterson, of Green- 
ville, Tennessee, a grandson of President Johnson, who has kindly 
consented to their publication. 

It may be added that most of the originals of the letters, scrap- 
books, etc., to which reference is made in the " Notes ", are now 
among the Johnson Manuscripts in the Library of Congress. 

St. George L. Sioussat. 

a , ( Secy Stanton, 
May 7, 1867. J an / Jeff . Davis 

At Cabinet meeting today Secretary Stanton submitted, with an 
endorsement " Respy referred to the President for his instructions ", a 
letter addressed to the War Dept. by L. H. Chandler, U. S. Dist. Atty. 
for Va., dated Norfolk, May 4, 1867, requesting " an order upon the 
Commandant at Fortress Monroe, directing him to surrender Jefferson 
Davis to the U. S. Marshal or his deputies, upon any process which may 
issue from the Federal Court." The President asked, " Well, Mr. Sec- 
retary, what recommendation have you to make in this case?" The 
Secretary : " I have no recommendation to make." The President there- 
upon directed that the application should be " returned to the Honble the 
Secretary of War, who will at once issue the order requested by District 
Attorney Chandler." 1 

The President narrated the above incident as illustrative of the man- 
ner in which the Secretary avoided responsibility. 

„ , ,, ( Mexican Mission 

October, 1866. -J and Gen] _ Grant 

The Cabinet had for some time had under consideration the question 
of the occupation of Mexico by the military forces of the French. It 
was finally determined that definite instructions should be given to Lewis 
D. Campbell, 2 who had been some time before appointed Minister to 
Mexico, but had been prevented from proceeding to that country by its 
disturbed condition. Upon the President's own suggestion, it was de- 
cided that, in order that prestige might be given to his mission, he should 
proceed in a war vessel and be accompanied by General Grant. This 
arrangement, however, was defeated by the General, who, although he 
had been consulted upon the subject by the President, and when he 
had urged that he desired to be in Washington upon the assembling of 
Congress, 3 had been told that he could easily do so, (the moral influence 
of his presence with our Minister and his advice being all that was de- 
sired,) declined to receive instructions from the Secretary of State at 
the hands of Mr. Campbell, alleging that being in the military service of 
the U. S., he was not subject to orders from the State Dept. The letter 
of Secretary Seward, however, expressly stated, "By direction of the 
President, I request you to proceed to Mexico, or its vicinity, to act in 
. concert there with and as an adviser of Lewis D. Campbell, Esqr. Minis- 
ter Plenipotentiary of the U. S. to the Republic of Mexico." Mr. 
Seward's letter bore date Oct. 20, 1866. 

'The order, dated May 8, and in the words above, is printed in Mrs. Davis's 
Jefferson Davis, II. 790. Mrs. Davis relates how Stanton's consent was secured, 
through John W. Garrett. 

2 Representative from Ohio 1849-1858. 1871-1873, minister to Mexico 1866- 

3 /. e.. at the beginning of December, 1866. 



i oo Documents 

To meet this objection of Genl. Grant, on the 25th. of Oct. 1866, the 
President prepared a letter to the Secretary of War, (Mr. Stanton,) in 
these terms : " You will please instruct Genl. Ulysses S. Grant, com- 
manding the armies of the U. S., to proceed to Mexico or its vicinity, 
there to act in concert with and as an adviser of L. D. Campbell, Esq." 
etc. This letter, however, was submitted to the Cabinet on the day 
next succeeding its date, when, after full consideration, it was decided, 
as the opinion of the Heads of Depts., that as the duty asked of Genl. 
Grant was of a civil character, and might, if questioned, give rise to 
doubts as to the authority of the Government to send him on such a 
mission, the communication for the Sec. of War was modified so as to 
state the object of the embassy and " to ask that you will request Genl. 
Grant to proceed to some point on our Mexican frontier most suitable 
and convenient for communication with our Minister, or (if Genl. Grant 
deems it best) to accompany him to his destination in Mexico, and to 
give him the aid of his advice in carrying out the instructions of the 
Sec. of State," etc. 

The above quoted letter was dated the 26th Oct. 1866, and was sent to 
the War Dept. the succeeding day. In the afternoon of the same day 
the Sec. of War enclosed the reply of Genl. Grant, as follows : 

" The same request was made of me one week ago today, verbally, to 
which I returned a written reply, a copy of which is herewith enclosed. 
On the 23d instant the same request was renewed in Cabinet meeting, 
where I was invited to be present, when I again declined, respectfully as 
I could, the mission tendered to me, with reasons. I now again beg 
most respectfully to decline the proposed mission, for the following 
additional reasons to wit : Now, whilst the army is being reorganized and 
troops distributed as fast as organized, my duties require me to keep 
within telegraphic communication of all the department commanders and 
of this city, from which orders must emanate.* Almost the entire fron- 
tier between the U. S. and Mexico is embraced in the depts. commanded 
by Genls. Sheridan and Hancock, the command of the latter being em- 
braced in the military division under Lieut. Genl. Sherman — three officers 
in whom the entire country has unbounded confidence. Either of these 
general officers can be instructed to accompany the American Minister to 
the Mexican boundary, or the one can through whose command the Min- 
ister may propose to pass in reaching his destination. If it is desirable 
that our Minister should communicate with me, he can do so through the 
officer who may accompany him, with but very little delay beyond what 
would be experienced if I were to accompany him myself. I might add 
that I would not dare counsel the Minister in any matter beyond the 
stationing of troops on U. S. soil, without the concurrence of the Ad- 
ministration. That concurrence could be more speedily had with me here 
than if I were upon the frontier. The stationing of troops would be as 
fully within the control of the commanding officer as it would of mine. 

" I sincerely hope I may be excused from undertaking a duty so for- 
eign to my office and tastes as that contemplated." 

The President expressed some surprise at this result. He said that 
when on Wednesday, Oct. 17, 1866, he sent for Genl. Grant and men- 
tioned the subject to him, he thought the General evinced satisfaction, 
if not pleasure at the proposed arrangement. Immediately after the 

* It was not until March 2, 1867, that Army Hd : Qrs. were, by law, fixed at 
Washington. — May not the above correspondence have suggested Sec. 2 of the 
Act of that date? (Note in the original.) 



Notes of Colonel If. G. Moore 101 

interview, the President visited the State Dept. and informed the Secre- 
tary of the result. The next morning, according to appointment, Genl. 
Grant called at the Executive Mansion, and Col. Moore 4 was dispatched 
to the State Dept. to notify Mr. Seward that the General would either 
await him at the President's, or call on the Secretary at any hour he 
might designate. The Secretary requested Col. Moore to say to the 
President and Genl. Grant that the instructions had just been completed, 
and that he would at once bring them to the President. (The State 
Dept. at that time occupied the locality now covered by the north wing 
of the Treasury Building.) 5 The Secretary accordingly made his ap- 
pearance, and the instructions prepared for Mr. Campbell were read to 
Genl. Grant, to ascertain whether or not he had any suggestions to make. 
He said he had none to submit. On the succeeding Sunday Genl. Grant 
addressed a letter to the President, dated Oct. 21, 1866, stating: 

" On further and full reflection upon the subject of my accepting 
the mission proposed by you in our interview of Wednesday, and again 
yesterday, I have most respectfully to beg to be excused from the duty 
proposed. It is a diplomatic service for which I am not fitted, either 
by education or taste. It has necessarily to be conducted under the State 
Dept., with which my duties do not connect me. Again, then, I most 
urgently, but respectfully repeat my request to be excused from the 
performance of a duty entirely out of my sphere, and one too which can 
be so much better performed by others." 

It was subsequently to the transmission of the above letter to the 
President that Genl. Grant declined to receive from Mr. Campbell the 
instructions of the Secretary of State. 

For all the official communications upon this subject, see the package 
of papers, marked " Genl. Grant and Mexico." 6 

Reasons other than those stated by Genl. Grant were by some as- 
sumed to have influenced his action in the matter of the mission to 
Mexico, and prominent among them was supposed jealousy of Sherman. 
Just about this time the papers had published a rumor that Mr. Stanton 
would resign and be sent as Ambassador to Spain, and that he would be 
succeeded in the War Dept. by Genl. Sherman, who in Febry. 1866 had 
addressed a letter to the President, strongly endorsing his policy of 
reconstruction. The fact that such a letter had been written by him to 
the Presidt. had but recently become known, and but a short time had 
intervened since Mr. Johnson had read the communication to Genl. 
Grant, at its conclusion remarking that he thought of publishing it — a 
suggestion which the President said the General did not appear to 
relish. 7 It was therefore concluded by some that Genl. Grant was 
afraid that should he leave the country, Sherman would first be exalted 

4 The writer of these notes, private secretary to the President. 

5 From 1820 to October, 1866, the Department of State was located on the 
site now covered by the north part of the Treasury. In October, 1866, it leased 
the premises of the Washington Orphan Asylum, on Fourteenth Street near S 
Street, where it remained until 1S75. The phrase shows that this portion of 
Colonel Moore's notes was not put into its present shape until the site had been 
" covered by the north wing of the Treasury Building " ; the foundations of that 
wing were laid in April, 1867, and the construction was completed in 1869. 

"See Welles's Diary. II. 621. As to the packages or bundles to which the 
diarist refers, and which are mostly now in the Library of Congress, see Professor 
Sioussat's introduction, ad fin. 

-Ibid., p. 60;; Sherman Letters (ed. Thorndike, New York, 1894), p. 279. 



102 Documents 

to his own position as the head of the Army, and thence transferred 
to the office of Secy of War, and thus become his (Grant's) superior 
in office. 

Oct. 26, 1866, Lieut. Genl. Sherman called upon the Presidt. After 
the positive declination or refusal of Genl. Grant to go to Mexico, the 
President sent for Genl. Sherman, and found that he was entirely willing 
to undertake the duty. 8 The Presidt. asked him when he would be ready 
to go, — " At once " was the prompt and soldierlike response. — A letter 
was on the 30th Oct. sent to the Sec. of War, saying that " Genl. Ulysses 
S. Grant having found it inconvenient to assume the duties specified in 
my letter of the 26th. instant, you will please relieve him from the same, 
and assign them in all respects to Wm. T. Sherman, Lieut. Genl. of the 
Army of the U. S." (see the papers marked " Genl. Grant and Mexico.") 

Grade of General. — July 1866. 

The President hesitated some time before he signed the bill " to 
revive the grade pf General in the United States Army," which he 
approved July 25, 1866. He considered the law inexpedient and un- 
necessary, saying that Washington had never been tendered a higher 
compliment than the rank of Lieut. Genl., already possessed by Grant; 
that the war had entirely ceased, the army been largely reduced, and 
that an additional grade could not give more effect to Grant's services 
than had already been done by conferring upon him the rank he now 
enjoyed. Secy Stanton had also suggested that the bill should be 
materially [maturely?] considered prior to approval, as it partook of the 
nature of giving a title or a distinction, etc. He, however, finally recom- 
mended that the President should attach to it his signature. 

While the bill was in the hands of the President, he told me that 
General Grant called at the Executive Mansion, and requested that 
when his name should be sent to the Senate for Genl., Sherman's should 
accompany it for Lieut. General. He thus took it for granted that he 
would undoubtedly receive the promotion, although the law expressly 
empowered the President to make the selection " from among those 
officers in the military service of the U. S. most distinguished for 
courage, skill, and ability, who, being commissioned as Genl., may be 
authorized, under the direction and during the pleasure of the President, 
to command the Armies of the U. States." 

New Orleans Riot— July, 1866. 
The President believed that the riot which occurred in the City of 
New Orleans, July 30, 1866, would have been averted if an answer had 
been sent to Genl. Baird's telegram of the 28th. asking the Secretary of 
War for instructions. This despatch was not seen by the President until 
some time after the riot, when at his suggestion all the papers on the sub- 
ject in possession of the War Dept. were prepared for publication and 
sent to the Executive Mansion. In examining the correspondence the 
President for the first time saw Genl. Baird's despatch: — (See Secretary 
Stanton's and Col. Moore's testimony before the Congressional Com- 
mittee on the New Orleans riots, contained in printed volume.)" 

- Sherman Letters, pp. 280-283. 

House Report No. 16, 30 Cong., 2 sess., pp. 534-536, 546-547. General 
Absalom Baird was in temporary command at Now Orleans in the absence of 
Sheridan, the general commanding the district. Baird's telegram may be seen in 
Trial of President Johnson, 1. 152, or in Gorham's Stanton, II. 316; Stanton's 
explanation, ibid., pp. 324-325- 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 103 

Maryland Troubles — Oct. and Nov. 1866. 10 
The package of papers marked " Maryland and the District of Colum- 
bia " shows the anxiety and determination of the President to preserve 
peace in Baltimore when serious disorders were threatened just prior 
to the Nov. election. Genl. Grant was opposed to the interference of 
the military, his position being explained by his letter to the President 
dated Oct. 24, 1866, which concludes as follows: "It is a contingency I 
hope never to see arise in this country whilst I occupy the position of 
General-in-Chief of the Army, to have to send troops into a State in 
full relations with the Genl. Government, on the eve of an election, to 
preserve the peace. If insurrection does come, the law provides the 
method of calling out forces to suppress it. No such condition seems 
to exist now." 

After some correspondence between the President, the War Dept. 
and Army Hd. Qrs., the President on the 1st of November 1866, re- 
quested the Sec. of War to take all measures necessary to ensure the 
safety of the seat of government, and on the next day addressed an- 
other communication to that officer, desiring that the attention of Genl. 
Grant should be called to the state of affairs in Baltimore, in order that 
measures of preparation and precaution might be adopted. 

Gov. Swann 11 was much in consultation with the President in refer- 
ence to the threatened troubles in Baltimore, urging that a knowledge 
of the fact that the Government was prepared to suppress disorder would 
prevent any serious riot. 

Recruits embarked at New York for Texas were ordered to stop en 
route at Fort McHenry, there to remain until all apprehensions of diffi- 
culty had passed away. 

Tennessee Troubles — July, 1867. 

The following telegram of Genl. Grant was deemed in striking con- 
trast with his views in reference to Federal interference for the preser- 
vation of peace in Maryland: 

" Long Branch, N. J. 

" July 23, 1867. 
" To the 

Hon: E. M. Stanton, 
Secretary of War. 

" Genl. Dent, with despatches from Genl. Thomas, 12 arrived before 
your telegram. I directed Genl. Thomas to give orders for the most 
vigorous use of the military to preserve order on election day, and not 
to wait until people are killed and the mob beyond control before inter- 
fering. I will direct Genl. Thomas to go directly to Memphis in person, 
but do not think there is any need of my going to Nashville." 

U. S. Grant, 

General." 

Tennessee had been by act of Congress, approved July 24, 1866, re- 
stored to her relations to the Union, and occupied precisely the same 
position to the Govt, as Maryland, when Genl. Grant declared his abhor- 
rence to sending " troops into a State in full relations with the Genl. 
Government, on the eve of an election, to preserve the peace." 

10 The events can be followed in Mr. Knott's account in Nelson's Baltimore, 
pp. 558-562. 

11 Thomas Swann, governor of Maryland 1865-1S69. 

12 Lorenzo Thomas, adjutant-general. 



104 Documents 

July 25, 1867. 
'When the President read me the despatch of Genl. Grant to Mr. 
Stanton, I at once inquired if the first-named had given any instructions 
upon the subject. He said none whatever, but that on the preceding 
Cabinet day (Tuesday, July 23d) the subject of the Tennessee troubles 
had been mentioned, when the Secretary (Mr. Stanton) proposed to use 
the military for the preservation of order. "This" (said the Presi- 
dent) " was the very thing I desired, but I said nothing, and could scarce 
keep from smiling at the readiness with which the Secretary proposed to 
do in Tennessee what he and Grant earnestly opposed doing under sim- 
ilar circumstances in Maryland". 13 

T „, t Dis. of Col. 

January 4, 1867. j Suffrage bm 

The President had read to the Cabinet to-day his message return- 
ing to Congress, with his objections, the District of Columbia suffrage 
bill. All approved it, but Secry Stanton, who suggested that negro suf- 
frage had to be tried, and that the experiment might as well begin in 
the District as any where else. 14 

" North Carolina " 
Plan of Reconstruction. 

January jo, i86j. — Gov. Orr, of S. C, Gov. Marvin, of Florida, Gov. 
Parsons, of Ala., Messrs. Haines and Boyden, of N. C. 15 had a pro- 
tracted consultation this afternoon, with the President, as to a proposi- 
tion to amend the Constitution which should be submitted to Congress as 
the Southern plan of reconstruction. It was proposed that North Caro- 
lina should take the initiative by the adoption of a proposition first to 
amend her own Constitution, and then that of the United States. The 
draft of the proposed amendments was in the handwriting of Mr. Lewis 
C. Haines, and after some discussion it was modified in several partic- 
ulars upon the suggestion of the President. 

January ?/, i86j. — The above-named subject was again considered, 
the same persons being present, except Gov. Marvin. The President sug- 
gested the omission from the plan of the request that an assurance should 
be given the State that upon the adoption of the proposed amendment to 
the Constitution, Representatives and Senators should be admitted to 
Congress, and, further, that it should be simply a proposition to amend 
the Constitution of the State and to submit to the several States an 
amendment to the Federal Constitution, similar in very many of its pro- 
visions to that proposed by the 39th. Congress. The President sent me 
in the evening to call on Messrs. Orr, Haines, and Boyden at the Ebbitt 
House, with the suggestion that the proposition should contain, first, the 
amendment to the Federal Constitution, and next the suggestions in 
reference to the Constitution of the State. 

In the discussion upon these propositions, it seemed to be the opin- 
ion that if they should be sustained by all the Southern States and pre- 
sented with the influence of a united front, they would operate as a 

'"Sec Welles, Til. 140-141. 

"The discussion is reported by Welles, III. 3-6. 

IB James I.. <>rr. governor of South Carolina 1865-1868; William Marvin, 
provisional governor of Florida in 1865; Lewis E. Parsons, provisional governor 
of Alabama in 1865; Lewis Hanes. elected to Congress in 1866 but not seated, 
and i» iX''? agent "f North Carolina in Washington; Nathaniel Boyden, represen- 
tative from North Carolina 1868-1869. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 105 

flank movement against and defeat the Radical programme, which, as was 
then supposed, it had already been demonstrated could not be adopted 
by a vote of the States. Govr. Orr told Colo. Moore in the evening that 
he had been informed by Representative Bingham, of Ohio, that the 
article for the exclusion of certain persons from office, embraced in the 
constitutional amendment proposed by Congress, was the work of Thad. 
Stevens: that it had been defeated in a full committee, but in the ab- 
sence of Fessenden and Washburne, of Illinois, on account of sickness, 
Stevens had succeeded in obtaining a reconsideration of the vote, and the 
adoption of the article as a part of the plan. (See the papers marked 
" Reconstruction-Proposition to amend the Federal Constitution and the 
Constitution of North Carolina.") 

February 9, 1867. 
The President visited Mr. George Peabody this morning, at Wil- 
lard's Hotel, as a mark of respect to one who had made such liberal 
provision for the cause of education in the South. 10 

February 14, 1867. 

The President is evidently deeply impressed with the necessity of 
some effort to prevent the extreme measures proposed by the majority 
in Congress. Mr. Banks, of Mass. 17 visited him this morning. Before 
being admitted to the President's office, Mr. Banks said to me that in his 
view there should be some one in the Cabinet who could be approached 
by those who were in opposition to the President, and who could thus 
became a channel of communication between the Executive and Congress. 
He suggested Horace Greeley as Postmaster General, in place of Mr. 
Randall, 18 and his great anxiety in reference to reconstruction seemed to 
be lest, by admitting representatives from the " Rebel States," the dis- 
loyal element might again preponderate in those States, and perhaps in 
Congress. He gave the South credit for having men of great ability, 
who would be able to exercise much influence in the legislative councils 
of the nation. 

At lunch I mentioned the subject to the President. He said it would 
not take him long to send for Mr. Greeley and that he could not per- 
ceive that any member of his Cabinet gave him any strength with the 
country. He (the President) believed that by appointing Grant as Sec. 
of War, Farragut as Sec. of the Navy, Chas. F. Adams as Sec. of 
State, and Greeley as Postmaster General, he could settle the question 
in two hours. He said, however, that such a course would occasion 
harsh feelings on the part of some of the Cabinet officers who would 
thus be relieved, and to some of whom he was much attached. I asked 
him if there was no way in which he could carry out such plans? He 
replied that he did not know that there was; and as the subject was 
evidently painful to him, I let the matter drop. 

March 2, 1867. 

The veto of the military reconstruction bill 10 was approved by all the 
members of the Cabinet, except Mr. Stanton. 

16 The Peabody Fund had been established in the preceding year. 

17 Nathaniel P. Banks. 

a Alexander W. Randall of Wisconsin. 

"Richardson, Messages of the Presidents, VI. 498-511. 



1 06 Documents 

,, , _,, ( Military appro- 

March 4, 1867 I priati J b f . 

The President and Cabinet went to the Capitol this morning, to be 

present at the adjournment. The President took with him, unsigned, the 

military appropriation bill, the second section of which requires that all 

military orders from the President and Sec. of War shall pass through 

Genl. Grant. President Johnson had determined that he would not 

approve a bill containing such an objectionable feature. Each member 

of the Cabinet, however, was asked his opinion upon the subject, and 

it was concluded (at the Capitol) that the President should approve the 

bill, under protest, which was done. When the President asked the 

Secretary of War if he was in favor of a protest, the reply was " I 

make no objection to it." " But", said the President. " I wish to know 

whether you approve of a protest?" the secretary: "I approve your 

taking whatever course you may think best." 

tvt , „, ( Purchase of 

May 2d, 1867. < „ . 

J ' ( Russian America. 

The President expressed the belief today that had it not been for 
the War Dept. all of our troubles would long since have been healed. 
He said he was convinced that that Dept. had thrown every obstacle in 
the way of the consummation of his plans for restoration. In this con- 
nection he alluded to the course of Secretary Stanton on the Russian- 
American treaty, remarking that when the question first came before the 
Cabinet he (the President) had. merely listened to the discussion, without 
taking part pro or con, and that, so far as he could judge, it was deter- 
mined unanimously that the acquisition was a desirable one. Mr. 
Stanton sustained the treaty in Cabinet, and thought it ought to be con- 
summated. Subsequently, in a conversation with the Sec. of War, the 
President alluded to the evident gratification of Mr. Seward upon the 
ratification of the treaty. " Yes '*, said Mr. Stanton, with a significant 
look, "you don't know the half of it." and then proceeded to criticize 
the acquisition, declaring that it was a country of ice and rock; that 
$7,000,000 in gold were equal to $10,000,000 in currency, the yearly in- 
terest upon which was $600,000; that a territorial government, with the 
necessary military force, would create an annual expenditure of more 
than a million ; and that during war it were better that it should be in 
the hands of a friendly Power than in our possession, as we must take 
means for its defence. The President told me he was surprised at the 
Secretary's remarks, and had concluded that because it had added to 
Mr. Seward's popularity before the country, Mr. Stanton was somewhat 
envious, and now wished to depreciate the value of Alaska as an acquisi- 
tion. The President seemed inclined to believe that Mr. Stanton had 
originally favored the treaty because he believed that it would eventu- 
ally become unpopular and bring odium upon Mr. Seward, when Mr. 
Stanton would feel himself at' liberty to denounce the purchase and 
decry its wisdom. 

In the latter days of April, 1867, the music stand was erected in the 
President's grounds for the summer. When the workmen were raising 
the flag-pole, the President remarked that he was present when the 
stars and stripes were first raised in the grounds by Presidt. Lincoln; 
that as Mr. Lincoln hoisted the colors, they somehow or other became 
entangled, and split; thai although Ik- (Mr. Johnson) was not supersti- 
tious, the incident at the time made an impression on his mind that it 
had been difficult entirely to efface. 



Notes of Colonel IV. G. Moore 107 

Friday, Apl. 5, 1867. 

Cabinet met at nine o'clock this morning, in accordance with a re- 
quest of Atty. General Stanbery made the evening before. — The object 
of the meeting was to decide what should be done upon the application 
made to the Supreme Court of the U. S. by Gov. Sharkey and R. J. 
Walker for an injunction to restrain the President from executing the 
military reconstruction act. It was agreed by the Cabinet that the At- 
torney Genl. should appear before the Court at 12 o'clock to-day and 
resist the motion — the only Secretary not expressing an opinion being 
Mr. Stanton, who said he was willing to defer in the matter to the 
judgment of the Attorney General. 20 

The President considered this another attempt at evasion, and reit- 
erated the belief that if it had not been for the pernicious influence ex- 
erted by the War Dept. over the " extreme gang " in Congress, during 
the first session of the 39th Congress, all the troubles that now divided 
the people would long since have been brought to a close. A gentleman 
had informed him that before Mr. Stanton became Secy, of War he 
heard Mr. S. allude to President Lincoln as " a damned baboon, grinning 
over the misfortunes of the countrv." 

April, '1867. 

A Mrs. Hodges, whose husband is a clerk of the House Judiciary 
Committee engaged in the impeachment investigation, called upon and 
informed the President that it was a " regular understanding " that if 
the Committee could not obtain sufficient testimony to impeach the Pres- 
ident, they were to manufacture it, and, for the purpose of gold specula- 
tions, would bring in a resolution of impeachment at the Session to meet 
on the first Wednesday in July. (See her "developments" in the 
package marked "Dunham, alias Conover.") 21 

, ( Mr. Stanton 
August 1, 1867.- J requested tQ resign] etc 

The President directed me to-day to write a letter in the following 
terms, viz: 

"Sir: Public considerations of a high character constrain me to say 
that your resignation as Secretary of War will be accepted. Very re- 
spectfully yours, 

Andrew Johnson. 
" To the Honorable Edwin M. Stanton," etc. 

The President said that for a year past Mr. Stanton must have seen 
that his resignation would at any time have been acceptable to the 
Executive. When the above letter was written Genl. Grant had just 
had an interview with the President, having been sent for. The Pres- 
ident informed him of his intentions with regard to Mr. Stanton, and 
that he would be pleased to have the General act as Secretary of War. 
Genl. Grant urged that such a step would be impolitic, and that those 
who sought Mr. Stanton's removal were generally persons who had 
opposed the war. Besides, there were many claims pending in the War 
Dept. of which he (Grant) knew nothing, and of his ability to determine 
which he entertained serious doubts. The President replied that it could 

20 Mississippi v. Johnson, 4 Wallace 492. William L. Sharkey was governor 
of Mississippi; Robert J. Walker had been senator from that state 1 836-1 S45, and 
then ( 1 845-1 849) Secretary of the Treasury. 

:I The wife of Charles A. Dunham, alias Sanford Conover, had had a similar 
tale of subornation of perjury against Johnson in respect to the assassination of 
Lincoln. See Welles, III. 143-146. 



1 08 Documents 

not be said that he (Mr. Johnson) had opposed the war; that his action 
was not based upon any personal hostility toward Mr. Stanton, but upon 
public considerations of a high character; that as to pending claims, they 
could be examined and settled by a special commission. or referred to 
Congress; and that it was not his wish to place the general in the atti- 
tude of seeking the place now tendered him. 

Genl. Grant replied that he would not shrink from the performance of 
any public duty that might be imposed upon him; but reiterated his 
opinion as to the impolicy of the proposed removal. 22 

Aug. 5, 1867. 

Was instructed by the President to deliver to Mr. Stanton, in person, 
the letter asking him to resign, the date having been changed to Aug. 5. 
Called at his room in the War Dept. twice, (not having found him in 
the first time,) and at about 10.15 A.M. delivered to him the letter. 
Found him in company with a gentleman, and I therefore merely handed 
him the letter, and retired. 

Aug. 5, 1867. Mrs. Surratt. 

The President, having heard that there was a recommendation in 
favor of Mrs. Surratt, sent today for the papers upon which was endorsed 
his approval of the finding and sentence of the Military Commission 
for the trial of the assassination conspirators. Forwarded with the 
papers was a recommendation of the Court for a commutation of the sen- 
tence in the case of Mrs. Surratt from hanging to imprisonment for life. 
The President very emphatically declared that he had never before seen 
the recommendation. He was positive that it had never before been 
brought to his knowledge or notice, and explained to me the circum- 
stances attending the signing of the order to carry into effect the sen- 
tence of the commission. He distinctly remembered the great reluc- 
tance with which he approved the death warrant of a woman of Mrs. 
Surratt's age, and that he asked Judge Advocate Genl. Holt, who orig- 
inally brought to him the papers, many questions, but that nothing what- 
ever was said to him respecting the recommendation of the Commission 
for clemency in her case. He had been sick, but when he signed the 
papers his mind was as clear as it had ever been. Besides, the recom- 
mendation did not appear in the published proceedings of the trial, by 
Benn Pitman, prepared and issued by authority of the Secretary of War, 23 
and he felt satisfied that it had been designedly withheld from his (the 
President's) knowledge. 

August 6. 1867 — Mr. Stanton. 

At about 11.45 A.M. Mr. Stanton's reply was received. It was dated 
the 5th, and will be found in the papers marked " Hon. E. M. Stanton ", 24 
The President did not evince much, if any surprise, and thought that 
Mr. Stanton had pursued a course which neither he nor his friends could 
sustain before the country. He said he would leave Mr. Stanton hang- 
ing on the sharp hooks of uncertainty for a few days, and then suspend 
him from office. 

22 Grant then added a Utter, of the same date, the text of which may be seen 
in Gorham's Stanton. II. 394-395. 

M The Assassination of President Lincoln and the Trial of the Conspirators. 
compiled and arranged by Rcnn Pitman, recorder of the commission (Cincinnati 
and New York, 1865). The manner in which the record was presented to the 
President and in which his signature to the executive order was obtained is dis- 
cussed in Dewitt's Assassination of Abraham Lincoln, pp. [33-137, 383-287; but 
see als., Rhodes, V. 157. 

"Trial. I. 149: Richardson, Messages, VI. 584; Gorham, II. 395—396, 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 109 

Aug. 9, 1867. 
The President seems much relieved by the course he has taken in 
the case of Mr. Stanton, and is satisfied that public opinion will not 
sanction the position assumed by the Secretary. 

Aug. 11, (Sunday), 1867. 

The President and Genl. Grant had an interview. The President told 
the Genl. of his intention to make a change in the War Dept. by sus- 
pending Mr. Stanton, remarking that the place thus made vacant must 
be filled, and the question was, whether it would not be better that the 
Genl. should be made acting Secretary than that a stranger should be 
selected for the position. As the Commanding Genl. of the army, he 
understood the wants and interests of the service, and besides was in- 
timately connected, by the reconstruction acts, with their execution. 
The President wished to know if Genl. Grant would take the place, if 
appointed. Genl. Grant replied that he would of course obey orders. 
The President then said that he thought he had the right to ask if there 
was any thing between them, (the Genl. and himself). He had heard 
it intimated that there was, and he would now really like to know how it 
was. Genl. Grant replied that he knew of nothing personal between 
them, and then alluded to the difference of opinion between the Presi- 
dent and himself respecting the constitutional amendment and the recon- 
struction acts. 25 The interview here ended, and the President then 
directed me to bring to him the letter which had already been prepared 
suspending Mr. Stanton. The President said he was strongly inclined 
not merely to say " you are hereby suspended from office as Secry. of 
War," but " you are hereby suspended and removed from office as Secry 
of War." 

Before the question was determined, however, Mr. Seward called, 
and the President accompanied him to church. The President also di- 
rected me today to write a communication appointing Genl. Grant Sec. 
of War ad interim. 

Aug. 12, 1867. (Monday.) 

Col. Moore, by order of the President, delivered to Mr. Stanton the 
letter suspending him from office. The Secretary read it, and said, 
" I will send an answer." 

Col. M. then proceeded to Army Head Qrs. and delivered to Genl. 
Grant the letter appointing him Sec. of War ad interim. He deliberately 
read it, folded it up, and said " Very well." 

About half-past 12 p.m. Genl. Schriver handed to the President Mr. 
Stanton's reply to the letter suspending him from office. 20 

When the President read the letter to me, he said " the turning 
point has at last come; the Rubicon is crossed," adding, "You do not 
know what Mr. Stanton has said and done against me." He then re- 
ferred to a report prepared at the War Dept. upon a resolution of the 
House of Reps., in which was embraced a list of murders alleged to 
have been committed by rebels in the South, not called for by the in- 
quiry, and respecting which the Sec'ry had declared that when it was 
laid before the House the President would be thrust from office without 
a moment's delay. 

25 Welles, III. 167. 

26 Trial, I. 148, 149; Richardson, Messages, VI. 583-584. 



1 1 o Documents 

August 13, 1867. 
Speaking of Mr. Stanton and his letter denying the President's au- 
thority to suspend him, the President said that Mr. Stanton was one 
of the most earnest members of the Cabinet in denouncing the consti- 
tutionality of the tenure of office act. He was so decided in his expres- 
sions that the President, who then had also under consideration the sup- 
plemental reconstruction act, requested that Mr. Stanton, Mr. Seward, 
and Mr. Welles should prepare a veto, as he (Mr. Johnson) had his 
hands too full to give the subject the attention which it merited. 27 The 
veto was accordingly prepared, Mr. Seward writing it, Mr. Stanton fur- 
nishing the authorities, and Mr. Welles giving some references upon 
the question which the bill involved. The President and Secretary 
Welles said that on the occasion referred to, Mr. Stanton, in language as 
strong as that used by Senator Sherman when the measure was before 
the Senate, declared that no person of proper sense of honor would 
remain in the Cabinet when asked to resign. When Mr. Stanton had 
thus expressed himself, the President said he did his best to cause the 
Secretary to understand that his resignation would be agreeable. It 
seemed to be well understood that the bill had been passed for the pur- 
pose of retaining Mr. Stanton in President Johnson's Cabinet. 

Aug. 14, 1867. 
The President to day, in speaking of the Hon. Mr. Groesbeck, of Cin- 
cinnati, Ohio, 28 said he was thoroughly familiar with our currency sys- 
tem, and was eminently qualified for the Treasury portfolio. 

Aug. 17, 1867. 
The President issued an order to day for the removal of Genl. Sher- 
idan as Commander of the 5th District, believing that he was acting in 
a most arbitrary manner. In sending it to Genl. Grant, he wrote him a 
sort of personal note, saying that " before you issue instructions to carry 
into effect the enclosed order, I would be pleased to hear any suggestions 
you may deem necessary respecting the assignment to which the order 
refers." The President, in writing the note, said to me that if there were 
any good reasons against his order, Genl. Grant could call upon him and 
state them ; that he presumed the General would of course oppose the 
order, as in his letter of the 1st Aug., 1867, he had protested against the 
proposed removal of Stanton and Sheridan, intimating that the change 
would produce a revolution. 29 Contrary to the President's expectations, 
Grant sent a zvritten communication, of this date, urgently asking that 
the order be not insisted on, and which will be found in the package 
marked " Major Genl. P. H. Sheridan and the 5th Military District." 30 

Aug. 19, 1867. 

The President replied to Grant in a forcible letter of this date. The 
General came over to see the President, and, after a brief conversation, 
acquiesced in the President's reasons for the change of commanders in 
the Fifth Military District, expressing the belief that Sheridan, who he 
said was familiar with the Western country, would do admirably in a 

" February 26, 1S67. Welles, III. 50-51. 

28 William S. Groesbeck, who in the ensuing impeachment trial was counsel 
for the President. 

"House E.r. Doc. A'o. 57, 40 Cong., 2 scss., p. 1. 

80 Ibid., p. 4- 



Notes of Colonel W. G Moore 1 1 1 

command in the Indian region. He added, however, that it had been 
rumored that first Sheridan would be removed by the President, then the 
other district commanders, and finally himself. The President smiled, 
and reminded the General that long ago he had desired him to act as Sec. 
of War. The General replied " yes, he did not see the use of a civilian 
as Sec. of War," and gave the President to understand that after all the 
removal or suspension of Mr. Stanton was not a bad thing. 

In narrating the above, the President said that when the proposition 
to remove Sheridan was submitted to the Cabinet, Mr. Welles alone 
favored it — the other — especially Messrs. McCulloch and Browning — 
appearing absolutely frightened at the very idea. 31 

Aug. 24, 1867. 

On the 22d Genl. Grant referred to the President a telegram of the 
previous day from Surgeon Hasson, saying that Genl. Thomas 32 was in 
West Virginia, suffering from a disordered liver, and expressing the 
belief that it would be dangerous for the General to proceed to New 
Orleans, (to relieve Sheridan.) where the yellow fever was very preva- 
lent. The President thought that this was a favorable indication that 
Providence was aiding him — his desire, in the first instance, having been 
to send Hancock to relieve Sheridan, but Thomas having been finally 
selected, because he was know[n] to be a Radical in his views, and one 
to whom that party could offer no objection. At the same time, how- 
ever, he thought that Hancock was the better man of the two for New 
Orleans — being a splendid looking soldier, of most courteous bearing, 
firm and decided, and withal of considerable ability. He had not, be- 
sides, been mixed up with political matters, and would go to New 
Orleans unprejudiced. 

When, therefore, Grant sent over the Surgeon's certificate and recom- 
mended a suspension of the order, the President concluded that it should 
at once be changed. This he did not do, however, until today, (the 
24th,) when he altered the order so as to send Hancock to New Orleans, 
and leave Thomas, on account of the " unfavorable condition " of his 
health, in command of the Dept. of the Cumberland. 33 

In speaking of the Cabinet meeting on the previous day, the Presi- 
dent remarked that Grant had argued that it would not do to correct the 
District Commanders in what they did, as such interference must tend 
to lessen their influence in their commands. He had also actually 
argued that the commanders of military districts were heads of Depts., 
in the sense intended in the clause of the Constitution which declares 
that Congress " may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers 
as they think proper in the President alone, in the courts of law. or in 
the heads of departments." 34 

Aug. 26, 1868. 

The President issued today his modified order, retaining Thomas in 
command of the Dept. of the Cumberland, assigning Hancock to the 
5th Military District, and ordering Sheridan to the Dept. of the Mis- 
souri. He also ordered that Canby relieve Sickles in the command of 
the Second Military District. 

About three p.m. Aug. 27, the President received from Grant a 
letter, dated the 26th, protesting against the former's order in reference 
to the 5th Military District. The General urged — 

"Welles, III. 149-155- 

32 Major-General George H. Thomas. 

30 House Ex. Doc. No. 57, 40 Cong., 2 sess., pp. 6-7. 

34 Welles, III. 182-183, 186-187. 



1 1 2 Documents 

ist. That as Thomas himself had not been heard from directly, there 
was no present necessity for modifying the order of the 17th, and that 
unless there were some grave public reasons, no officer should be sent 
to New Orleans at this time, (on acct. of the prevalence of yellow fever.) 

2d. That if Sheridan were immediately withdrawn, there would re- 
main in command no officer of the rank required by law, (Brigadier 
Genl.) He assumed, therefore, that the President would at least modify 
his order in this respect. 

3d. That the laws devolved upon him (Grant) certain duties, and 
that he would not consent to yield any of the authority they vested in 
him, but on the contrary would insist upon its exercise. He admitted the 
right of the President to assign commanders to the districts, but thought 
that as he was, under the laws, responsible to a considerable extent for 
their execution, he should be consulted. He would, however, issue the 
order necessary to carry out the assignment directed by the President, 
but must object to the details. 

4. That never mind whether the country should judge right or 
wrong, this act of the President would be interpreted as an effort to 
defeat the reconstruction measures of Congress. Such a movement, on 
the part of the President, would only tend to disquiet and financial diffi- 
culties, and must lead to the adoption of more stringent measures in 
regard to the South. 

The Genl. concluded by saying that he had sent this communication 
to the President because he was greatly in earnest. 

The President, after having read the above letter in my presence, 
handed it to me. I read it, and at the request of the President, ex- 
pressed an opinion as to its contents. The President then pronounced 
it insubordinate in tone, and said that he hardly believed any answer 
could be necessary ; that if it were even published naked and alone, it 
would, in the minds of all sensible persons, condemn the author; but 
that as it was late in the afternoon, he would not determine whether or 
not he would answer it ; early in the morning, however, he would let me 
know his decision. 

Aug. 28, 1867. 

The President informed me this morning that he had determined to 
send for Genl. Grant, and discuss with him kindly, but firmly the posi- 
tions assumed in the latter's letter. If the result of the interview should 
not be satisfactory, a written reply could then be prepared. Genl. Grant 
was accordingly sent for, and in a few moments made his appearance. 

The interview did not last very long. To use the President's own 
words, " After a full and free conference upon the various points of 
objection raised in Genl. Grant's letter, the General himself proposed to 
withdraw the communication ". The President assenting, the Genl. took 
the latter with him, and shortly afterwards sent a formal request for 
permission for its withdrawal, to which the President formally re- 
sponded. 

The President said that in the course of the conversation he told 
Genl. Grant that the letter could do him (the President) no harm; that 
he could reply to it as successfully as he had answered his previous 
communication ; and that it would do the Genl. more harm than it would 
him, (the President). President Johnson reminded Genl. Grant that at 
the Cabinet meeting the day before he (Grant) had asked to be ex- 
cused from attending Cabinet sessions, as he did not wish to participate 
in political discussions, and had requested that he might be sent for when 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 1 1 3 

military matters were to be considered ; also that the President had 
replied that it was entirely a matter of option with the General whether 
he engaged in such discussions or not. It now seemed (said the Presi- 
dent to Genl. Grant) that while the General was making these sugges- 
tions, this very letter, which amounted to a sort of political essay, was 
being copied for his signature at Army Headquarters. The President 
further suggested that if every order he gave was to provoke a political 
essay from the General, it would be impossible for the Executive and the 
head of the War Dept. to work together ; that the General must know 
that there were persons whose interests it would be to create misunder- 
standing between them; and that he (the President) could not see the 
force of the General's arguments, especially those that referred to the 
authority conferred by law upon Grant, when the order itself expressly 
declared that the District Commanders were to exercise any and all 
powers conferred upon them by law — none other. 

Genl. Grant then asked if he could withdraw the paper, saying that 
he would issue the order, as instructed by the President. It was accord- 
ingly published on the 29th, bearing date the 27th. 35 (See papers marked 
"Genl. Grant, Genl. Sheridan, and Secretary Stanton.") 

Thursday, Nov. 21, 1867. 
About 8-1/2 p.m. Col. Cooper 30 came into the Library at the Execu- 
tive Mansion and told the President that John Morrissey had just been 
to see him, and had assured him that the House Judiciary Committee 
had resolved upon a proposition for impeachment, and that the result 
had been effected by a change of base on the part of Mr. Churchill, of 
N.Y., a member of the Committee. 37 The President was disposed to 
doubt the correctness of the information, but remarked that if it was 
correct, " so let it be." I at once went to make inquiry, and ascertained 
that Cooper's information was correct. 

Friday, Nov. 30, 1867. 
Read to the Cabinet the President's annual message, to which there 
appeared to be no objection. 38 Also, read to the Cabinet his inquiries 
growing out of the proposition to suspend him during the impeachment 
trial. The Cabinet unanimously determined that the power of suspen- 
sion was one that could not be constitutionally exercised. 

The President was much gratified, and remarked to me, after the 
adjournment of the Cabinet, that the day had produced great results. 
The time for mere defence had now passed, and he could stand on the 
offensive in behalf of the Constitution and the country. 

Genl. Hancock's order, on assuming command of the 5th. Military 
District, 39 highly gratified the President, who characterized it as manly 
and statesmanlike. 

December 12, 1867. 
The Atty. Genl. (Mr. Stanbery) was quite anxious that the President 
35 Welles. III. 188-189. Grant's general order no. 81. 

38 Colonel Edmund Cooper, representative from Tennessee 1866-1867, assistant 
secretary of the Treasury 1867-1869, and an intimate friend of the President. 
"John C. Churchill, representative 1867-1S71. Welles. III. 23S. 

38 Richardson, VI. 558-581. 

39 The celebrated order no. 40. dated November 29. 1867, emphasizing the 
supremacy of the civil power. See The Civil Record of Major-Genera] Winfield 
Scott Hancock during his Administration in Louisiana and Texas, pp. 4-5, and 
F. E. Goodrich. Life of Hancock, pp. 245-246. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 8. 



1 1 4 Documents 

should at once communicate to the Senate the reasons for the suspension 
of Mr. Stanton, suggesting that under the tenure of office bill the 20 
days began on the assembling of Congress on the 21st of Nov. Mr. 
Stanbery had prepared a very elaborate paper on the subject, while the 
President had expressed his views in a brief, dignified history of the 
case, covering but a few pages. This, the President believed, was all 
that the question required. Mr. Stanbery, however, thought the case 
presented an excellent opportunity for the President's vindication, and 
therefore urged that his paper should be sent to the Senate. To-day the 
President caused me to read the message prepared by the Attorney 
General to Messrs. Stanbery, Welles, and Browning, and they discussed 
at some length the questions it contained. 40 

December 15, 1867. 

The President yet thinks his message in Mr. Stanton's case would 
perhaps have been the best that could have been sent in. He says, 
however, that several Senators and other persons had told him that the 
one he had sent to the Senate contained the only explanation they had 
seen of the New Orleans riot. 

He said that he understood from reliable authority that General 
Grant had considerable feeling about Secy. Stanton's letter yielding to 
him the War office. It was understood (the President remarked) that 
before Genl. Grant accepted the ad interim appointment he and Mr. 
Stanton had a " full and free conference," in which the latter advised the 
former to take the position. The General, however, seemed to think that 
in saying " inasmuch as the Genl. commanding the armies of the U. S. 
has been appointed ad interim, and has notified me that he has accepted 
the appointment, I have no alternative but to submit to military force." 
Mr. Stanton conveyed an intimation that he (Grant) was to some ex- 
tent responsible for the President's action. 

In further referring to Genl. Grant, the President observed that at 
the time of the removal of Sheridan, Grant appeared to have fallen into 
the idea that a revolution would be the result of such a proceeding: and 
that when the question was submitted to the Cabinet, Secretary Welles 
was the only one who sustained the President. Even Atty. Genl. Stan- 
bery opposed the order, saying to the President that Mr. Wilson, the 
chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, 41 had declared that such 
a step would lead to impeachment, inasmuch as it would clearly indicate 
the intention of the Executive to hinder the execution of the recon- 
struction laws. The President said that when the removal of Sheridan 
was proposed, Mr. Browning's face actually seemed to grow thin at the 
suggestion, and that Mr. Randall exhibited nervousness and recom- 
mended delay. 

The President has prepared a message, suggesting to Congress a vote 
of thanks to Genl. Hancock for the order issued by him in assuming 
command of the 5th District, which takes ground for the prevalence of 
civil law. He has not yet, however, determined to send it to Congress. 42 

Jany. 7. 1868. 

I prepared today, by the President's direction, a letter of removal 

in the case of Mr. Stanton, and also a brief message to the Senate 

40 Richardson, VI. 583-594. Orville H. Browning was Secretary of the 

"James F. Wilson, representative from Iowa 1861-1860, one of the managers 
of tin- impeachment on behalf of the House, and senator 1883-1895. 
'-Suit to the Senate under date December 18, 1867. 



Notes of Colonel IV. G. Moore 1 1 5 

informing that body of the termination of Mr. S.'s connection with the 
War Dept. by dismissal. 43 The President said he desired to have these 
papers ready for signature at any moment, as he saw that the Senate 
were about to take up and act upon the suspension of the Secretary. 
I referred to the assertion made by some of the journals that Genl. 
Grant had expressed an intention to transfer the War Office to Mr. 
Stanton, in case the Senate should decide in the latter's favor. The 
President answered that Genl. Grant had told him that his action would 
be limited to withdrawing from the Department and leaving it in the 
hands of the President as fully as when it was conferred upon him, (the 
Genl.) The President expressed the opinion that perhaps it would be 
well for the Senate to reinstate the Secretary, as he could at once be 
removed, and in the mean time Genl. Grant be gotten rid of ; indeed both 
would thus be disposed of, so far as the War Dept. was concerned. 
"Grant" (the President remarked) "had served the purpose for which 
he had been selected, and it was desirable that he should be superseded 
in the War Office by another." 

January 14, 1868. 

The President received last evening official notice of the action of the 
Senate, taken that day, refusing to concur in the suspension of Secy. 
Stanton. This morning Genl. Comstock, one of Grant's aides, delivered 
to the President a letter from the General, stating that he had last even- 
ing received official notice of the action of the Senate in the case of the 
suspension of Mr. Stanton, and that under the second section of the 
tenure of office law, his (Grant's) functions ceased from the time of the 
receipt by him of the Senate's resolution. 44 

The President exhibited great indignation at what he termed " Grant's 
duplicity ". He said that no later than the preceding Saturday Grant 
had distinctly told him that if he found he could not, in his own opinion, 
properly resist the action of the Senate, he would at least leave the office 
of Sec. of War in the condition in which it was when he had been ap- 
pointed to the position. This the President declared was not the first 
time that Genl. Grant had deceived him. In the case of the removal of 
Gov. Jenkins, of Georgia, by Genl. Meade, noticed in this morning's 
papers, Grant (the President said) had entirely deceived him, having 
given him to understand that no such removal would be made. 

Genl. Grant attended Cabinet meeting to-day, (the 14th) and the 
President, in the presence of the Secretaries, referred to the War Dept. 
matter, asking the General if he did not distinctly tell the President 
that should the Senate reinstate the Secretary of War, and he (Grant) 
should not feel himself at liberty to resist such action, he would at least 
leave the office at the disposal of the President. This, the Presidt. said, 
the General acknowledged before the entire Cabinet, with an abashed 
look never to be forgotten. 45 Besides (continued the President) Genl. 
Grant attended the levee last evening, with his wife. Before coming he 
had received notice of the action of the Senate, and could then have 
notified me of what he intended to do, and at least have left me the 
option of making another selection in his place, if I deemed it proper to 
do so. He then alluded to an assertion that had beeen made that previous 
to Genl. Grant's attendance at the levee, the Genl. and Secretary Stanton 
had had a conference at the former's residence and agreed upon a 
"The letter (Trial, I. 156) was not actually sent until February 21, 1868. 
** McPherson, Reconstruction, p. 283. 
" Welles, III. 259-262. 



1 1 6 Documents 

course of action, and laughed at the fact that the Radicals had actually 
legislated Grant, their favorite for the Presidency, out of the War Dept. 

January 15, 1 868. 

Genl. Grant, in company with Gen. Sherman, called early this morn- 
ing. After the interview closed, the President said to me that Genl. 
Grant had alluded to an article published in the Intelligencer of this 
morning, and headed " The Stanton affair," and remarked that it con- 
tained some things which he (Grant) did not understand to be true. 
The President replied that he had not yet read the article; and shortly 
after Grant and Sherman withdrew. 

At the President's request, I read to him the article, and he said it 
was substantially true. Subsequently Secretary Welles came in, and 
when the subject was mentioned to him, said that he had read the article, 
and that it was a true statement of the case, so far as it related to what 
had taken place at the Cabinet meeting. The Secretary added that he 
was sorry some one had not been " present to take down the exact words, 
but more especially to paint Grant's confusion of face and manner;" 
that the General " acknowledged every thing the President said in 
regard to the understanding between them, and when the conversation 
was through, slunk away to the door in a manner most humiliating and 
pitiable." 

January 16, 1868. 

Secretary McCulloch, in describing the scene at the Cabinet meeting 
to Atty. Genl. Stanbery, (who was not present on the occasion,) con- 
veyed the same idea as that expressed by Secretary Welles yesterday. 

Jany. 17. — For proceedings of Cabinet on the Grant-Stanton matter 
see Vol. 4, scrap book, page yy. ia 

January 26, (Sunday) 1868 — 

The President said he intended to make a new military district, con- 
sisting of Maryland, Delaware, Virginia, and West Virginia, and to 
place Genl. Sherman in command, his headquarters to be in the War 
Dept., at Washington ; that then it was his purpose to make Sherman 
Sec. of War ad interim.* He told me that yesterday evening week Genl. 
Sherman intimated to him that there was not the best of feeling between 
Mr. Stanton and Genl. Grant; that on the next morning (Sunday, the 
19th.) Genl. Grant called at the Executive Mansion prior to going to 
Richmond, and in the course of conversation spoke of the insignificance 
to which Mr. Stanton could be reduced in his present position; that he 
(the President) referred to the law creating the office, and replied yes. 
that the Secretary would amount to nothing more than a clerk; that 
General Grant then said that he would not obey Mr. Stanton's orders, 
unless he knew they emanated from the President; that he (the Presi- 
dent ) replied that in pursuing such a course the General would do 
right; that he (the President) did not consider Mr. Stanton as author- 
ized to act as Secretary of War; he had suspended him from office, and 
did not intend to recognize him. 

The President then referred to a letter of Genl. Grant, delivered on 
the 24th by Genl. Comstock, viz: "I have the honor very respectfully 

" Doubtless the scrapbook referred to by Welles, III. 262. It is at the 
Library of Congress. 

* See package marked Genl. Sherman for his letters, declining to take a 
command at Washington. (Mole in original.) 



Notes of Colonel W, G. Moore 117 

to request to have in writing the order which the President gave me 
verbally on Sunday, the 19th. instant, to disregard the orders of the 
Hon. E. M. Stanton as Secretary of War, until I know from the Presi- 
dent himself that they were his orders." 47 

The President said to me that he did not think he would give the 
order; that the General had been very restive under Mr. Stanton, had 
evidently been very glad to get rid of him, had now put him back in the 
War Dept., and he thought he would let them fight it out. The Presi- 
dent also alluded to a letter of Genl. Sherman, dated the 18th., in which 
that officer, in referring to Genl. Grant, says " he will call on you 
tomorrow, and offer to go to Mr. Stanton to say, for the good of the 
service and of the country, he ought to resign."' (See papers marked 
" Genl. Sherman.") 

January 28, 1868. — See, in the " Correspondence with Genl. Grant 
growing out of his vacation of the War Department," letter of Jany. 28, 
1868, renewing his request of the 24th, and alluding to " gross misrepre- 
sentations " " purporting to come from the President," etc., etc. 

In the same package of papers, will also be found the President's 
order upon the subject, dated Jan. 29, 1868, and Genl. Grant's reply 
dated the succeeding day. 

January 29, 1868, the President dictated his reply to General Grant's 
letter of the 28th. 

January jz. — Genl. Grant's letter of the 28 was today read to the 
Cabinet. The President then submitted his reply. It was declared to be 
correct, and met the approval of all the members of the Cabinet present, 
excepting Mr. Stanbery, who, not having attended the meeting of the 
14th, could not of course say any thing with reference to the accuracy 
of the President's statements. The members present today, in addition 
to Mr. Stanbery. were Messrs. Seward, Welles. McCulloch, Randall, and 
Browning, 48 

February 3, 1868. — 

The correspondence between the President and Genl. Grant was read 
today to Genl. Sherman. Genl. Sherman corroborated the statement 
made by Genl. Grant in his letter of the 28th, respecting the conversa- 
tion which took place on Saturday, the nth Jany, between the General, 
Lieut. General, and some members of Grant's staff, in which the latter 
expressed his views as to his duty under the tenure of office law, and 
said he would at once see the President upon the subject. Genl. Sher- 
man told the President that Genl. Grant seemed to have made up his 
mind to await Mr. Stanton's written demand for the office, and then to 
have referred the subject to the President — thus, as the President held, 
conclusively showing that the General did contemplate holding on to the 
office for the President's instructions, and that for some cause or other 
he suddenly changed his intention. Genl. Sherman further said that 
Genl. Grant was very much angered at the course of Mr. Stanton, and 
seemed to have been thwarted in his plans by the action of the Secre- 
tary in taking such early possession of the War Office. General Sher- 
man also said that General 'Grant had told him that Tuesday morning, 
when Mr. Stanton took possession of the War Dept., the Secretary had 
sent for him in the usual manner, by an orderly; that Genl. Grant was 
" Trial, I. 240. 
48 Welles, III. 267, 268. The various letters alluded to are in McPherson. 



1 1 8 Documents 

indignant against him, declaring that he would never again enter the 
Dept. while Mr. Stanton was its head, unless sent for; and that Genl. 
Grant was deeply troubled by the condition which affairs had now 
assumed, and had become very obstinate in reference to the matter. 19 

February 4, 1868. 

Genl. Grant's letter of the 3d, in reply to the President's communica- 
tion of the 31st, was read to the Cabinet to-day. 50 It evoked expressions 
both of indignation and ridicule. 

Attorney Genl. Stanbery said that aside from the facts in the case, 
the tone and taste of the letter struck him as most extraordinary. 

Secretary Browning. It is the weakest and most disreputable letter 
that he could have written. 

Secretary Welles. He has great ambition, and is a most remorseless 
man. That was shown in his campaign in Virginia. 

Secretary McCulloch. His conversation here was exactly the con- 
trary of what he asserts. 

Mr. Secretary Browning. The letter is weak, false, and disreputable. 

A suggestion was then made, which met with great unanimity, that 
an answer should be returned simply stating that the character of the 
communication was such as to preclude any further correspondence upon 
the subject. Atty General Stanbery thought that the acknowledgment 
of the letter should be made by the Private Secretary — not by the Pres- 
ident, and in the course of the conversation Mr. Secretary McCulloch 
stated that General Grant seemed so greatly disturbed at the Cabinet 
meeting of the 14th. ultimo that it was not surprising that he did not 
recollect what he had then said. 

Secretary Browning. How does he explain why he entered into an 
explanation as an excuse for not having called on Monday? If he had 
not promised, there was no necessity for any excuse. 

The Attorney General then read the letter, reviewing it, as he pro- 
ceeded, very severely. 

February 5, 1868. 

Mr. Stanbery called this morning, and the President caused to be 
read to him the reply he had prepared to Genl. Grant's letter of the 3d. 
The Attorney General earnestly urged that as the question was now one 
of veracity between the President and the General, the members of the 
Cabinet who were present at the Cabinet meeting of the 14th. ultimo 
should be called upon for a statement respecting the conversation which 
then took place. He reminded the President that he (Mr. S.) was an 
old lawyer, that he had been accustomed to watching cases, and he be- 
lieved now was the moment to nail this whole affair by doing as he had 
suggested.''' 1 

February 6, 1868. 

The President today issued an order creating the Military Division 
of the Atlantic, to be commanded by Lieut. Genl. Sherman, with his 
headquarters at Washington — the Genl. to assume command as early as 
may be practicable. The President thought this order would " set some 
persons to thinking." 

"Sherman, Memoirs (1886), II. 425-428. 

"Welles, III. 269-270. 

"This course was taken. Welles, III. 271. The letters are in McPherson, 
pp. 289-291. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 1 1 9 

February 7, 1868. 
The President, this morning, directed the withdrawal of the above- 
named order, and it was accordingly returned from Genl. Grant's Head- 
quarters. 

February I2th, 1868. 
The President to-day renewed the order creating the Division of 
the Atlantic — omitting, however, the words, " You will direct Lieut. 
Genl. Sherman to assume command as early as may be practicable." 

February 13, 1868. 

The President today nominated Sherman " to be General by brevet in 
the Army of the U.S. for distinguished courage, skill, and ability dis- 
played during the war of the rebellion ". 

February 15, 1868. 

It is said that General Sherman objects to the nomination of 
General by brevet, as well as to the command of the new Military- 
Division. - The President, in referring to the matter, said that when 
Sherman was in Washington, he conversed with him upon both of these 
subjects; that the General had expressed in writing his views in regard 
to the new command ; but that when it was proposed to brevet him, 
he had objected in a way in which a diffident man would hesitate to 
accept such a distinction. 

Monday, Febry. 17, 1868. 

On Saturday, the 15th, it was suggested to John Potts, the Chief 
Clerk of the War Dept., that as in case of vacancy the law made 
him the custodian of all official papers in the Dept., he would be the 
proper person to be appointed Sec. of War ad interim, until Genl. Mc- 
Clellan or some other suitable person could be nominated to and con- 
firmed by the Senate. The President's idea was to remove Mr. Stanton, 
appoint John Potts Secretary ad interim, and let him demand the 
papers, etc. of the War Dept. If Mr. Stanton refused to yield them, then 
the case was to be brought before the courts. Mr. Potts earnestly de- 
sired not to be placed in such a position, urging that he, as Chief Clerk, 
was the appointee of the Secretary; that if he should go to the Secre- 
tary and demand the papers, the Secretary could reply by his removal ; 
that his relations with Mr. Stanton were of a very pleasant nature, and 
he did not wish to disturb them. 

The President remarked this morning that if he could only find a 
proper person to act as Secretary ad interim, he would settle the War 
Department question without a moment's delay. 

February 18, 1868. 
The President entertains some idea of appointing Genl. Thomas, the 
Adjutant General, Secretary of War ad interim. 

February 19, 1868. 

The President received through Army Headquarters, this morning, 
Genl. Sherman's letter of the 14th. He was at a loss to know why the 
Genl. had not communicated directly with him, and although Sherman in 
most earnest terms asked to be relieved from the command of the New- 
Military Dept., the President thought he would yet be pleased to come 
to Washington, remarking that he knew Mrs. S. wished to do so. 

The President did not delay long in sending the following telegram : 

52 See The Sherman Letters, pp. 300-310. 



1 20 Documents 

"To Lt. Genl. Wm. T. Sherman, 
" Saint Louis, Mo. 
" I have just reed., with Genl. Grant's endorsement of reference, your 
letter, to me of the 14th. instant. The order to which you refer was 
made in good faith, and with a view to the best interests of the country 
and the Service. As, however, your assignment to a new military divi- 
sion seems so objectionable, you will retain your present command. 

" Andrew Johnson." 
A copy of the above was sent to Genl. Grant for his information. 

St. Louis, Feb. 19, 1868. 
" To the President : 

" Your very kind despatch is at hand. I cannot express under what 
deep obligations I am for your concession to my wishes. 

Wm. T. Sherman, 
" Lieut. General." 

Feb. 19 — continued. 
The President discussed the expediency of making Adjt. Genl. Lor- 
enzo Thomas Sec. of War ad interim. He said he was determined to 
remove Mr. Stanton; that self-respect demanded it; and that if the 
people did not entertain sufficient respect for their Chief Magistrate to 
uphold him in such a measure, then he ought to resign. 

Febry 20, 1868. 

The War Dept. subject still under consideration in the mind of the 
President. 

Febry 21, 1868. 

The President entered the office promptly this morning, and imme- 
diately directed the preparation of the following-named papers: 53 

1st. — The removal of Mr. Stanton and the apptmt. of Lorenzo 
Thomas, the Adjt. General, as Secretary of War ad interim. 

2d. A message notifying the Senate of the change. 

3d. A request to the Secretary of State to bring with him to Cabinet 
meeting the nomination of George B. McClellan as Minister to England. 

4th. A nomination for the apptmt. of George H. Thomas as a Lieu- 
tenant General by brevet, and a General by brevet. 

The President sent for Genl. Lorenzo Thomas, and handed him his 
letter of appointment, and also the removal of Mr. Stanton. He showed 
Genl. Thomas the laws upon the subject, remarking that he wished to 
proceed according to the Constitution and the laws, and advised the 
General to be accompanied by a witness when he delivered to Mr. 
Stanton the letter of removal. Genl. Thomas said he would take with 
him Genl. Williams, of the Adj. Genl's. Office, 54 and would report tin- 
result to the President. 

Before one o'clock P. M. Genl. Thomas returned, and reported that 
he had delivered to Mr. Stanton the President's communication, with (he 
remark, " I am directed by the President to hand you this." Mr. Stan- 
ton (said Genl. Thomas) sat on the sofa, and after reading the paper, 
said, " Do you wish me to vacate at once, or am 1 to be permitted to 
stay long enough to remove my property?" "Certainly", 1 said; "act 
M Thc first two are in Trial, I. 156. 

"Major Robert Williams, brevet brigadier-general, assistant adjutant-general, 
The ensuing narrative agrees with Thomas's testimony, Trial, I. 418-419. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 121 

your pleasure ". I then showed him my order. He said " I wish you to 
give me a copy." I replied " Certainly, sir." I then returned to my 
office, a copy of the paper was made by Genl. Townsend, 55 and I cer- 
tified it as Secretary of War ad interim. When I took it up to him, he 
said " I want some little time for reflection. I don't know whether I 
shall obey your orders or resist them." 

The Senate was notified by message of the change made in the War 
Dept. and the nominations of Genl. McClellan and Genl. Thomas 56 were 
submitted, at the same time, to that honorable body. 

February 22, 1868. 

Genl. Thomas 57 was arrested at an early hour this morning. He went 
to the Executive Mansion in company with the Marshal, and then, at 
the President's suggestion, proceeded to the Atty General for advice. 
The President said the intention was to give bail and stand trial. 
Shortly after he sent for the Atty Genl, who came immediately. 

Genl. Thomas was released on bail, and after calling at the office 
of the Atty. Genl., proceeded to the President's House and saw Mr. 
Johnson, relating to him the proceedings before Judge Cartter. He 
then went to the War Dept., and was summoned into the presence of 
Mr. Stanton, who, he said, was surrounded by several members of Con- 
gress. The Adjt. General gave the following account of the conversa- 
tion that ensued: Mr. Stanton remarked that he understood that Genl. 
Thomas had been issuing orders as Secretary of War ad interim, and 
he ordered him to desist. Genl. Thomas replied that Mr. Stanton was 
no longer Secretary of War, but that he (Thomas) was, and would con- 
tinue to issue orders as such. Mr. Stanton then ordered him to proceed 
to his own office as Adjt. General. Gen. Thomas positively refused to 
take any order from Mr. Stanton, and the order and refusal were 
repeated three times. Mr. Stanton replied " Very well " ; then you may- 
stand in the middle of the floor as long as you like. Upon the suggestion 
of Genl. Thomas, he and Mr. Stanton then went into an adjoining room, 
where Mr. S. repeated his orders, which the General declined to obey. 
Genl. Moorhead, a Representative from Pa., 5S was present, and wrote 
the orders of the Secretary and the replies of General Thomas. In the 
course of the conversation, Genl. Thomas told Mr. Stanton that he had 
caused his (Thomas') arrest before breakfast, and that he had had 
nothing to eat or drink. Mr. Stanton replied that he thought Genl. 
Schriver 5 ' J could supply a drink, and thereupon that gentleman produced 
a small bottle, containing a small drink, which Genl. Thomas took. Mr. 
Stanton then put his arm around Genl. T.'s neck, and run his fingers 
through his hair. He also sent to his house for a full bottle, which 
arriving, they drank together. 

Mr. Stanbery and Mr. Welles came to see the President. After an 
earnest conversation, it was determined, upon the urgent recommenda- 
tion of the Attorney General, to send to the Senate the name of Thomas 
Ewing, senior, of Ohio, for Secretary of War. Mr. Stanbery said he 

65 Colonel Edward D. Townsend, brevet major-general. 

58 George H. 

51 Lorenzo ; arrested at Stanton's instance. See his testimony, Trial, I. 428- 
429. 

58 James K. Moorhead, representative 1859-1869. See his testimony in Trial, 
I. 170-174. 

60 Edmund Schriver, brevet major-general, in charge of the Inspection Bureau. 



1 2 2 Documents 

was not too old for the place ; 60 that he was an able lawyer, an " old line 
Whig," and an earnest supporter of the President. The President had in 
the morning suggested Mr. Ewing's apptment. The nomination was pre- 
pared and taken to the Senate, but that body had adjourned after a very 
brief session. 61 

In the House of Reps, there was considerable excitement, and the 
Committee on Reconstruction presented a resolution of impeachment. 

The President says that he has made an issue demanded by his self- 
respect, and that if he cannot be President in fact, he will not be Pres- 
ident in name alone. I have (said he) taken a step which I believe to 
be right, and I intend to abide by it. I do not want to see this Gov- 
ernment relapse into a despotism. I have ever battled for the rights 
and liberties of the People, and I am now endeavoring to defend them 
from arbitrary power. 

February 23d, 1868 (Sunday.) 

A message was prepared today in reply to the Senate resolution 
denying the power of the President to remove the Secretary of War and 
appoint a Secretary ad interim. It seems the message is at the instance 
of some of the Radical Senators, who it is said desire some reasons to 
justify them in opposing impeachment. 

, February 24, 1868— (Monday.) 

The message above referred to, bearing date the 22d, 62 and the 
nomination of Mr. Ewing, were submitted to the Senate to-day. A large 
number of the City Police on duty at the Capitol — there seeming to be 
an apprehension of some demonstration against Congress. At the Exec- 
utive Mansion affairs are very quiet. 

Senator Doolittle 63 sent to the President this morning, in great haste, 
a note urging him to send a message to both Houses. The President 
said he would do nothing of the kind. The message he had prepared 
was in answer to a resolution of the Senate, and the House had there- 
fore nothing to do with it. 

The President, at about 6 P.M. today, received information of the 
vote on impeachment in the House of Reps.— 126 to 47. He received 
the news very calmly, simply remarking that he thought many of those 
who had voted for impeachment felt more uneasy as to the position in 
which they had thus placed themselves than he did as to the situation in 
which they had put him. 

February 25, 1868. 

Matters very quiet at the Executive Mansion. 

February 26, 1868. 
Genl. Lorenzo Thomas was today released — Mr. Stanton declining to 
prosecute. 

It is said that the Committee upon the subject are in " travail " over 
the articles of impeachment that are to be brought against the President 
— finding it difficult to agree. 

February 28, 1868. 
On Monday Genl. Emory, '' commanding the Department of Wash- 
60 Gov. Thomas Ewing, formerly Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary of the 
Interior, and senator, was 78 years old at this time. 

01 See Col. Moore's testimony in Trial, I. 556-357. 
" : Printed in Richardson, VI. 622-627. 
"James R. Doolittle of Wisconsin, senator 1857-1869. 
"Maj.-Gen, William 11. Emory. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore I 2 3 

ington, instructed the officer commanding the garrison of the city to send 
verbal orders to officers in charge of troops or posts that alt orders must 
come through proper channels. 

February 29, 1868. 

The President, in very earnest terms, referred to the question of im- 
peachment. He said : " They have impeached me for a violation of the 
Constitution and the laws. Have I not been struggling, ever since I 
occupied this chair, to uphold the Constitution which they are trampling 
under foot? I suppose I made Col. Cooper angry with me to-day. He 
wanted me to use the patronage of my office to prevent a judgment 
against me by the Senate! I will do nothing of the kind. If acquitted, 
I will not owe it to bribery. I would rather be convicted than buy 
acquittal." 

Articles of impeachment were today reported from the Committee in 
the House of Reps. 

March 7, 1868. 

At seven o'clock P. M. today the Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate 
presented to the President the summons to appear before the High Court 
of Impeachment. 

March 8, 1868. 

The President said that overtures had been made to Secretary Seward, 
to the effect that in the event of a change of administration he should 
be retained in office, provided he did nothing to interfere with the prog- 
ress of impeachment. Mr. Seward's reply was, " I will see you damned 
first ! The impeachment of the President is the impeachment of his 
Cabinet." 

March 10, 1868. 

Mr. Stanbery has determined to resign the office of Attorney General, 
that he may become one of the President's counsel in the impeachment 
trial — Unless he resigned, he said that the Radicals would charge that 
while he was the counsel of the President, he was in the pay of the 
United States. Besides he wished to devote his whole time and atten- 
tion to the great work. Afterwards he might resume the office, provided 
the Senate would permit him to do so. 

March 11, 1868. 

Mr. Stanbery submitted today his resignation. 

March 13, 1868. 
The President declares that if his defence is not conducted according 
to his ideas, he will appear before the Senate in person and defend 
himself, saying that then, if he should be convicted, he alone could be 
blamed, if it followed as the result of plain speaking. 

March 14, 1868. 

The President and his counsel are in consultation. He is informed 
that since day before yesterday the troops have been under arms, fur- 
nished each with forty rounds of cartridges. 

Received a rumor, at three o'clock, of the death of Hon. Thad. 
Stevens. 65 The President did not think it could be true, and compared 
Mr. Stevens to Vesuvius, which at times withdrew into itself all its 
heat and vapor, only to burst forth again in flames and lava. So he 
thought it must be with Mr. Stevens — a sort of temporary paralysis, 
which would be succeeded by a flow of living passion. 

The rumor proved to be without foundation. 
05 Stevens did not die until August n. 



124 Documents 

March 1 6, 1868. 

Mr. Stanbery entered the Library this morning in excellent spirits. 
He said " I am now in regular training, like a prize-fighter. Every 
morning and evening, I have a man to come and rub me down, to keep 
in good condition. I feel that we will win, and that you, Mr. President, 
will come out all right. As the boys say, I feel it in my bones. Don't 
lose a moment's sleep, Mr. President, but be hopeful. When some 
things are done, we cannot tell if they be for good or for evil. I confess 
I felt a misgiving about this act of impeachment when it was first done; 
but now that it has been done, and the whole matter is to be considered, 
I see in it nothing but good. It gives you the great opportunity to vin- 
dicate yourself, as President, against every charge made against you. 
It gives you an opportunity to do so not only before the American people, 
but before the entire world — an opportunity such as you could never 
otherwise have had, to search and probe every thing connected with your 
official life — to show whether you are a traitor or not; to show whether 
or not your policy, when contrasted with theirs, is not the policy of wis- 
dom ; to show what would have been the result if it had been carried out, 
and to bring before the public the results of the course which your polit- 
ical opponents have pursued. 

" Why, Mr. President, they call you a traitor to the party which 
elected you. I am one of that party. When I put the question to myself 
as to services, I find that I am far behind you in good works ; for what 
did /do? All that I did was without loss or peril, while what you have 
done, has been in the face of all sorts of dangers and difficulties. From 
the first a Union man, do I feel that you have disappointed me in any 
hope I had in you? So far from it, if you had taken any other course, 
I should have been sadly disappointed and grieved. When you suc- 
ceeded Mr. Lincoln, I said that the danger was that in his death the 
South had lost its best friend, and that you, stimulated by the injuries 
you had received from the Southern people, would not deal with them 
mercifully. That, Mr. President, was my fear, and entertaining this 
idea, I would not have entered your Administration at the time it was 
first formed. I came here the succeeding winter. I found you doing 
your best for reconciliation, and when you called me to Washington, I 
did not hesitate a moment. I have watched you day and night ; I have 
been with you under all circumstances, and have been consulted by you 
upon every subject, from the beginning to the end of my connection 
with your Administration, and I have seen nothing which, had I been in 
your place, I would not have done myself. 

" This impeachment trouble grows out of Mr. Stanton's removal. Let 
me recall a circumstance. When I came here I found Mr. Stanton in 
perfect harmony with you. While you were absent on your Western 
tour, Mr. Stanton and I rode to the Arsenal. We commenced talking 
about matters, and I said ' The President seems to confide more in you 
than in Seward.' 'Well' he replied, 'I believe he does.' That was in 
August, 1866. 

" Mr. President, if I can only keep well for this trial, I will be willing 
to be sick during the balance of my life. I know, sir, that you will come 
out of it brighter than you have ever shone." 

The above is nearly a verbatim report of Mr. Stanbery's remarks, 
delivered with great earnestness, and considerable rapidity of utterance. 
He became so impressive and eloquent that, without his knowledge, I 
seized a pencil, and wrote in short-hand as he proceeded. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 125 

The President in referring to the remark made by Mr. Stanbery in 
respect to Mr. Stanton, said that it recalled to his mind the fact that 
about the time of the Western trip, Mr. Stanton cautioned him that Mr. 
Seward was a candidate for the Presidency. 

Hon. Alex. H. Stephens, of Georgia, visited the President this morn- 
ing. The President said that Mr. Stephens actually shed tears as he 
spoke of impeachment, and remarked " I have served with you in Con- 
gress ten years, 66 I have been with you in canvasses, I know you as well 
as you are known by any man, and now let me counsel you, as I would a 
brother, to make your own defence. No one can do it as well as your- 
self, and I believe your safety demands it." 

March 17, 1868. 

All the counsel are with the President this morning — Messrs. Stan- 
bery, Curtis, Black, Evarts, and Nelson. 67 Mr. Curtis is reading the 
answer he has prepared to the articles of impeachment. 

R. W. Latham 68 called to see the President, but as he was engaged 
with his counsel, Mr. L. sent for me. He said that last evening he had 
seen Senator Pomeroy, 60 who had authorized him to say to the President 
that as matters now stand conviction is a dead certainty, but that the 
resignation of the entire Cabinet will place him in a position, if he 
will act promptly — say not later than Thursday — to kill impeachment. 
Mr. Pomeroy suggests N. P. Banks for the Department of State, Robt. 
J. Walker for the Treasury — preferring, however, Smythe personally, 
but Walker, so far as the interests of the country are concerned ; F. P. 
Stanton for the Navy Dept., and submits no names for the Interior and 
P. O. Depts., though he thinks the present Heads should be removed. 70 
Mr. Latham told me that Pomeroy observed to him, " You may say to 
the President that I don't think he will do this, or take advantage of his 
position ; that he relies more on his enemies than on his friends ; that 
he will in all probability postpone action in these matters until his 
props are knocked from under him, and then he can do nothing. Did 
you ever see a blacksmith, who, having his iron heated, hesitated until 
it cooled? If so, what sort of a weld did it make?" 

Mr. Latham continued: " F. P. Stanton and myself had a long talk 
with Stewart, of Nevada, 71 last night — a sort of caucus in this matter. 
He is the bitterest man in the Senate; but he said if this thing were done, 
it would destroy impeachment entirely. He went so far as to say that 
if he were in the President's place, he would put Butler in one of these 
offices rather than stand in his present position." 

Mr Latham also said that Senator Pomeroy declared that impeach- 
ment was viewed as a political, not a legal question, and that he would 

66 i843-i8 53 . 

01 Henry Stanbery, Benjamin R. Curtis, Jeremiah S. Black, William M. Evarts, 
and Thomas A. R. Nelson. Later Black's place was taken by William S. 
Groesbeck. 

08 R. W. Latham of New York- was at this time president of the Washington, 
Georgetown, and Alexandria Railroad, with offices in Washington. He appears 
to have had some political influence in Virginia. 

""Samuel C. Pomeroy, senator from Kansas 1S61-1873. 

'"Nathaniel P. Banks, representative from Massachusetts 1853-1857, 1865- 
1873. 1875-1877, 1889-1891 : Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, senator 1836-1845, 
secretary of the Treasury 1845-1840; H. A. Smythe, collector of the port of 
New York ; Frederick P. Stanton of Virginia, representative from Tennessee 
1845-1855- 

"William M. Stewart, senator 1865-1875, 1887-1905. 



126 Documents 

be compelled to vote for it, unless the President should give him some 
excuse for a contrary course; that a million of dollars would not save 
the President as the case at present stood. Mr. L. declared that Pomeroy 
had said to him, " We are not satisfied with Stanton ; we are not satisfied 
with our position in respect to him. We would be glad to have an 
excuse to get rid of him in some way, and there must be a general 
change in the Cabinet before that can be done. The country is not sat- 
isfied with Stanton's position, and the President is entitled to have his 
friends in the Cabinet." The Senator also told Mr. Latham that Secre- 
tary McCulloch had himself defeated the President's nominees — Col. 
Cooper for Asst. Secretary of the Treasury, and Genl. Wisewell 72 as 
Commr. of Internal Revenue. 

Mr. Latham, in conclusion, desired me to remind the President that 
Banks, Walker, and Stanton were old Democrats, " just like the Presi- 
dent," and that they were no more " rabid " than the President to-day. 

When I mentioned the above conversation to the President " for what 
it was worth," he exhibited considerable indignation, remarking " I will 
have to insult some of these men yet." 

During a visit to the Capitol to-day, Senator Reverdy Johnson 73 ex- 
pressed anxiety that " the President should do something to help himself," 
and appeared to entertain the opinion that a change should be made in 
the State and Treasury Depts. 

March 18, 1868. 

Senator Pomeroy called this morning before ten o'clock, and had a 
long interview with the President. In referring to the Senator's visit, 
immediately after he had left the Executive Mansion, the President said 
that the conversation was of a general character; that the Senator said 
he had called to see if the President had any suggestions to make; that 
in reply he (the President) had observed that he had nothing particular 
to suggest, but would be really pleased to receive the views of Mr. 
Pomeroy. The Senator (the President said) talked very kindly, and 
made no recommendation in reference to the Cabinet. He, however, 
referred to Mr. Seward, remarking that at one time the Secretary was 
particularly obnoxious to the majority in Congress, but really seemed 
now to be less so ; and that as to Mr. McCulloch, some of Mr. Chase's 
friends thought that the Secretary was opposed to the Chief Justice, but 
that the latter deemed Mr. McCulloch his friend. The President re- 
plied that in consequence of Mr. McCulloch's timidity, some of his acts 
had been misconstrued ; that he believed the Secretary to be a friend of 
Mr. Chase; that even his (the President's) motives had been misunder- 
stood ; that as he had often declared, the measure of his ambition would 
be filled if he could perfect the work of reconciliation he had begun; 
that he was not seeking the Presidency ; and that as between Mr. Chase 
and himself, the only differences that had occurred were mostly those 
which originated from questions of expediency. 

I asked the President if he had sent for Senator Pomeroy. He 
replied that several persons had urged him to do so, but he had not com- 
plied with their suggestions; and that I might therefore infer that the 
Senator had called of his own accord; that Mr. Pomeroy had spoken in 
a very friendly manner, and on retiring had said that he would be 
pleased to receive from the President any suggestions that might tend 
toward producing a good effect in the present condition of affairs. 

" Moses N. Wisewell of New Jersey, brevet brigadier-general of volunteers. 

"Senator from Maryland 1845-1849, 1863-1868. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore i 2 7 

The President and his counsel are again together this morning, the 
answer being still under consideration. 

The President attended the funeral of Wm. Slade, his Steward, this 
afternoon, at two o'clock, but the lawyers remained in consultation 
until 4:30 P. M. 

Referring to the Philadelphia Convention 74 to-day, the President 
remarked that had it received the support of the Democracy, the new 
party would have been a success, and that he could perceive all along 
the object of certain party leaders, which was to use him as they would 
an orange. 

March 19, 1868. 

The President's counsel again in session. Mr. Groesbeck present 
to-day, as on yesterday. 

March 20, 1868. 

The President is not satisfied with the answer to the Xlth article 75 
prepared by Mr. Evarts. He therefore contemplates bringing before 
his counsel today his various messages, to show that they contain as 
strong charges against Congress officially as are made in any of the 
speeches he has delivered as a private citizen. He is not willing to take 
back any thing he has said, but expresses himself gratified at the oppor- 
tunity of once again placing before the people the speeches made during 
the western tour. 

Saturday, March 21, 1868. 

The President was engaged with his lawyers today from one o'clock 
until five. Present, Messrs. Stanbery, Curtis, Evarts, Groesbeck and 
Nelson : Judge Black absent. As far as I can understand, he has become 
" miffed " about something that occurred day before yesterday, and has 
not been present since. 76 About three the counsel were invited into the 
Library to partake of refreshments. They laughed at the idea that any- 
thing could be made of the President's speeches, and did not seem to 
entertain any doubt of his acquittal. 

Sunday, March 22, 1868. 

The President's counse-1 met at 1.30 P.M. and had under considera- 
tion the answers to the Xth. and Xlth. articles. 77 Present: Messrs. 
Stanbery, Curtis, Evarts, Groesbeck, and Nelson — Judge Black being 
again absent. The consultation was prolonged until five o'clock. 

The President entertained some idea of appearing before the Senate 
in person tomorrow. He submitted the question to his lawyers, who 
were unanimous in the opinion that he should not attend in person. 

The trouble between the President and Judge Black grew out of the 
Alta Vela case. The President seems to think that the Judge attempted 
to take advantage of the present condition of affairs to press a favor- 
able consideration of that claim. The Judge and his son have recalled 
their acceptance of an invitation to dine with the President on Friday. 

Monday, March 23d, 1868. 

Attended the impeachment trial today, as a witness. 78 

"The National Union Convention of August 14. 1S66. 

,s The article accusing Johnson of declaring the Thirty-Ninth Congress to be 
no congress, etc. 

" r >See post p. 12S, and Dewitt. The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew John- 
son, pp. 373-400. 

7 ' The tenth article related to Johnson's intemperate speeches. 

7S Colonel Moore did not in fact testify until April 3. 



1 2 8 Documents 

March 24, 1868. 

Counsel present until 12:25 P.M.. when the Cabinet session com- 
menced. 

The President explained to me the cause of Judge Black's with- 
drawal as one of his counsel, remarking, " Because I did not consent to 
send a vessel of war to Alta Vela to oust one set of Americans in favor 
of another, and thereby produce a collision with the Dominican Re- 
public, Judge Black refuses to act as my counsel. He has made a pretty 
record — one which will do him far more injury than it can me." 

The President said that there had been some efforts made to heal the 
breach, and he had been urged by some, who he thought might be in the 
interest of the Judge, to send for that gentleman. This, the President 
declared, he would not do. He would rather be put to death than sub- 
mit to such humiliation. 

Wednesday, March 25, 1868. 

The counsel again in session at the Executive Mansion. 

The veto of the bill to withdraw from the Supreme Court the 
McCardle case submitted to the Senate. 79 

March 26, 1868. 

The President and his counsel have been together all the afternoon. 
He thinks that after all his trouble with Judge Black may prove a 
godsend. 

Friday, March 27, 1868. 

The President discussed the propriety of placing Genl. Hancock in 
command of the Dept. of the East, or of the new Military Divn. of the 
Atlantic. He said the command of the latter had been offered to Sher- 
man, a friend of Genl. Grant, and an officer somewhat in sympathy with 
Congress. Sherman having declined the command, the Presidt. thought 
it would be well now to offer it to Hancock. The difficulty, however, 
was whether the Head Qrs. should be at Philad., Baltimore, or Wash- 
ington. There were good reasons, the President said, why they should 
be at either place — in Philad. because Hancock was a Pennsylvanian 
and was to relieve Genl. Meade, an officer from that State; at Balti- 
more, because that city was nearer Washington, and besides would serve 
somewhat to excite the apprehensions of men who cared not for law, 
and who were always pretending to fear an invasion from Maryland; 
at Washington, because ever since Mr. Stanton's removal the President 
had been kept in ignorance of the military preparations and precautions 
that had been going on, and he ought to have an officer in command here 
who could investigate what had been done, and inform him of all that 
transpired. At any rate (he continued) the order should be issued 
before Monday, the day set for trial, as its effect might be good. 

As to placing Hancock in Meade's place, the President did not seem 
to care what Meade would think. The President said he had it from 
excellent authority that at the close of the war, when Grant's success 
had caused him to be named for the Presidency. Meade had asked the 
General that, in the event he should he elected to that position, to confer 
Upon him a foreign mission. Meade, when on his way to Georgia, had 
not found time to call on him, (the President.) and yet he had been 
informed by the Person to whom he referred that that officer had made it 
convenient to call on General Grant, and again remind him of his wish 
to be appointed to a foreign mission, in tin- event of the General's eleva 
tion to the Presidency. 

"'A litibcis corhiis case' invoKini; tin- constitutionality of the reconstruction 



Notes of Colonel IV. G. Moore 129 

March 27, 1868. 

Have prepared an order relieving Hancock from the command of the 
Fifth Military District and assigning him to the command of the Mili- 
tary Division of the Atlantic. 

The President said this morning, in referring to the suggestion that 
he should make some efforts to influence the impeachment trial : " I had 
rather be convicted than resort to fraud, corruption, or bribery of any 
kind — Conviction with a clear conscience is far, far preferable to acquit- 
tal, with a knowledge of guilt." 

Speaking of Hancock, the President did not know but that after all 
New York would be the best place for the General's headquarters. 
There was a great focal power there, and besides he thought it would 
be consonant with Hancock's wishes. He thought that Hancock deeply 
felt the slight that Grant had attempted to put upon him in New Orleans, 
and had shown his manliness by refusing to exhibit the least cringing. 
"Mentally and physically" (said the President), "they were made in 
different moulds. General Grant, in the opinion of the people, is not a 
fair representative of the nation, mentally, morally, or physically. The 
people should have seen his attitude and looks as he withdrew from the 
Cabinet meeting the day his duplicity was exposed. The Goddess of 
History should have been present, to inscribe the scene upon her tablets. 
It would have shown Gen. Grant in his true colors. Lee will go down 
in history as a greater man than Grant. Grant was a mere figure-head, 
who by fortuitous circumstances won a reputation far above his real 
deserts." 

The President told me that he had heard that Judge Black regretted 
his course in reference to the Alta Vela matter. 

Saturday, March 28, 1868. 

The President is much pleased with Hancock's letter to Governor 
Pease, of Texas, published in the Intelligencer of this morning. 80 Begin- 
ning with the Sentence, " When a boy, I remember to have read a speech 
of Lord Chatham delivered in Parliament," the President read the letter 
through and commented upon it, saying that it showed that General 
Hancock was governed by principles with which he had been imbued in 
youth, which he had not lost sight of, and which he could now bring into 
play. The letter was a platform upon which he (the President) would 
be willing to go before the country, and was upon the same line as the 
General's order upon assuming command of the 5th Military District. 
In his (the President's) opinion, it indicated more with respect to the 
principles of our Government than was ever in Genl. Grant's mind. 

Informed the President, upon my return from the Capitol, of a 
rumor that in the High Court of Impeachment the Chief Justice would 
insist upon it, as a right, to decide questions of law. The President 
replied that he had been informed that the Justices of the Supreme 
Court had held a consultation upon the subject, and had concluded that 

80 This letter, dated March 9, 1S68, and printed in the National Intelligencer 
of March 28, can be found reprinted in F. E. Goodrich's Life of Hancock, 
pp. 287-299, and in The Civil Record of Hancock during his Administration in 
Louisiana and Texas, pp. 6-14. The civil governor of Texas had urged Hancock 
to order a military commission for judicial purposes, but Hancock maintained that 
conditions in Texas were not sufficiently different from those in other states to 
warrant such a course, and asserted with vigor the propriety of coming back as 
soon as possible to the ordinary processes of civil justice. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX.— 9. 



1 30 Documents 

the Chief Justice would have the right to determine all such questions. 
In this connection the President exhibited to me an anonymous note, 
written upon delicate, scented paper, in a masculine hand, to the follow- 
ing effect : " Let your counsel move to quash the indictment, the Chief 
Justice determine in its favor, and close the proceedings of the High 
Court. It will cause them to terminate to the confusion of your 
enemies." 

Sunday, March 29, 1868. 
The President went to hear Father Maguire this morning at St. 
Patrick's Church, and returned much pleased with the sermon. In the 
afternoon he refd. to the remarks of the Revd. Father, saying that in his 
sermon the preacher had alluded to the contest between the aristocracy 
and the poor. "Now" (said the President) "I don't know anything 
more depressing than for a man to labor for the people and not be under- 
stood. It is enough to sour his very soul. He may have nothing else 
at heart than the interests of the masses; he may struggle for their ele- 
vation; he may have nothing selfish in view, neither his own nor his 
relations' aggrandizement ; and yet he may be deserted by the very 
persons in whose behalf he has given all that he has. Look at the 
Gracchi. They were accused of agrarianism; but as I understand it, 
their idea was to divide the lands that had been conquered, and which 
had been taken possession of by the nobility, among the people. They 
fell at the hands of the aristocracy. This American Senate is as corrupt 
as was then the Roman Senate, and you can place no more dependence 
in them when the interests of the people are concerned." 

March 30, 1868. 
The President was again strongly inclined to attend the Senate in 
person today, and was anxious for the appearance of his counsel. They 
presently came, and the President, returning to the Library, told me 
that he had concluded not to go to the Capitol. 

March 31, 1868.— (Tuesday) 
Cabinet meeting was held today, as usual on Tuesdays. One was 
also convened this evening, at eight o'clock, upon the request of the 
counsel. 

After the adjournment of the afternoon session of the Cabinet, the 
President referred to the clause of the Constitution, that " Congress 
may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or 
inability both of the President and Vice President, declaring what 
officer shall then act as President," etc. He thought the Courts had 
already determined that a member of Congress was not an officer of the 
Government, and that in the event of his own removal from the Presi- 
dency it was doubtful whether Mr. Wade would be eligible for the 
succession. 

April 1, 1868. 
An act to exempt certain manufactures from internal taxes and for 
other purposes was submitted last evening for the President's approval. 
He signed it, but directly afterwards caused his approval to be erased, 
and requested me to take the bill to the Secretary of the Treasury and 
ask his opinion respecting its provisions. I did so ; when the Secretary 
advised the approval of the bill, remarking that it was the first step 
towards a reduction of taxes, and that although it was only to benefit 



Notes of Colonel If. G. Moore 131 

a class, and would reduce the revenue, it was estimated, about sixty 
millions, it contained provisions designed to facilitate the collection of 
the whiskey tax. Altogether, he thought the President would do well 
to sign the bill. Mr. Rollins, Commr. of Internal Revenue, who hap- 
pened to be present, concurred in the Secretary's recommendation. I 
also -consulted Honble. Edmund Cooper, who came to the same conclu- 
sion although expressing himself averse to such class legislation. 

Saturday, April 4, 1868. 

The President, this evening, spoke very freely of Genl. Grant, say- 
ing that he seemed to be daily growing guiltier in the public estima- 
tion, and that the time would yet come when he would be held in con- 
tempt by the people. 

The President also refd. to a double-leaded article in the N. Y. 
Tribune, viz : '■' We have assurance from Washington that Genl. Grant 
finds it not inconsistent with his duty as a soldier to announce it as his 
opinion that the only hope for the peace of the country is the success 
of the pending impeachment trial. He feels that the national security- 
demands the removal of the President. If the trial should fail, the 
people can only expect more assumptions of power, and a more deter- 
mined resistance to law. When the General of our armies entertains 
this conviction, there is no room for doubt as to the duty of the Senate. 
The loyal nation demands the President's removal." 

" What an idea," said the President, " that the opinion of the General 
of the army should serve as a guide for the Senate in a matter of im- 
peachment ! Is it not another indication that the purpose of the Radi- 
cals is a military despotism? What a few years since would have been 
the fate of the General commanding the military forces if he had done 
what the Tribune, with such an air of authority, says Genl. Grant has 
done?" The President was inclined to doubt the accuracy of the 
Tribune's statement, on the ground that the General could hardly have 
been so indiscreet as thus to express himself. 

Monday, April 6, 1868. 

The President divides into three classes those who are now opposing 
him, viz: 1st. Those who desire his removal because he is an obstacle 
to their partisan and unconstitutional designs. 2d. Those who, although 
not widely, if at all differing from him in political opinions, have failed 
in their efforts to control him, and make him a mere instrument in their 
hands. 3d. Those who have a grudge against him for the part he took 
during the war. 

April 7, 1868. 

The President is very indignant at a letter of "Mac", in the Cincin- 
nati Commercial of the 3d, purporting to give a conversation between 
the President and himself. It was (the President said) an outrage 
upon him, and was not a truthful statement of the interview. He 
repeated what he had said to " Mac " respecting Adjt. Genl. Thomas, 
viz. that the General had made a great mistake, when he first called upon 
the Secretary of War with an ad interim appointment, in not at once 
taking possession of the War Dept. ; that being of a chivalric disposi- 
tion, the General had placed too much reliance in what Mr. Stanton had 
said to him ; and that he doubtless felt that he could not, without 
violence to his gentlemanly feelings, refuse Mr. Stanton's request for 
time to remove his papers. Genl. Thomas of course felt elated by his 



1 3 2 Documents 

appointment, and had given utterance to remarks which were very 
indiscreet. The President admitted that he had committed an error in 
selecting the General, whom, however, he believed to be an honorable, 
straightforward man. 

April 8, 1868. 
The President declares that the defence he desires to make in the 
impeachment trial is for the people — not merely for the Senate, and 
that he would care nothing for conviction by that body if he stands 
acquitted by the nation. 



REVIEWS OF BOOKS 

BOOKS OF ANCIENT HISTORY 

Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt. Lectures 
delivered on the Morse Foundation at Union Theological Semi- 
nary, by James Henry Breasted, Ph.D., Professor of Egypt- 
ology and Oriental History, University of Chicago. (New York: 
Charles Scribner's Sons. 1912. Pp. xviii, 379.) 
In this series of lectures Professor Breasted has attempted to recon- 
struct the historical development of Egyptian religion in its relation to 
life and thought in a manner made familiar by similar efforts in the field 
of Hebrew religion. The same principles of textual, literary, and his- 
torical criticism are applied. Thus the integrity of the transmitted text 
is carefully examined, later modifications, interpolations, and additions 
are looked for, the characteristic tendencies of thought and practice in 
each period are observed, and the general trend of development is de- 
pended upon, to some extent, in the dating of the documents. Such 
principles and methods may indeed be seen in varying measures in all the 
works devoted to Egyptian religion, whether by Bunsen, Brugsch, Strauss 
and Torney, and Budge, or by Eduard Meyer, Erman, Maspero, Naville, 
Lefebure, Wiedemann, Steindorff, and W. Max Muller. But it may be 
doubted whether the criticism has ever been so searching and radical, 
and the reconstruction so comprehensive, within its self-imposed limits, 
so ingenious, logically consistent, and amply supported by documentary 
proofs. It is natural that the result should resemble that in Biblical 
criticism. Some positions need only be stated to carry conviction, even 
though they be of the nature of scientific conjecture. Such, for instance, 
are those referring to interpolations in the interest of the Osirian cult. 
Others leave the reader in doubt as to the legitimacy of what may seem to 
him too far-reaching conclusions. 

Professor Breasted has rendered a real service by basing the most im- 
portant part of his lectures upon the texts from the fifth and sixth dynas- 
ties found at Sakkara, and on what he calls the Coffin Texts, chiefly 
from the eleventh and twelfth dynasties. The Pyramid Texts, published 
by Maspero thirty years ago, had not been translated into English. The 
appearance of an improved edition by Sethe in 191 1 gave a more secure 
basis for translation and discussion, and Professor Breasted's excellent 
renderings and careful evaluation of much of this material were, there- 
fore, a timely and welcome contribution. The Coffin Texts, more re- 
cently published by Lacau, Budge, and Maspero, had only been sporadic- 
ally discussed; and Professor Breasted's translations and comments are 
of great value. 

(133) 



134 Reviews of Books 

No historian will question the close relation Professor Breasted em- 
phasizes between the political and social development and the growth of 
religious ideas and practices. The stress upon the solar cult is no doubt 
connected with the first national organization ; the rise of scepticism and 
social discontent may indeed be among the results of the provincial organ- 
ization in the feudal age; and the later expansion of the empire cannot 
have been without its influence upon the tendencies toward monotheism. 

More evidence may perhaps be needed to substantiate the assumed 
development of thought concerning the future life and the struggle be- 
tween a popular Osiris cult, not fathered by strong royal and priestly in- 
terests, and the official cult of the state. But the suggestion of a grad- 
ual " Osirianization " is as alluring as it is grandiose. 

There is no need of an apology for the popular style of these lectures. 
It is popular in the best sense. Always dignified and worthy of the sub- 
ject, it sometimes rises to a beauty and eloquence rarely met with in the 
treatment of Egyptian life and thought by scholars competent to deal 
with the material at first hand. Professor Breasted is an historian who 
is able to conjure up the life of a past age and make it live before his 
audience without losing touch with the recorded facts; and his ability 
to refer constantly to the great collection of records he has himself made 
available to men of English speech makes it possible for him to dispense 
with cumbersome quotations of scattered texts and versions. Occa- 
sionally his boundless enthusiasm and his extraordinary gift of vivid 
presentation lead him to make statements that may seem venturesome 
to more cautious students. He is a sincere believer in the chronological 
system elaborated by Eduard Meyer and accepts, as does the Berlin 
school generally, the conclusions of the great historian as regards both 
Babylonia and Egypt. Hence very precise dates are assigned to kings of 
the fourth and the twelfth dynasties, giving what must be feared to be 
but an illusive appearance of accuracy; the later date of Babylonian civ- 
ilization is taken for granted, and there are numerous allusions to the 
priority of the Egyptians. " The moral mandate, indeed, was felt earlier 
in Egypt than anywhere else " (p. 5) ; a man born under Sesostris II. 
lived in " an age when for the first time in history men have awakened 
to a deep sense of the unworthiness of society " (p. 202) ; the period 
1300-1100 B. C. is the "earliest known age of personal piety in a deep 
spiritual sense" (p. 6), are only a few of these. In connection with 
this there is a tendency to trace back to Egyptian influence all sorts of 
religious ideas. Surely, there is no very close connection between the 
notion that Ptah thinks before he acts and the philosophical logos-doc- 
trine of Heraclitus, the Stoics, and Philo. It is difficult to see cither 
" prophecy " or " Messianism " in Ipuwer's complaint that Re who once 
ruled over the people does not show his might as of yore. Much con- 
fusion would be saved by limiting the term " Messianic prophecy " to 
predictions of a coming Messiah. The idea (pp. 246 f.) that Plato may 
have derived from Egyptian sources the conception of the Suffering 
Just and the dialogue as a form of literature does not appeal to the 



Dechelettc : Archeologie Prchistorique 135 

reviewer as plausible. The evidence adduced for the translation " As- 
cending by Day from the Nether World" (p. 276), and the illuminating 
discussion of the term " ka " (pp. 52 ff., with which the article by 
Henri Sottas, Sphinx, April, 1913, pp. 33 ff., may now be compared) de- 
serve special mention. There are many phases of Egyptian religion and 
thought that are not touched upon in this volume; but what it gives 
is so instructive and thought-provoking that no student of Egyptian his- 
tory can afford not to read it. 

Nathaniel Schmidt. 

Manuel a" Archcologie Prchistorique Celtique et Gallo-Romaine. 
Par Joseph Dechelette, Conservateur du Musee de Roanne, 
Correspondant de l'lnstitut. Tome II., Deuxieme partie. Archc- 
ologie Celtique ou Protohistorique. (Paris: Alphonse Picard 
et Fils. 1913. Pp. viii, 513-910; 160.) 

The successive volumes of Dechelette's Manuel are fulfilling the 
promise of the first. They are all characterized by a wealth of material, 
presented systematically and lucidly, and discussed with broad and sound 
scholarship. The most recent installment of the work, the second part 
of volume II., deals with the early Iron Age, the so-called Hallstatt 
period. This may be dated, roughly speaking, between 1000 and 500 
B. C, and covers an epoch of great importance for the Celtic peoples, 
with whom M. Dechelette's treatise is chiefly concerned. 

It is impossible to summarize here the contents of so extensive a work, 
or to do more than give a brief indication of its scope and character. 
In the earlier chapters the author deals with the transition from the 
Bronze Age and with the beginnings of iron-working in various parts of 
the ancient world. Next he takes up the early history of the Celts, giv- 
ing an admirable survey of what is known or believed about their origin, 
geographical distribution, and different migrations. He shows full ac- 
quaintance with the pertinent historical and philological material; indeed, 
his long foot-note on pages 558 ff. is one of the best compact surveys we 
have seen of the literature of this subject. Then the author sets forth 
the main general features of the Hallstatt period and its chronological 
subdivisions. After these introductory chapters he takes up in detail the 
archaeology of the age, passing in review all the more important phases 
of its civilization, its burial sites, villages, fortifications, armor, clothing, 
and minor objects of use or adornment. Especially full are his accounts 
of the tumuli (geographically classified), the forms of the sword (com- 
pared with the types in use in southern Europe), and the vitrified and 
calcinated walls, the exact purpose and the construction of which are 
still subjects of dispute. The chapter on bronze vases has particular 
bearing on the problems of early Greek influence. 

This volume, like those which preceded it, represents a great labor 
of compilation, based upon a vast and rapidly growing archaeological 
literature, but it is much more than a compilation, and contains in great 



1 3 6 Reviews of Books 

measure the results of first-hand observation and individual criticism. 
The full and systematic survey of the French monuments of the Hall- 
statt period is in itself a new service, which has not been undertaken 
before on so large a scale. And the author's expressions of opinion and 
critical discussions are always of value. Like a number of recent stu- 
dents of various aspects of early and medieval European history, he in- 
sists strongly on the study of trade routes and the recognition of com- 
mercial, as opposed to ethnological or political, influences. He is thus 
led to emphasize the evidences of Greek influence on the arts and handi- 
crafts of central and western Europe. Again, he suggests that the 
famous settlement at La Tene is not an oppidum but a post on a well- 
marked commercial route (p. 563) ; and, speaking with similar consider- 
ations in mind, he opposes the northern localization assigned by d'Arbois 
de Jubainville to the Ligurians (p. 566). He deals necessarily with 
many matters about which certainty, or even probability, is hard to attain, 
and he cannot always take the space to discuss them fully. But he is 
usually careful to register differences of opinion where they exist. Thus 
his discussion of the Celtic invasion of the Iberian peninsula as supported 
by two well-known passages in Herodotus is hardly adequate, but oppos- 
ing views are set forth in a foot-note. The Celtic migrations to the 
British Isles are also given insufficient treatment, but these perhaps lay 
outside the main plan of the book. Still, if one judges M. Dechelette 
here by the standard which he has set for himself, one is surprised to 
see him cite the familiar theory of the Celtic origin of Kaowrepos (p. 
573) without mentioning the alternative Oriental derivation of the word 
which has been recently urged. It would be hypercritical, however, to 
attach importance to occasional omissions like this in a work of such 
scope and thoroughness. 

F. X. Robinson. 



BOOKS OF MEDIEVAL AND MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

The Evolution of the Monastic Ideal: from the Earliest Times doivn 

to the Coming of the Friars. By Herbert B. Workman, M.A.. 

D.Litt, Principal of Westminster Training College. (London: 

Charles M. Kelly. 1913. Pp. xxi, 368.) 

Principal Workman considers it unnecessary in view of the exist- 
ing literature to undertake a complete history of Monasticism, yet there 
are many who would be grateful for such a work from him. They 
would expect a book of pleasant literary quality, written with the in- 
sight due to a union of close criticism and sympathetic Anempfindung, 
They would expect to be furnished a bibliography presented with critical 
valuation-;, and notes of minuter discussion and detailed reference useful 
for investigators. They would expect it to contain the full wealth of 
recent scholarship, controlled by Mr. Workman's independent accuracy 
and sound judgment and enriched by his own reflective interpretation. 



Workman: The Monastic Ideal 137 

These merits belong to the work which he devotes to a limited but in- 
tensely interesting theme: "the evolution of Monasticism as the ex- 
pression in concrete life of the central principle of renunciation ". What 
Mr. Workman writes is history, not philosophical analysis, and no his- 
torical account of the matter in our literature is more scholarly or more 
interesting. Yet as he deals with the instinctive evolution of human life 
when under the control of an isolated instinct, his book has great value 
for those who seek to know the evolutionary process in the general his- 
tory of religion. When religion is seen blended in the whole complex of 
life, the determination of its essence and laws of development is more 
difficult. More than historians will profit from the reflections of the 
concluding chapter, reflections which are the scientific result of the 
historical process here expounded. From this story of the development 
from isolated Eremitism to socialized Monasticism one might read, a 
little more distinctly than Mr. Workman has, an immanent instinctive 
purpose to create a world of the Christian ideal, and the conclusion 
would suggest a firmer and more unified treatment of the relation of 
Monasticism to the collectivism of Church and State. But Mr. Work- 
man was not writing a teleological essay. 

There are pleasant and informing passages to quote could time be 
saved from fault-finding. We are troubled by Mr. Workman's mislead- 
ing use of the term Gnostic when he means not Aeon speculations or re- 
demptive gnosis, but simply an ascetic shrinking from the physical and 
natural. More than Gnostics show that. Why moreover does he speak 
of the alliance of Monasticism and Orthodoxy as a strange accident? 
To the historian of dogma it appears psychologically necessary. The 
heterodox conception of Christ as a mediate being, neither God nor man, 
was produced for the purpose of scientific explanation. Monasticism, 
piety, required an object for religious emotion and chose the orthodox 
doctrine of the God-Man. Governed by emotional thinking, the monk 
was always monophysite in tendency, either absorbing the humanity in 
the deity as in Eastern circles, or emphasizing the humanity for his 
imitatio Christi in the practical West. 

The reviewer has learned much from the detail of this book, as for 
example that the friction of Celtic and Roman missionaries in England 
was chiefly over clan' and diocese as contrasted forms of ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction, or the technical connotation (" unguilded ") of Minores in 
Assisi. Much too that one has read elsewhere is given here such lumi- 
nous meaning and important relations that it is virtually new knowledge. 
It is a satisfaction to note that the author will publish studies on the 
decay and dissolution of Monasticism, on Franciscan struggles over cor- 
porate property, and en the history of missions. 

Francis A. Christie. 



1 3 8 Reviews of Books 

The Early History of the House of Savoy (1000-1233)- By C. W. 
Previte Orton, M.A. (Cambridge: The University Press. 
1912. Pp. xx, 492.) 

During the first part of the nineteenth century, when the seven-fold 
censorship in Piedmont forbade the writing of any history which might 
refer, even remotely, to contemporary issues, the origins and early ex- 
pansion of the House of Savoy were favorite topics of investigation. 
Archives were collected and the appointment of an official historiographer 
ensured their being put in order. The general revival of interest in 
medieval civilization touched Piedmontese students also, and they turned 
their attention to feudal not less than to dynastic concerns. The result 
was that, by the time that historians could write without restraint, a 
large body of material had been assembled, and from this material sev- 
eral general histories and many monographs and special studies have 
been drawn. 

The latest of these monographs, by Mr. Previte Orton, of St. John's 
College, Cambridge, is a fine specimen of minute, patient, and thorough 
research. He examines the documents of each town or institution, and 
by the cumulation of the facts thus obtained he impresses the reader 
with the feeling that the subject is exhausted. This method has the 
disadvantage at times of seeming to be merely a catalogue of details, 
which Mr. Orton himself admits are tedious; but any of these details 
may serve another scholar as the missing link in an important chain of 
demonstration. 

Mr. Orton opens his study with a brief review of the decay of the 
Burgundian kingdom, on which followed the springing up of several rival 
families that aspired to the Burgundian possessions. Most important 
among these, if we measure by later history, were the Humbertines, the 
founders of the House of Savoy. Humbert Whitehands, count of Aosta 
(a Burgundian fief), was apparently the earliest leader of the Humber- 
tines, and Mr. Orton narrates how he and his kinsmen, throwing in their 
lot with the Emperor Co'nrad, established themselves in French Bur- 
gundy before 1040. In 1046 Humbert was Count of Maurienne; whence 
he bestrode the Alps like a saddle, and could hand on to his successors 
the two-fold inheritance in France and in Italy. Though Humbert 
Whitehands is the first distinct personage to emerge in the chronicles of 
the House of Savoy, the fact that historians have argued plausibly that 
there must have been two Humberts warns us that certainty is not 
attainable. Mr. Orton, after subjecting this theory to more than thirty- 
pages of searching criticism, concludes by " accepting the view of one 
Count Humbert Whitehands and one main Humbertine line ". 

" Critical " is the word which best describes his work from end to 
end. Thanks to this faculty, he disentangles many of the facts from 
the legends in which they are embedded — whether these concern the 
rise of the Ardoinids at Turin, or the fortunes of Humbert's sons and 
grandsons, or the problem of the two Adelaides (Mr. Orton decides in 



Kaser : Geschichtc Maximilians I. 139 

favor of one). The marriage of Adelaide, countess of Turin, with 
Oddo I., count of Savoy, established the family in Piedmont and made 
obvious for it the " policy of the artichoke ", by pursuing which it be- 
came under Victor Emanuel II., sovereign of United Italy. 

With the marriage of Adelaide's daughter, Bertha, to the Emperor 
Henry IV. Mr. Orton's story expands into the current of European 
politics. It deals at considerable length with Henry's quarrel with the 
papacy and his submission at Canossa; and thenceforth it keeps con- 
stantly in view the relations between Savoy-Piedmont and the Empire. 
Humbert III. allied himself with Frederick Barbarossa, but discreetly 
held aloof, busied with his own private affairs, during the Emperor's 
campaign which ended in the disaster at Legnano. 

The narrative of these episodes supplies the easiest reading in the 
volume. But the occasional page or two of generalization and summing 
up, in which Mr. Orton interprets the significance of medieval life, sur- 
passes the rest in interest, and proves to us that, having mastered his 
•details, he has grasped the whole period. He confirms his statements in 
abundant foot-notes; adds in an appendix sixteen early documents; and 
supplies two carefully prepared maps by which the dominions of the 
House of Savoy are shown in c. 1080 and c. 1189. 

William Roscoe Thayer. 

Deutsche Geschichte zur Zeit Maximilians I., 1486-1519. Von 

Kurt Kaser. (Stuttgart and Berlin: J. G. Cotta. 1912. Pp. 

x, 527-) 

This is a valuable and scholarly work. Since Heinrich Ulmann pub- 
lished his life of Maximilian I. (1884-1891) no attempt has been made, 
save in the general histories of Germany, to portray as a whole the 
period of the reign of the great Hapsburg Emperor. In the interven- 
ing years a host of monographs and detailed studies of different events 
and aspects of the time have been put forth, and our knowledge of it has 
teen greatly increased. It has remained for the author of the vol- 
ume which lies before "us to gather up, arrange, and summarize the re- 
sults of these special investigations, and thus to enable the general reader 
of history to keep abreast of the latest developments in this particular 
field. 

The book is essentially, as its title implies, a history of the period of 
Maximilian, and not a biography in the ordinary sense of the word. 
Yet so all-pervading, so wonderfully versatile were the imperial mind 
and character, that there was scarcely an event or a movement of the 
bewilderingly active and complex time in which he lived, that did not 
feel, more or less directly, the impress of his personality. Thus a de- 
scription of the multifarious activities of the German people on the 
eve of the Reformation, resolves itself, perforce, into a picture of the 
"brilliant, restless career of the monarch who was its titular head. The 
first two chapters of the book deal with foreign affairs and dynastic 



1 40 Reviews of Books 

policy, and begin, justifiably, with an account of the Emperor's efforts to 
raise Germany out of her military helplessness, by organizing her 
infantry on a national basis, improving its weapons, and otherwise in- 
creasing its efficiency. His success in this respect has earned him the 
title of the Father of the German Landsknecht. If the self-contradic- 
toriness and lack of persistence which characterized his foreign diplo- 
macy prevented his attaining the highest success, and sometimes led him 
into ridiculous and untenable positions, his dynastic triumphs are un- 
disputed; he is par excellence the founder of Hapsburg greatness. 
Though he carefully avoids dogmatic assertion, the author does not 
seem entirely to agree with those who hold that Maximilian consistently 
sacrificed his duty toward his German subjects to his zeal for the ag- 
grandizement of his family. The two were not always reconcilable: 
often they were diametrically opposed; but it was Maximilian's ideal to 
advance them both together; and supporting the one by the other, to 
revive the glories of the medieval Empire through the political suprem- 
acy of the House of Hapsburg, while winning new glories for the House 
of Hapsburg under the protection of the banner of the Empire. 

An interesting chapter deals at length with the various attempts at 
imperial constitutional reform, and the causes of their failure: the last 
section of it is devoted to a particularly clear and enlightening account 
of the reception of Roman law in the Empire in the end of the fifteenth 
century. The reception was of course primarily the work of the jurists 
and professors of Roman law in the German universities; but the author 
emphasizes the importance of the reorganization of the Reichskammerge- 
richt in 1495 as a factor in carrying a knowledge of its principles 
throughout the land. Of the three systems of law according to which 
the Kammergericht rendered judgment, the Roman was bound sooner or 
later to prevail over and drive out the German and local; and the fre- 
quency of appeals, which Maximilian did his best to encourage, carried 
the process gradually down into the minor courts. The fourth and 
longest (176 pp.) chapter of the book treats of the "Deutsche Terri- 
torialstaat urn 1500". Particularly noteworthy is the unusually mild, 
nay even favorable, judgment, which it passes on the character, aims, and 
ideals of the average German prince of the time. Differing, as he not 
seldom does, from Ulmann, who held that the distinguishing trait of 
the territorial rulers of Maximilian's day was selfishness and absence 
of solicitude for the common welfare, Kaser maintains that they ex- 
hibited, with a few exceptions, a high, almost paternal, sense of duty 
towards their subjects, great energy in repressing disorder and crime, 
lively interest in the different economic problems of the day — indeed all 
those qualities which we usually associate with enlightened despotism, 
The final chapter discusses economic affairs — especially the causes and 
preliminary warnings of the Peasant War of 1825— and here perhaps 
more than anywhere else in the whole book, the author has rendered 
conspicuous service, in making easily accessible the results of the most 
recent investigations. Works of this kind do not often emanate from the 



Lybyer : The Ottoman Empire 141 

pens of German historians, who are pre-eminently writers of mono- 
graphs and prefer to leave such general history as must be written (even 
of a limited period) to collaborate enterprise. When, as in the present 
case, the field is particularly difficult, owing to the multitude and variety 
of the interests involved, our debt of gratitude is more than usually 
heavy. 

Roger B. Merriman. 

The Government of the Ottoman Empire in the Time of Suleiman 

the Magnificent. By Albert Howe Lybyer, Ph.D., Professor 

of European History, Oberlin College. [Harvard Historical 

Studies, vol. XVIII.] (Cambridge: Harvard University Press; 

London: Henry Frowde ; Oxford University Press. 1913. Pp. 

x, 349-) 

This monograph, which was awarded the Toppan prize, is a note- 
worthy contribution to our knowledge of Turkish government. The in- 
troduction gives a brief but careful account of the origins of what the 
author calls " on the whole a durable and useful empire ", origins Mo- 
hammedan and Christian, Oriental and Occidental, Tatar, Sassahid, Sel- 
juk, and Byzantine; and assigns to the Ottoman Turks the great task of 
unifying the Mediterranean lands, to the fair success of which " the world 
probably owes the most of that measure of enlightenment, culture and 
order which can be found in the Levant today ". 

The body of the treatise is an exposition in detail of the two composite 
institutions which unified and governed the Ottoman Empire. To these, 
Professor Lybyer gives the names "the Ottoman Ruling Institution", 
and " the Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire ". The grasp of 
the individual unity, the parallelism, and the contrast of the two institu- 
tions is the author's great original contribution, and here he is clear, 
convincing, and well documented, as well as illuminating. No future his- 
torian of Turkey can fail to take into account this analysis nor these 
terms. 

The Ruling Institution is considered as a slave family, a missionary 
institution, an educational system, an army, a court, a nobility, and a 
government. The recruiting of its members from Christian subjects and 
enemies, their conversion to Mohammedanism, and their training for the 
duties of war are first explained, then their military duties and organiza- 
tion, their privileged and noble status, their activity as a household and 
court are described, and finally their direct relations to the government 
are discussed. 

The Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire is treated much more 
briefly than the Ruling Institution, as entering less into the government 
of the nation. It is considered in its financial, educational, and judicial 
aspects. 

The title of the treatise might suggest a more direct treatment of 
Suleiman the Magnificent than is given. His reign is taken as the point 



142 Reviews of Books 

of time in which the government of the Ottoman Empire shall be analyzed 
because it was a reign in which was seen the best fruition of the Turk- 
ish government, and also perhaps because we have the fullest material 
for the study of that period. Practically all that is here written of the 
Ottoman government applies equally well to several centuries before and 
after Suleiman. A brief consideration of Suleiman as a legislator, and 
a list of his viziers are the only personal touches. 

Professor Lyb'yer sees the strongest element of hope for the New 
Turkey of our day in the democratic spirit of the Ruling Institution. 
This, he thinks, " gives promise of lighting a new and different torch, 
which having burned away the limitations and imperfections that caused 
the ruin of the older institution, will yet be the brighter for preserving 
a democratic faith in the capacity of an able individual, and a disposition 
to help him forward by education, and to trust him with all the respon- 
sibility he is able to bear ". 

The treatise is supplemented by a number of valuable appendixes, 
including three rare documents, namely : " The Second Book of the 
Affairs of the Turks", translated from an Italian manuscript of 1534; 
a " Pamphlet of Junis Bey and Alvise Gritti ", printed in 1537, presented 
in the original Italian ; and the " Incomplete Table of Contents of the 
Kanuu-Nameh of Suleiman the Magnificent as arranged by the Mufti 
Ebu Su'ud ", translated from the Turkish. A fourth appendix is a 
treatise in twenty-five pages by the author of the book, on the Gov- 
ernment of the Empire in India, to suggest comparison with that of the 
Ottoman Empire. The fifth appendix, Bibliographical Notes, is very 
carefully worked out, and of very great value to any student wishing to 
work in this field, showing sound criticism as well as full knowledge. It 
is completed by an alphabetical list of works cited, and a glossary of 
Turkish words. 

Professor Lybyer, like practically all of the Occidental historians of 
Turkey except von Hammer, is unable to read the Turkish sources. 
These are of less value than the sources of most national history, for 
the Turkish writers have had little notion of what was worth recording, 
and have shown a curious sense of perspective. The historians of Sulei- 
man's time were chroniclers, the Commines and Froissarts of their day, 
though with much less of petty and personal detail. They are notable for 
their omission of accounts of institutions, and of descriptions. Their 
flowery style often embeds a grain of wheat in a bushel of chaff, and this 
grain of wheat has generally been carefully gathered by von Hammer 
and given to us. A few Turkish works have been translated, such as the 
Kanuu-Namehs, and probably in these is found all the Turkish material 
needed for this treatise, in addition to such secondary works as von 
Hammer's, D'Ohsson's, and the immensely useful European records. 
Nevertheless, the Turkish point of view obtained directly from Turkish 
books is worth having, and it is undeniable that a perfect equipment for 
an historian of Turkey would include a reading knowledge of the Turk- 
ish language. 



Duhr: GeschicJite der Jesuiten 143 

Some slight irregularity in the transliteration of Turkish names seems 
hardly worth noting in face of the exceeding care with which the work 
has been handled. 

Professor Lybyer's monograph is scholarly in detail and reference, 
clear in presentation and organization, and philosophical in its grasp of 
forces and interpretation of facts. 

Hester Donaldson Jenkins. 

Gcschichte der Jesuiten in den Ldndem Deutscher Zunge. Von 
Bernhard Duhr, SJ. Zweiter Band. Geschichte der Jesuiten 
in den Ldndem Deutscher Zunge in der ersten Hdlfte des XVII. 
Jahrhunderts. (Freiburg i. B. : Herder. 1913. Pp. xviii, 703; 
x, 786.) 

Histoire de la Compagnie de Jesus en France, des Origincs a la 
Suppression (1528-1J62). Par le P. Henri Fouqueray, S.J. 
Tome II. La Ligue et le Bannisscment (ii'i-1604). (Paris: 
Alphonse Picard et Fils. 1913. Pp. viii, 737.) 
The histories. of the Jesuits by countries go bravely on. The two 
thick tomes of Father Duhr"s second volume are scarcely at hand before 
from Father Fouqueray too we have another. But the simultaneous 
publication accentuates the difference between the two works. In inner 
content, as in outer form,' that difference remains as great as ever; and 
again it is not alone by its sumptuous print and its pictures that the Ger- 
man work excels. 

As in his earlier volume, Father Duhr's sincerity is everywhere as 
evident as is his scholarship. If he has failed of fairness, it is for no lack 
of effort. His central theme, of course, is the Thirty Years' War. What- 
ever his order's relation to that struggle, it was inevitable that the war 
should color all its activities. That it was the Jesuits' war, however, 
Father Duhr will not admit. His opening chapter disputes their responsi- 
bility for its beginning, and all his book illustrates their eagerness to end 
it. That certain Jesuits, like Heinrich Wangnereck, fought most 
fiercely the final settlement he of course concedes; but he shows these 
to have made themselves the mouthpieces of a Roman policy sharply at 
variance with that of the order's head, and at cost of rigorous discipline 
from their superiors. Nor is Father Duhr less frank in laying bare the 
wide divergence in view and sympathy everywhere to be found among 
the Jesuits themselves. As to their political activities this is only to 
reach the result already reached by Moritz Ritter ; and much of the argu- 
ment has been set forth in greater detail in Steinberger's capital study on 
the Jesuits and the peace question (Freiburg, 1906). But everywhere 
our author enriches the discussion with new materials — as in his use of 
the Chigi archives, closed even to Steinberger, but now accessible in the 
Vatican. 

If this be true for political history, much more so is it for the religious 



144 



Reviews of Books 



story of his order. What he has to tell of their several provinces and 
colleges, their personnel, their buildings, their endowments, will interest 
chiefly his fellow Jesuits; but his story of their methods in school and 
mission, in pulpit and confessional, at the courts and in the armies, his 
pictures of the devastation of the war and of the vice, the superstition, 
and the cruelty that followed in its train, all these will make his book a 
treasure to the historian of civilization. Even the student of the history 
of prices will find his profit in the careful tables which here record the 
cost of Jesuit living. Especially for the story of witch-persecution, which 
in the Germany of just this period reached its climax, and among the 
Jesuits found both its hottest supporters and its most eloquent foes, the 
unflinching pages of Father Duhr have permanent worth. Nor does he 
forget the services of German Jesuits to science and to literature. But, 
if he glories in the astronomical achievements of a Scheiner, he does 
not fail to record the religious narrowness which closed the ears of 
even a Scheiner to the Copernican views and to point out the "basal 
error " of the Roman decrees in setting up the Scriptures against science, 
or to tell us how Scheiner himself was admonished by his superiors to 
abandon his too free opinions as to the heavens and forbidden to set his 
name to his treatise on the sun-spots. If in the character and the work 
of Friedrich Spe he finds the best embodiment of Jesuit ideals and devotes 
to his biography the closing pages of his volume, he yet frankly reveals 
to us that Spe's brave book against the witch-hunters made such a scandal 
in the order that he narrowly escaped severance from its ranks. Such 
frankness earns, and deserves to earn, our confidence for all his story. 

The new volume of Father Fouqueray is, on the other hand, pure 
partizanship. It knows few lapses into insight, none into impartiality. 
Yet it is a most industrious compilation, and from sources not all hitherto 
accessible. The larger share of the Jesuits in affairs of state makes now 
their story a more stirring one, and there can be no question that the 
writer's power of narrative grows with the progress of his work. Even 
his partizanship perhaps makes more intelligible the factional passion of 
which he writes; and even his partizanship fades when once his order 
shares the responsibilities of power. The Edict of Nantes, " Since un- 
happily, by the weakness of the Valois, religious unity was no longer pos- 
sible ", may have been better, he admits, than endless civil war; but " Un- 
church, assured of possessing the entire deposit of Revelation, could only 
with regret behold her eldest son, the Very Christian King, promulgate 
ordinances little consonant in themselves with the sovereign rights of the 
divine truth, authorize without the consent of the Holy See departures 
from the Canon Law, permit the practice of a dissenting cult, mixed 
marriages, the opening of unorthodox schools, and recompense ministers 
and teachers of heresy, which is and will always be error". Yet, now 
that Henry of Navarre had become a Catholic, our author cannot ques- 
tion his sincerity of purpose, and accepts in literal faith his assurance to 
his Roman agent that he will "so manage the Edict that the Catholic 
religion will receive the chief benefil ". Were not the Jesuits now his 



Heawood : Geographical Discovery 145 

advisers? "Henry IV., henceforward a sincere Catholic, whatever may 
be said ", had at last come to know them, and henceforward " to his death 
will love and favor the Company of Jesus " — " with what liberality and 
what persistence the next volume will relate ". 

An interesting episode in the present volume is the chapter devoted to 
the French Jesuits in Scotland under Mary Stuart and her son (1562- 

1597)- 

George L. Burr. 

A History of Geographical Discovery in the Seventeenth and Eight- 
eenth Centuries. By Edward Heawood, M.A., Librarian to the 
Royal Geographic Society. [Cambridge Geographical Series.] 
(Cambridge: The University Press. 1912. Pp. xii, 475.) 
The author has achieved in an admirable way a very difficult task. 
During the two centuries under consideration there were many important 
voyages to all parts of the globe both by land and sea. A number of 
nations participated in this work of discovery and in particular the Dutch, 
English, French, and Russian. Land exploration was carried on quite 
extensively by the Jesuits and other missionaries. To be able to write a 
book on such a big subject one must possess a very sound knowledge of 
geography and cartography, not only of the period under discussion but 
also of those which precede and succeed in order to point out the rela- 
tion of one to the other. The book shows that the author is well quali- 
fied for the work which he undertook. In his introductory chapter he 
summarizes in a clear and scholarly manner the discoveries of the six- 
teenth century and states what were the prevailing geographical and 
cartographical ideas at the end of that period and what were the 
problems which were handed down to the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries. With this as a beginning he proceeds to tell how the differ- 
ent nations went to work to solve these problems. In connection with 
each important voyage there is a short biographical sketch of the officer 
in command and a brief discussion of the motives which led to the 
undertaking. It is well known that during the greater part of the 
seventeenth century the purpose of the voyages was largely commercial 
development, towards the end of that century geographical knowledge 
was advanced through the exploits of the buccaneers, but from about the 
middle of the eighteenth century, generally speaking, the aim of the 
voyages was primarily scientific discovery and only incidentally trade. 

According to the author, " the most notable achievements during the 
first half of our period were the voyages of Tasman, which did more 
than any others to draw the veil from the previously unknown Austral- 
asian area. . . . Glancing now at the regional extension of exploring 
work during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, it may be said 
that the most marked characteristic of the whole period was the unveil- 
ing of the great Pacific Ocean." 

Taking into consideration the long period covered and the numerous 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX— IO 



146 Reviews of Books 

voyages studied it is only natural that the book should be packed full of 
facts. Its style is narrative from beginning to end. It is not alto- 
gether easy reading and very few will read the book through for 
pleasure. The author avoids controversies; he contents himself with 
stating the facts and very little more, and, under the circumstances, he 
could hardly be expected to do otherwise. In many cases he made use 
of the sources, but since there is such a vast amount of original material 
written in so many different languages, the author was of necessity com- 
pelled to fall back on the best available secondary authorities. One 
who has made a special study of one of the many topics in the book will 
be somewhat dissatisfied with the author's treatment of it, yet it must 
be admitted that he did the best he could with the secondary material at 
his command. It is rather strange that the voyages of Mogami Tokunai, 
the Japanese geographer, in the North Pacific during the years 1785 and 
1786 (the date of the third is not known) have been overlooked. The 
value of the book would have been greatly enhanced if a list of the best 
books on the subject were given. 

One of the features of the book is the very full index. Of the 475 
pages about four hundred are text and fifty index. There are about 
sixty illustrations, many of them reproductions of old maps, and most 
of the others are likenesses, in the main, of Englishmen interested in 
navigation. The author is fair and impartial in his treatment of all 
discoveries and discoverers, no matter under what flag they sailed. 

The book is valuable as a work of reference; its statements may be 
accepted because they are based on the best available authorities. 

F. A. Golder. 

Stolen Waters: a Page in the Conquest of Ulster. By T. M. Healy, 
M.P. (London, New York, Bombay, and Calcutta: Longmans, 
Green, and Company. 1913. Pp. x, 492.) 

Mr. Timothy Healy's Stolen Waters is hardly a history. It is the 
restatement of a great law argument against the right of an English- 
man to monopolize the valuable fisheries in the waters of Lough Neagh, 
the largest lake in the British Islands, and to charge rent on what has 
been freely enjoyed by the people of the surrounding counties from time 
immemorial. The alleged right is based on grants made under the 
great seal of Ireland to Sir Arthur Chichester in the reign of James I., 
taken back by Charles I. at the instance of Strafford, and restored by 
Charles II. Mr. Healy, who was retained on the side of the people in 
the final argument of the case, when it was decided for the Earl of 
Shaftesbury by a vote of four Conservative judges to three Liberals, 
pleads for a re-opening on the ground that the judges were but partly 
informed as to the facts, and gave little or no weight to considerations 
of the first importance. He contends, and seems to show, that the 
grants to Chichester, then lord deputy at the head of the Irish govern- 
ment, were fraudulent from the first, were kept secret from the govern- 



Healy : Stolen Waters 147 

ment in London, and were formally renounced even before Strafford 
was made aware of their character. The renewal to his son at the 
Restoration was secured by grossly false statements made to the king. 
In both operations the forms of both English and Irish law for the pro- 
tection of rights in land and in fisheries were ignored. 

The original grants included all the fisheries in the Bann River, as 
well as Lough Neagh, through which it flows. It was through the 
promise of the Bann fisheries, which were known to be of great value, 
that the London Companies were induced by King James to put their 
capital into the colonization of Londonderry and Tyrone, and thus save 
the new settlements from the weakness and poverty which had frustrated 
so many plantations. And while Deputy Chichester was pretending to 
the king to be laboring for the success of the Londoners' undertaking, 
which James had much at heart, he was plotting to strip them of the 
most valuable asset they were expecting from the royal hand. 

The general estimate of Chichester has been that he was an honor- 
able and upright man. Mr. Healy gives this praise to his predecessor, 
the Earl of Devonshire, but pronounces Chichester the ablest and the 
worst of the Englishmen who labored for the subjugation of Ireland 
to the British yoke. He thus deposes Strafford from that place, and 
indeed furnishes a vindication of many of the proceedings for which 
that deputy has been judged cruel and tyrannical, especially his search 
into the kind of title by which many English and Scottish settlers held 
their lands. And beside Chichester he pillories Sir John Davies the 
attorney-general, and James Hamilton, afterwards Lord Claneboye, who 
both have been regarded as exceptions to the cruel indifference with 
which the native Irish were treated in that period. 

Our author gives his authorities for every charge he brings, often 
at great length, and with the profuseness which suits a legal brief 
rather than a history. His order of discussion also is that of the lawyer 
rather than of the historian; and the hammer-like blows with which he 
clenches his statements are wearying to a reader not as much absorbed 
as himself in the subject. But those who have the patience to keep up 
with his argument, will come to the conclusion that Mr. Healy is 
fighting against a great injustice, and will get many new lights on the 
Tudor and Stuart period of Irish history. Especially clear is the story, 
of how the O'Neills were driven from Ulster, not by the strong hand of 
soldiers like Devonshire, but by the chicanery of English lawyers like 
Davies, and thus left that most Irish of provinces open to " plantation ". 
But " the Flight of the Earls ", as it is called, is not a heroic chapter, and 
needs more apology than Mr. Healy is able to offer. 

Robert Ellis Thompson. 



148 Reviews of Books 

Life of Sir Henry Vane the Younger, Statesman and Mystic (161 3- 
1662). By John Willcock, M.A., D.D., F. R. Hist. Soc. (Lon- 
don : The Saint Catherine Press. 1913. Pp. xxi, 405.) 
It is high time for some one to write a good biography of Sir Henry 
Vane the Younger. Of the five principal lives which have so far ap- 
peared, that of Sikes, written immediately after Vane's execution, is 
little more than a contemporary panegyric; the work of Upham and 
even that of Forster have long been out of date ; Hosmer's book, what- 
ever its quality, is twenty-five years old; and Ireland's is rather popular 
than scholarly. Since Hosmer wrote the boundaries of our knowledge 
of the period in which Vane lived have been much enlarged and what 
probably remains the best account of the subject of Mr. Willcock's book 
has been written for the Dictionary of National Biography by Professor 
Firth. Besides the great contribution of the latter to the history of the 
closing years of the Interregnum, not a few studies and monographs on 
special phases of the revolutionary period have illuminated dark corners 
and amplified our knowledge. It might be expected therefore that Mr. 
Willcock would produce what we have so long and vainly desired, a sum- 
mary of what is already known, the clearing up of many obscure points 
in Vane's career, and an informing estimate of his character and place 
in history in an attractive and well-ordered narrative. For this the 
present author has certain large qualifications. His biographies of the 
eighth and ninth Earls of Argyll revealed at once a very considerable 
knowledge of the period and much skill in presentation. Equally 
good on the historical and on the literary side they roused hopes of 
similar excellence in the treatment of a character and a career more 
complex even than those of the Argylls. 

It cannot be fairly said that these hopes are fully satisfied by the 
present work, however great an advance it marks, in certain particulars, 
over its predecessors. To say that it is, perhaps, the best of Vane's 
longer biographies is not very high praise, and we may well believe it 
is far from the last word. To begin with, the ground is evidently 
less familiar to the author than that of his preceding work, the touch is 
less sure, the dependence on secondary authority greater, the picture 
neither so clearly drawn nor so convincing. Many incidents in Vane's 
career are doubtless extremely obscure. Even so simple a matter, ap- 
parently, as that important side of his life, his education, at Westminster, 
at Oxford and on the Continent, remains almost as cloudy as ever. 
Some light, indeed, is shed upon the incident of Vane's connection with 
the fall of Strafford, but, with all Mr. Willcock's attempts at interpreta- 
tion, that light seems, on the whole, too favorable. One would be glad 
to have the point of the negotiations with the Elector Palatine in 1644 
cleared up, if that were possible; and, not to make the list too long, the 
reasons why Vane was executed and Lambert was not, might well have 
been elaborated lure. Moreover a fuller knowledge of more recent 
monographic work, especially that by Professor Xotcstein on the Com- 



Winstanley : Lord Chatham 149 

mittee of Both Kingdoms, would have helped the account of that institu- 
tion, and of Vane's share in it, in these pages. Concerning other points 
an honest difference of opinion may well exist. To call Vane and Argyll 
" daring spirits " is from one point of view true enough, but not from 
that of many of their contemporaries — to whom " subtle " seemed far 
more euphemistically appropriate. There can scarcely be much mystery 
(pp. 96-97) as to why the attack on Strafford was altered from im- 
peachment to attainder, and as to the king's being powerless to keep his 
pledge to the great earl, that opinion rests too largely on what one thinks 
he might have done. What Mr. Willcock has added to our knowledge 
he has himself noted in his preface and it is not inconsiderable. 
Nowhere is there so full a statement of the relations of Vane and 
Cromwell; and there is fresh light on Vane's career after the Protector's 
death and his connection with the Willis plot. Perhaps the views of 
Vane's character and career are not too favorable, but they are certainly 
favorable enough. He was, of all men of his time, the exemplar of the 
doctrine that " it is the business of a dissenter to dissent ", yet he was 
in many ways the ablest administrator of his day, at once the subtlest 
and most adroit of managers in political manipulation and the most ad- 
vanced of political theorists. Out of these contradictory qualities it is- 
not easy to construct a finished or a satisfactory portrait. So mystical 
as to be esteemed a fanatic; so practical as to wield the greatest power 
with the most eminent ability and success; so subtle and astute as to be- 
judged often crafty and untrustworthy, reckoned at once courageous and! 
timid, hated in life and honored at his death, the portrayal of such a mani 
seems difficult to the point of impossibility. Yet one feels in laying; 
down the present volume that, had the treatment been less impersonal, 
had there been more of Vane and less of a summary of events, had the 
subject been kept more continually in the foreground, more clearly indi- 
vidualized and at the same time more concretely identified with those 
things of which he was so great a part, the result would have been more 
satisfactory. As it is, Vane often seems in these pages as elusive as he 
appeared to many of his contemporaries. This, with the unqualified 
acceptance of the worst possible view of Charles I., the almost casual 
treatment of foreign, especially French, affairs, notably the characteriza- 
tion of Mazarin, the Fronde, and Cromwell's relations with Conde and 
the Huguenots, and their like, give the book at times an air of super- 
ficiality which tends to obscure its better qualities and its not incon- 
siderable real value. 

W. C. Abbott. 

Lord Chatham and the Whig Opposition. By D. A. Winstanley, 
M.A., Fellow and Lecturer, Trinity College, Cambridge. (Cam- 
bridge: University Press. 1912. Pp. ix, 460.) 
Mr. Winstanley has again delved courageously into the tangled 
politics of eighteenth-century England, continuing his study of that 
familiar conflict between the idea of party government, engendered by 



1 5° Reviews of Books 

the Revolution, and the revival of the royal power under George III. 
Obviously enough the gradual shaping of constitutional changes appears 
less significant to the actors themselves than it does to the scholar of a 
later day with all his advantage of perspective; and one is strongly 
tempted to believe, in spite of Mr. Winstanley, that the Rockingham 
Whigs were bound together not so much by principles of any sort as by 
the common belief that, being all more or less distasteful to the king, 
they could storm his closet successfully only by preserving a semblance 
of unity. It was more the logic of the spoilsman than the reasoning of 
conscious " constitutional pioneers ". Wanting in both solidarity and 
self-sufficiency, and too opportunist to present any definite opinion on 
public questions, they could not otherwise than fail when pitted against 
a single commander whose vision was as clear as his views were 
precise. To George III. at least the issue was always clean cut. Fixed 
in his determination that party government should never become an in- 
tegral element in the nation's polity, he strove consistently for the right 
to select his own ministers, until for a time, as Mr. Winstanley puts it, 
■" the Revolution was nullified ". 

The book naturally treats also of Chatham's anomalous position in 
the constitutional struggle, and sheds interesting light upon his tragic 
ministry. It must be admitted that our author does not, like Ruville, 
attempt to explain Chatham's equivocal role while Townshend was, so 
to speak, stacking the cards; although the Chatham papers attest amply 
to his knowledge of the situation. But the author's researches do con- 
vict Chatham of gross ingratitude toward Grafton. After bullying that 
devoted satellite into accepting the Treasury and persuading him, in spite 
of all, to retain it, he did not scruple later to enter opposition, when 
Grafton's only fault had been the compulsion to act (as best he knew 
how) without Chatham's advice. That he was unwilling to accept 
failure when his health was breaking may have been due rather to the 
state of his mentality than to a misconceived sense of duty; but it has 
been well shown by Ruville that Chatham was as loath to take the 
responsibility of grappling with the colonial problem as he was unable 
to solve it; and the reviewer suggests that his refusal to accept office 
back in June, 1765, was actuated not so much by the need of an adherent 
in the Treasury, as Mr. Winstanley believes, as by the reasonable hope 
that the Rockinghams would sufficiently dispose of the colonial issue to 
ensure a lull during which he (the ultimate contributor to their destruc- 
tion) might rise upon their ruins, and once more devote his talents to 
the service of the state. 

Not the least interesting chapter in the book is that devoted to the 
king's successful intrigue to disrupt the Opposition in the summer of 
1767. It is interesting also to mark this as the one occasion when the 
colonial issue loomed up into sufficient prominence to make a coalition of 
parties impossible. As Mr. Winstanley now shows us, it was Grenville's 
sturdy adherence to his principles that contributed more than anything 
-else to make the king's tactics successful. 



Gooch : History and Historians 151 

A word of praise, in conclusion, is due the author's estimates of 
public men. Though he sometimes needlessly repeats himself, his judg- 
ment of his characters is wonderfully well balanced, and even Towns- 
hend's behavior receives a measure of justification. 

T. W. Riker. 

History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century. By G. P. Gooch. 
(London, New York, Bombay, and Calcutta: Longmans, Green, 
and Company. 191 3. Pp. 600.) 

"The object of this work", says the author in his preface, "is to 
summarize and assess the manifold achievements of historical research 
and production during the last hundred years, to portray the masters of 
the craft, to trace the development of scientific method, to measure the 
political, religious and racial influences that have contributed to the 
making of celebrated books, and to analyze their effect on the life and 
thought of their time. No such survey has been attempted in any lan- 
guage." The comment of any student of history who reads this work 
through is that this object has been achieved; henceforth there is such 
a survey. It is a contribution to literature as well as to history. Such 
a gallery of portraits is not often presented from the ateliers of serious 
scholarship. There is swift and telling characterization, life, and move- 
ment. The figures of the great historians "hold"; they are interpreta- 
tive and real. The judgment upon their work is sane and either bears 
the marks of a conscientious study of the evidence or reviews with 
discriminating insight the judgments of more special and competent 
critics. . One has but to compare such a volume as this with the compila- 
tions at present upon the reference shelves of our libraries to realize 
what a valuable contribution it is. Let us hope that the comparison will 
be possible in any library before very long. 

After an introductory chapter in which is hurriedly traced the rise 
of modern historiography — from a sermon to a science, the volume opens 
with Niebuhr, " the first commanding figure in modern historiography ". 
This is the first of a series of eight chapters tracing the development of 
history in Germany; through Wolf, Bockh, Otfried Miiller, Eichhorn, 
and Savigny, the brothers Grimm, the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 
Ranke, Ranke's critics and pupils, and finally the Prussian school. Then 
follow six more on France, six on England, one on the United States, 
and separate surveys of minor countries, Rome, Greece, the Ancient East, 
Jewish and Church History, Catholicism, and the History of Civiliza- 
tion. It is a comprehensive plan, and in the six hundred pages there 
is little waste space in carrying it out. Critical reference is made in all 
to some six hundred historians, of whom many receive comment in more 
than one place. 

The book justifies the labor which the author has put upon it, and 
one recognizes throughout the essential qualities of scholarship. In- 
deed it is much the type of book which one might have looked for from 



1 5 2 Reviews of Books 

Lord Acton, impressive in scope and finished in workmanship. It is 
therefore not one of those where the reviewer's business is to pick out 
small details of oversight or technical blunders. So far as the writer 
knows, the best sources and best guides have been used, and used with 
independence and self-restraint. To be sure there are many places 
where no satisfactory guide exists, especially in the matter of recent 
biography. Eloges and magazine articles are often rather thin, but not 
less often they are the best we have. And yet the weak point of the 
book is just here, in the mechanism for reference. One should perhaps 
not look such a good gift in the foot-notes; but the fact remains that 
the student of history, for whom the book was obviously written, will 
often turn away, disappointed that he has no further guidance. While 
the foot-notes are well chosen and helpful, and the references uniformly 
bear the date of publication, the aim has been apparently to keep them at 
a minimum and to offer them only for the major works. One realizes 
how much more could have been done in this line when one turns to 
such a fine survey as Eduard Fueter's Gcschichte der Neueren Historio- 
graphie, which, by the way, is hardly a rival, since it covers the whole 
modern period and omits contemporary history. Fueter's minor refer- 
ences are often hardly more than bibliographical notes. This makes them 
still highly valuable; all that one misses in their compression is the com- 
ment of the author. Mr. Gooch, on the other hand, generally contents 
himself, in such cases, with the passing comment, often characterizing 
works of high importance in their own field, yet not of general interest, 
by allusions which are useful only to the reader who knows already 
what they are about. Who, for instance, but a specialist in church his- 
tory is likely to make much out of the statement (p. 547), that " The most 
sensational of recent additions to knowledge is Stein's discovery of Mani- 
chean documents in Turkestan ", which is the only remark upon this 
matter? It may seem sufficient to an Englishman to remark (p. 400) 
that " the transition between the England of the eighteenth and the nine- 
teenth centuries has been lit up by the writings of Mr. and Mrs. Webb ", 
but how much more useful it would have been to have stated in as many 
• words the relation between the History of Trade Unionism and the 
Industrial Democracy. It may seem trivial to insist upon the initials of 
names — which are never given in the notes — and yet what thesis of the 
fecole des Chartes was ever passed with such careless references? 

In the difficult matter of proportion every reader will be his own 
judge, but it seems questionable policy to analyze the volumes of a 
Masson one by one, giving in all over twenty pages to historians of 
Napoleon, and to dismiss Holland Rose with one line. Moreover, it is at 
the close of chapters or sections where evidently the problem of space 
was uppermost in the author's mind, that one comes upon the hurried 
references by allusion, running as high as fifteen to a paragraph. Vet 
the volume remains an impressive contribution to the history of histori- 
ography, and, as we said above, it seems ungracious to ask more of it. 



Ollivier : The Franco-Prussian War 153 

Perhaps if it had had a perfected mechanism it would not have shown 
the gift of style. 

J. T. Shotwell. 

The Franco-Prussian War and its Hidden Causes. By Emile Olli- 
vier. Translated from the French with an introduction and 
notes by George Burnham Ives. (Boston: Little, Brown, and 
Company. 1912. Pp. xxxvii, 520.) 

A query addressed by Mr. Ives to M. Ollivier (as to the possibility 
of extracting from the latter's voluminous history of the Second Empire 
the story of the Hohenzollern candidacy for the throne of Spain and of 
the negotiations that immediately preceded the Franco-Prussian War) 
led the ex-premier to make up the book which Mr. Ives has translated. 
By adding notes and appendixes, drawn in part from the author's larger 
work, in part from other sources, the translator has made himself virtu- 
ally editor. His labors have greatly increased the usefulness of the 
volume, for in many instances he gives us parallel and variant accounts 
of the same episodes, and, in the later appendixes, he reprints some im- 
portant documents. 

The title of the book arouses expectations that are not fulfilled. M. 
Ollivier reveals no causes of the Franco-Prussian War other than those 
that have been known for many years. For the period which the volume 
covers in detail — the first half of the month of July, 1870 — his narrative 
is a primary source; but the points in which it varies from the narratives 
previously published are of minor consequence. The interest of the 
book, both to author and to reader, lies in the interpretation of the facts. 
M. Ollivier's theses may be stated as follows : ( 1 ) that he was not per- 
sonally responsible, either by act or by omission, for the outbreak of the 
war; (2) that the French government was not responsible; (3) that the 
war was deliberately forced upon France by Bismarck; and (4) that it 
was an unnecessary war. The order in which these theses are here 
stated fairly represents their relative importance in M. Ollivier's mind, 
as indicated by the amount of space he has devoted to each. It seems 
desirable, however, to examine them in the reverse order. 

It may doubtless be shown that few wars would have been fought if 
the nations and governments concerned had acted rationally. It is 
probable that the Franco-Prussian War could have been avoided if the 
majority of the French people had shared M. Ollivier's view that Ger- 
man unity was a German question, that France could not claim " revenge 
for Sadowa ", and that a united Germany constituted no menace to 
French interests. It is, however, a notorious fact, which M. Ollivier cor- 
roborates, that the majority of the French people — the majority, at least, 
of those Frenchmen who made themselves audible — felt very differently. 
It is equally notorious that few Germans believed German unity attain- 
able without a French war. Given this state of mind on either side of 
the Rhine, and behind it the memories of centuries of conflict, and it 



1 54 Reviews of Books 

seems hardly conceivable that war should not have broken out, either in 
1870 or soon after. 

It is really not so much the causes as the occasions of the war of 
1870 to which M. Ollivier devotes chief attention. 

That the renewal of the Hohenzollern candidacy for the throne of 
Spain in 1870 was Bismarck's work and was calculated to provoke 
French hostility; that the withdrawal of the candidacy crossed his plans; 
that the form in which he published King William's refusal of guaran- 
ties, creating as it did the impression of a more abrupt and definitive 
breach than had really occurred, and placing the French government in 
a position from which it could not retreat without loss of prestige, prac- 
tically brought on the war — all this is now generally admitted by German 
historians. From these facts, however, it does not follow, as Ollivier 
maintains, that Bismarck was solely responsible for the war. Nothing 
that Bismarck did would have made war inevitable if the French had 
not been in a belligerent frame of mind. When the matter was laid 
before the Chamber, Thiers — who, as Ollivier justly remarks, had done 
as much as any one man to create in France feelings hostile to Germany 
- — said that France was " going to war on a question of sensitiveness ". 

What Bismarck really did was to force in 1870 a war which Napoleon 
was preparing for 1871. In 1869 Napoleon had conducted direct nego- 
tiations with the Emperor of Austria and the King of Italy for an alliance 
against Prussia. In May and June, 1870, French and Austrian experts 
elaborated plans for an 1871 campaign against Prussia. " The fact ", 
Ollivier tells us (p. 89), "that no formal treaty of alliance had been 
concluded proves that the war took us by surprise and zvas not premedi- 
tated by us." Down to the clause which the reviewer has italicized, the 
statement is true and illuminating, but the final clause leaves one gasping. 
Ollivier of course attempts (except in one passage, presently to be noted) 
to minimize the importance of these negotiations. Of the military con- 
sultations he tells us nothing. Mr. Ives gives us a foot-note on the 
subject (p. 39), but does not furnish adequate references to the sources 
and literature. 

Ollivier's defense of the French government is hampered by his 
prime purpose, that of self-defense. In clearing his own skirts he 
leaves those of the emperor and of other Frenchmen entangled. Thus, 
in endeavoring to show that he did not accept the chances of war lightly 
or inconsiderately, he tells us that the letters of Emperor Francis Joseph 
and King Victor Emmanuel indicated the existence of a " moral alliance " 
(p. 89). Of the demand for guaranties, framed by Napoleon and Gra- 
mont without his knowledge, he says that it " could be interpreted only 
as a purpose to bring on war" (pp. 224, 225). And when he appealed 
to the ex-emperor, through Prince Napoleon, for protection against Bon- 
apartist attempts to make him the sole scapegoat, he obtained the follow- 
ing authoritative resume of the situation: " If I had not wanted the war, 
I would have dismissed my ministers; if the opposition had come from 
them, they would have resigned; finally, if the Chamber had been forced 



Ollivier : The Franco-Prussian War 155 

into the enterprise against its will, it could have voted against it" (p. 
363, note 1). 

That Ollivier should not be held responsible for the war is fairly 
clear. The proof of his guiltlessness, however, is not to be found solely 
in the examination of his acts and omissions during the critical first two 
weeks of July. The really conclusive proof is to be read between the 
lines of his book, and it is the more convincing because he gives it un- 
intentionally. He shows us everywhere that neither his official position 
nor his force of character enabled him to make war or keep the peace. 
Premier in an ostensibly parliamentary government, he was in fact only 
a figure-head. The emperor had reserved the direct control of foreign 
affairs (pp. 83 et scq.). During Ollivier's entire term of office diplomatic 
negotiations were carried on by Napoleon personally. It was not until 
July 6, 1870, that the premier heard anything of the 1869 negotiations 
for alliances; it was not until 1875 that he heard of the military consulta- 
tions held in 1870 (p. 39, note 1). Finally, as we have seen, Napoleon 
and Gramont framed, on July 12, the fatal demand for guaranties, with- 
out consulting Ollivier or the other ministers (p. 218). The emperor 
similarly kept in his hands the control of the army. The minister of 
war did not report to the council, but directly to the emperor (pp. 83, 
84). Ollivier had to depend on Napoleon's assurances as regarded alli- 
ances, and on Le Bceuf's assurances as regarded the condition of the 
army. The expectations that were then aroused he cannot yet regard as 
illusory; witness his pathetic attempt to show how the French armies 
might have triumphed, if — (pp. 395, 396). 

Ollivier's mental lucidity at critical moments, his independence of 
outside influences, and his force of character are certified to us by 
Ollivier himself (pp. 51, 52). To the reviewer this paragraph seems the 
most significant in the volume; and it is interesting to read, in connec- 
tion with it, Ollivier's censure of Benedetti's self-esteem (pp. 133, 134). 
Had Ollivier possessed the qualities he ascribed to himself, he might per- 
haps have exercised, despite his disadvantageous political position, a 
dominant influence upon the movements of events. His own narrative, 
however, does not exhibit these qualities in decisive action. We see the 
light of his intelligence focused on words rather than things, and more 
on the way of saying things than on the substance of the things said. 
We see his course determined by a number of extraneous influences: the 
vacillations of the emperor, the actions of his colleagues, the opinions of 
diplomatists, the remarks of deputies, the utterances of the journals. 
This, of course, he did not see at the time, nor does he see it now. 
Like Faust in the Walpurgisnacht he thought himself impelling when he 
was impelled. 

Munroe Smith. 



156 Reviews of Books 

BOOKS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

The Economic History of the United States. By Ernest Ludlow 
Bogart, Ph.D., Professor of Economics, University of Illinois. 
Second edition. (New York, London, Bombay, and Calcutta: 
Longmans, Green, and Company. 1912. Pp. xvi, 597.) 
The appearance of a new edition of this book calls attention again 
to the neglect of our economic history by American economists. The 
first edition appeared six years ago and, excepting the brief and ele- 
mentary work of Miss Coman, was the only book in its field. It 
remains to-day in undisturbed possession. The new edition is an 
improvement upon the first in many particulars. Several subjects very 
inadequately treated or omitted altogether in the first edition have been 
more satisfactorily dealt with. Three new chapters have been added: 
one on Neutrality and Foreign Trade, another on Population and Labor 
before the Civil War, and a third on Conservation. The chapter on 
Currency and Banking before the Civil War has been entirely rewritten 
and is also practically new. In addition to these there are numerous 
changes in the text all through the volume, many of which involve the 
rewriting of a paragraph or the insertion of a new one amounting often 
to a complete modification of the views previously expressed by the 
author on important subjects. He has evidently made a diligent effort 
to incorporate into this new edition the results of all studies that have 
been published since the first edition appeared or that were overlooked 
in it. These changes have greatly improved the book, but they are not 
extensive enough to justify the statement that it " may almost be 
regarded as new ". Its plan remains what it was before and its general 
character has not been changed. 

According to the author's view the economic history of the United 
States is the story of the achievements of a virile, energetic people 
devoting themselves to the exploitation of rich natural resources, 
untrammelled by custom, tradition, or political limitations. In telling 
this story his plan is to trace "the growth of industry [manufactures], 
agriculture, commerce, transportation, population and labor from the 
simple, isolated agricultural communities of the colonies to the com- 
plex industrial and commercial society of to-day ". Each of these 
topics is dealt with in one or more chapters in the four periods into 
which he divides our economic history : first. Colonial Development, 
secondly, the Struggle for Commercial and Economic Independence 
1763-1808, thirdly, the Industrial Revolution and Westward Movement 
1808-1860, and fourthly, Economic Integration and Industrial Organiza- 
tion 1860-1912. Nearly one-half of the volume is devoted to the last 
period. Considering the vast field to he covered in the limits of a 
single volume of less than six hundred pages, the author has been 
fairly successful in carrying out his plan. There are few important 
subjects that have not been at least touched upon and he has used all 



Massachusetts Royal Commissions 157 

the best books and secondary material concerning them. There is little 
evidence of independent investigation of sources where secondary 
material does not exist or is inadequate for an account. He has 
brought together into a digest the available information concerning all 
these subjects and aimed to furnish an explanation of the more impor- 
tant phases of development. This has required an immense amount 
of careful study and constitutes a service of no small value. 

It is easy to point out defects in the book. The most obvious ones 
arise from the attempt to deal with too many subjects in the space 
allowed. The result is a narrative which is loose and scrappy, with 
little reasoned continuity. The important subjects and big events are 
not made to stand out prominently so as to make clear their significance. 
It is impossible in a paragraph or two to deal effectively with the 
African slave-trade so as to show its enormous importance to the whole 
economy of colonization. An account of the slave system which de- 
veloped from the spread of cotton culture which fails to consider at 
length the economic effect upon the South and upon the nation as a 
whole, must be regarded as very unsatisfactory. Few subjects are of 
greater importance and interest than the significance of railway con- 
struction and railway management in our economic life. Here is the 
industry in which the development of the corporation may best be 
traced and where that striking figure in American society, the great 
captain of industry, first appeared. Here also competition as the regu- 
lator of economic affairs first failed, and gave rise to the character- 
istic economic problem of our time, government regulation of industry. 
These aspects of the subject are entirely ignored. Still more surprising 
is the failure to give a good discussion of the influence of the pro- 
tective tariff policy upon the growth of manufactures, or to consider in 
the chapters on labor the problems which grew out of emancipation. 
Another defect is the absence of foot-notes giving specific references 
for statements of fact and expressions of opinion. It ought to be pos- 
sible in a book of this kind to see at a glance the sources from which 
the author has drawn his facts and ideas. The selected list of authori- 
ties at the end of each chapter is not sufficiently definite. 

Guy S. Callender. 

Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts. Volume II. 
Collections: Massachusetts Royal Commissions, 1681-IJJ4. (Bos- 
ton : The Society. 1913. Pp. xxxvi, 409.) 

The Colonial Society has finally brought to a successful termination 
the first part of a plan formed many years ago to print the extant royal 
commissions and instructions issued to certain of the crown officials of 
Massachusetts during the period from 1681 to 1774. The first volume 
containing the commissions is now before us and the second, which will 
contain the royal instructions issued during the same period, is already 
provided for. With the completion of this work an undertaking of first 



1 5 8 Reviews of Books 

importance will have been finished, constituting not only the most im- 
portant publication of this active society, but the first presentation in 
print of a complete series, as far as obtainable, of the commissions and 
instructions issued to a royal governor in any of the colonies. We can 
only wish that an effort of this kind would arouse the state of Massa- 
chusetts to atone for a long and not very creditable neglect by printing 
its colonial records for the period after 1686. It stands now with the 
state of South Carolina as the only two of the thirteen original colonies 
that have failed to fulfil this duty to themselves and to colonial history. 

The present volume contains fifty-four commissions. The recipients 
were the president of the council for New England, the governor, lieu- 
tenant governor, and secretary and register of the Dominion of New 
England, the governors, lieutenant governors, and secretaries of the 
Province of 'Massachusetts Bay, the governors as vice-admirals, the col- 
lector, surveyor, and searcher of customs in the colonies of New Eng- 
land (1681), and the Bishop of London (1727, 1728). In an appendix 
are printed translations of such of the vice-admiralty commissions as are 
in Latin and of the commissions to the bishop which are also in Latin. 
Prefacing the chief documents are a table of regnal years and the provin- 
cial charters of 1691 and 1725. 

The documents are printed with the utmost care and accuracy from 
copies obtained partly in London and partly in Massachusetts. Mr. 
Matthews, the editor, tells us that though " diligent search has been made 
in London and elsewhere " he has been unable to find copies of five of 
the lieutenant governors' commissions, those of Addington, Stoughton, 
Tailer (first and second), and Dummer (first). It is unfortunate that 
the search was not extended more widely, for the commissions of April 
7, 1711, and April 28, 1715, to Tailer and that of July 28, 1716, to Dum- 
mer are extant and readily accessible. He further says that the com- 
missions to Andrew Oliver (1770) and Thomas Oliver (1774), though 
found in the Massachusetts archives, are not among the Colonial Office 
Papers. He is again mistaken; both the commissions are recorded in 
the Plantation General entry-books. His apparent surprise that these 
lieutenant governors' commissions are not entered on the Patent Rolls 
betrays an unfamiliarity with the fact that such instruments were issued 
under the royal sign manual and not under the great seal, and therefore 
were never enrolled. 

As an important test of a work of this kind is accuracy of reference, 
an error or two may be noted. On page 90, the form " Patent Roll, I 
Anne, 3424, No. 8", confuses two references: "Patent Roll, 3424", the 
key number used in calling out the roll, and " Patent Roll, I Anne, 
Part I, 8", the reference to the place of the commission on the rolls. 
Similar mistakes are made on pages 347 and 353. On page 136, " Part 
2" should be "Part III", and on page 396, "Part I" is omitted from 
the reference, which should read " Patent Roll, 14 William III, Part I, 
No. 2 ". 

Charles M. Andrews. 



De Koven : John Paul Jones i 59 

The Life and Letters of John Paul Jones. By Mrs. Reginald De 

Koven. In two volumes. ('New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 
1913. Pp. xvi,.4/8; vii, 513.) 

Of the eleven biographies of Jones, the one recently published by 
Mrs. De Koven is the most detailed and extensive, and is based on the 
widest research. The author has expended much time and money in 
gathering materials in various depositories both in this country and in 
Europe. She has examined, either personally or by means of agents, the 
manuscripts relating to her subject in the archives of the United States, 
Great Britain, France, and Russia, those in the libraries of Harvard Uni- 
versity, of Boston and New York cities, of the Pennsylvania and New 
York historical societies, of the American Philosophical Society, and of 
the British Museum, and those in the private collections of J. P. Morgan, 
Grenville Kane, John Boyd Thatcher, William K. Bixby, James Barnes, 
and Charles T. Harbeck (I. x; II. 485-486). An inspection of the list 
of sources of information, to be found at the end of volume II. (pp. 485- 
490), indicates that she has examined most, if not all, of the printed 
materials bearing on her subject. After so exhaustive a research, 
future students of Jones cannot expect to make important discoveries. 

The large net cast by Mrs. De Koven has resulted in some interesting 
finds, which add to the details of our knowledge of Jones, but which do 
not essentially change the general outline or general estimate of his 
career. This was inevitable since Jones preserved his papers from 1776 
until his death with much care, and most of them have been used by 
earlier biographers. Perhaps mention should be made of some new 
materials for the period before 1776 discovered by the author, and of 
her rather novel treatment of Jones's life in France and Russia. She 
has also, I am told, discovered two new miniatures of the commodore. 
The book is well printed and illustrated. Several of the illustrations 
are published for the first time. There is a map showing Jones's cruise 
in the Bon Homme Richard, and one showing the engagement of the 
Russian fleet under his command. The appendix contains reprints of 
several important documents, a note on the replica of the Houdon bust, 
and an account of the finding of Jones's body by General Porter. For 
her industry in making so laborious a research, Mrs. De Koven deserves 
much praise. Her frequent quotations, especially those from unpub- 
lished materials, will be found exceedingly useful. 

Turning now to the treatment of materials, one is compelled to speak 
with less praise. Of two essential qualifications of a good biographer, a 
sympathetic imagination and judicial detachment, the author appears to 
possess only the first, and that somewhat in excess. Indeed, her sym- 
pathy for her subject is so strong that she is in a measure incapacitated 
for the task that she has assigned herself. All biographers write their 
own biography as well as that of their subject, and Mrs. De Koven is no 
exception to the rule. The assertion that we have in this book a 
feminine characterization of Jones might be regarded as susceptible of 



1 60 Reviews of Books 

defense had not the existence of distinctive masculine and feminine 
qualities been disputed by some recent philosophers — chiefly women. 
It is certainly true that one sex does not readily understand the psy- 
chology of the other. Perhaps we may discover in this thought the 
cause of some of the limitations in the work of Mrs. De Koven, and of 
the fact that she finds it more easy to admire than to explain her subject. 

The (1) interpretative and the (2) probative or controversial parts 
of the book are most open to criticism. The interpretation of an his- 
torical character varies of course with the interpreter. English writers 
conceiving of Jones as a rebellious British subject obtain one view of 
him. American writers, including Mrs. De Koven, conceiving of him as 
an American citizen who fought gallantly for his country obtain quite a 
different view. One may also conceive of him as an adventurer, a cos- 
mopolite, a free lance, who was not especially particular on what field 
he fought so long as it promised glory. There is a large element of truth 
in Jones's words to the Countess of Selkirk (although we must not take 
these words or any words of Jones too seriously) : " I am not in arms 
as an American ... I profess myself a citizen of the world, totally un- 
fettered by the mean distinctions of Climate or of Country, which 
diminish the benevolence of the Heart and set bounds to Philanthropy " 
(I. 314-315). 

The author rather glosses over, as it seems to me, Jones's weaknesses 
— his vanity, his quarrelsome disposition, his excessive sentimentality, and 
his ardent self-love masking itself behind phrases of disinterestedness 
and expressing itself in an almost habitual tone of injury and disap- 
pointment. She does more than justice to his conspicuous virtues, to his 
professional achievements, and to the touch of genius which he pos- 
sessed. I cannot agree with her that Jones died of a broken heart, that 
he was " thwarted in life ", and that, according to the " persistent 
sequence of his fortunes " he received " disappointment and blame in- 
stead of rewards for hard-earned victories" (II. 43-44. 433)- On the 
contrary it seems to me that Jones made a phenomenal success of his 
life, and that it is largely for this reason that his career possesses an 
abiding interest. One cannot follow the author in her complete assur- 
ance that if her hero had had larger opportunities he would have won 
greater fame. It is true lie might have won greater fame, but quite as 
often as otherwise fate shows her partiality for her favorites by limiting 
their opportunities. 

The probative parts of the bonk are in the main unsatisfactory and 
reveal the author as quite unpractised in the handling of historical evi- 
dence. She fails to organize her evidence, she draws improper conclu- 
sions from it, and she forces it to yield much more than it is capable of 
yielding. Having established a probability or a possibility, she proceeds 
to reason as if she had established a certainty. She overweights the 
value of Jones's statements regarding himself, quite forgetting that men. 
especially nun with the temperament of Jones, do not view themselves 
impartially and are unable to tell the whole truth respecting themselves. 



Beard : Interpretation of the Constitution 161 

She has failed to recognize that hearsay evidence arising subsequent to 
the death of a celebrity must be viewed with suspicion and handled with 
care, and is never to be put on an equality with first-hand contemporary 
evidence. She is weak in historical perspective, and gives too much 
weight to facts supporting her own views and prepossessions — a defect 
common to most historical writers. 

A few of the points in respect to which the reviewer differs from the 
author will be indicated. He cannot accept the view that Jones in 
referring to himself as a "son of fortune" (I. 37) confessed that he was 
a pirate. He cannot accept Samuel Chase's narrative (I. 37-43) at its 
face value, because of its origin and the internal evidence that it contains 
of inaccuracy. The phrase " solitarily enough " which is found in the 
original of Reed's letter but not in the quotation (I. 54) is somewhat 
inconsistent with the phrase " gayeties and distractions" (p. 60) in Mrs. 
De Koven's description. Further evidence is desired identifying " The 
Grove " of Reed's letter with " The Grove " of the North Carolina 
family of Jones. Something more is needed to prove that he adopted the 
name of this family (I. 63), and that his association with it was the 
" critical period in his history " and caused a " truly remarkable meta- 
morphosis " (I. 64) in his character. If the author's conclusions are 
true it is certainly remarkable that Jones never mentioned this family in 
his letters, and that he preserved no letters to or from its members. 
The statement by Reed in a letter to Jones that Miss Dandridge had 
married Patrick Henry is not conclusive proof that this lady was in love 
with Jones (I. 78-79). The marine committee did not wish to put Jones 
at the head of the navy (I. 151). That Jones's use of the words, "It 
had not been his intention to attract Lord Selkirk's notice by his history 
or otherwise" (I. 299), supports the view that Jones believed that Lord 
Selkirk was his father is another illustration of the fantastic reasoning 
of the author. The flimsy evidence upon which she impugns the chastity 
of Jones's mother and makes his uncle his father may serve to circulate a 
slander but is quite insufficient to establish a truth (I. 298-307). One 
wishes better proof than is given that Franklin " deliberately seques- 
trated " an important document respecting Captain Landais (II. 95). 
Certain admissions of that officer may or may not be " typical illustra- 
tions of the incomplete control of the conscious mind over the sub- 
conscious desires" (II. 104-105). The author's deduction from Frank- 
lin's statement quoted on page 99, volume II., is proved to be wrong by 
Franklin's statement on page in of the same volume. On one page the 
statement that Barney knew how to appreciate the eccentricities of Jones 
is accepted, while on the previous page it appears to be rejected (II. 238, 
239). Possibly the most amazing of all these curious reasonings is one 
which is thought sufficient to prove that Jones was the father of a son 
and intended to marry the child's mother (II. 279-280) ; but it is equally 
amazing that a biographer who discovers in her hero a " lofty idealism 
and rare disinterestedness" (II. 430) permits him to abandon both 
mother and child and to pursue elsewhere his sentimental diversions. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX.— II. 



1 62 Reviews of Books 

The style of writing is as a rule simple and clear, but occasionally it 
is neither. Several slips of statement and a few other indications of 
carelessness were noted. One cannot say that the author has realized 
her desire to present a " final and truthful estimate " of Jones's life and 
character (I. xii). There is still needed a briefer and more critical 
biography of this officer and a well-edited edition of his most important 
correspondence. 

C. O. Paullin. 

An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United 
States. By Charles A. Beard, Associate Professor of Politics, 
Columbia University. (New York: The Macmillan Company. 
1913. Pp. vii, 330.) 

Professor Beard states frankly that this study of the Federal Con- 
stitution is fragmentary, but his reason for its publication is the hope 
of influencing others to turn their attention from " barren political 
history " to the more fruitful field of economic " forces which condition 
great movements in politics ". With this purpose most students will 
sympathize and turn hastily to the succeeding pages. 

Here one finds an interesting chapter on historical interpretation in 
the United States in which our schools of history are classified and 
compared to similar schools in Europe. Then follows an analysis of the 
economic forces and groups in the thirteen disunited states of 1787. 
These economic groups are the " disfranchised ", the " real property 
holders ", and the " personal property interests ". Thus the method 
of the work is distinctly foreshadowed. The movement for the Consti- 
tution, Property Safeguards in the Election of Delegates, and Economic 
Interests of the Members of the Convention are the titles of other im- 
portant chapters. The distinct contribution of the work is chapter V. in 
which the personal and financial interests of all the " framers " are given 
with much detail. To know who dealt in securities in 1787 to 1789 and 
what the economic bearings of the propositions which came before the 
convention were is very important, for our generation wants to know 
the " connections " of its public men. 

But the remaining chapters are also informing — those which treat 
of political doctrines of 1787 and the process of ratification, which shows 
the purposes of powerful men of that day. Two things, however, escape 
Professor Beard's search — two apparently minor points on which light 
might be given : why was Franklin defeated in his campaign for the 
Pennsylvania ratifying convention and why did Washington decline to 
"stand" for the Virginia convention? Stone and McMaster say that 
Franklin was a candidate of the opposition party in his state. We know- 
he was to have been put forward originally as president of the conven- 
tion of 1787, hut that Robert Morris and the banker group deserted him 
for Washington at the critical moment. And we know also from Mc- 
Ree's Life and Correspondence of James Iredell (II. jj.O that Washing- 



Copeland : Cotton Manufacturing 163 

ton was considered for a while as a candidate before the voters of Fair- 
fax for the Virginia convention but that he withdrew. Was there a 
" deal " before the meeting of the Philadelphia convention between low- 
country Virginians and the Philadelphia bankers whereby the discussion 
was to be guided into safe and sane paths? These are questions which 
frequently arise when one cons the contemporary sources. It may not 
be possible to answer them. 

It remains to say that this " fragment " of a book is exceedingly 
stimulating, that this use of the mass of Treasury manuscripts to which 
the author has had access has whetted the appetite for other studies of 
this kind and given rise to the hope that we shall one day understand the 
political philosophy of the makers of our national Constitution and be 
able at the same time to appreciate the hostility of a majority of the 
people of that period to both the " Fathers " and their Constitution. 
Without entering here upon that interesting question of historical method 
and interpretation it can be said that the author has certainly succeeded 
beyond the promises of his preface. He has looked beneath the surface 
of things and brought to light many new facts, or old facts long over- 
looked. 

William E. Dodd. 

The Cotton Manufacturing Industry of the United States. By Mel- 
vtn Thomas Copeland, Ph.D., Instructor in Commercial Or- 
ganization, Harvard University. [Harvard Economic Studies, 
vol. YIII.] (Cambridge: Harvard University. 1912. Pp. xii, 
4I5-) 

Strictly speaking. Dr. Copeland's book is not an historical work. 
There is a short chapter which deals with the growth of cotton manu- 
facturing before i860 and here and there in the volume short excursions 
are made into the history of the industry, but, in the main, the work is 
descriptive in character and is intended to acquaint the reader with the 
present status of the American cotton industry and to afford a com- 
parison between the American and European methods of manufacturing 
and organization. The subjects dealt with are the geographical dis- 
tribution of the factories, the technique of cotton manufacturing, labor 
conditions and wages, specialization and consolidation, marketing con- 
ditions, and the export and import trade in cotton goods. 

One of the important conclusions reached by the author is that the 
Southern States have little, if any, permanent advantage over New 
England for the manufacture of cotton goods. The advantage which 
they have hitherto enjoyed is that of cheap labor but in the South the 
supplies of cheap labor no longer respond to the demand and neither the 
negro nor the immigrant seems to be attracted to the cotton mills. 
Henceforth it is probable that the New England manufacture will grow 
as rapidly as that in the South. 

A comparison of American with English conditions leads to the con- 



1 64 Reviews of Books 

elusion that Lancashire has certain advantages due to cheaper fuel, more 
favorable climatic conditions, more highly skilled operatives, and the 
easy accessibility of repair shops and by-industries. The Continental 
manufacturers appear to have no such advantages over their American 
competitors. Such advantages as the English possess pertain chiefly to 
the finer grades of goods. The more highly remunerated labor in Amer- 
ican mills has led to a greater use of machinery to reduce the cost of 
that labor. When the greater efficiency of the American operative, 
equipped with such machinery, is taken into consideration America 
seems to be at no disadvantage so far as labor costs are concerned. " I 
have no hesitation ", says Dr. Copeland, " in asserting that higher wages 
are one of the least of the obstacles which stand in the way of American 
cotton manufacturers in international competition." The better organi- 
zation of the American mills and the standardization of production also 
count in favor of the Americans. Such information as the author gives 
on labor conditions, especially on wages and trade unions, is, however, 
rather scant and any comparison of labor costs in the several countries 
is fraught with difficulties. 

Dr. Copeland's account of associations and combinations in the cotton 
industry shows that consolidation has not made much progress and, ex- 
cept in one instance — the manufacture of sewing thread — it has been 
attended with slight success. Monopoly is particularly difficult in this 
field and such economies as have been secured through combination have 
been economies in the selling rather than in the manufacturing side of 
the industry. The author points to the possibility of further integration 
for the attainment of this end. 

In his treatment of the tariff Dr. Copeland adopts no uncertain tone. 
One might almost venture the criticism that the author had here for- 
saken the role of investigator and had assumed that of the advocate, 
were it not for the fact that it is now pretty generally admitted outside 
of manufacturing circles that the import duties on cotton goods are 
almost useless as a means of affording protection to the classes of cotton 
goods mostly manufactured in this country. The secrecy involved in 
the manipulation of the cotton goods schedule as well as that of the 
woollen goods and the complexity of these schedules have brought these 
tariffs into disrepute. 

Dr. Copeland thinks that as American manufacturers come to develop 
the export trade in cotton goods they will themselves ask for a repeal of 
the duties and also seek a repeal of the duties on cotton machinery. The 
best chance for a development of a foreign market he sees in Canada 
and he thinks that in return for this market the manufacturer might well 
afford to surrender his cherished protection. Good possibilities for a 
trade in American cotton goods exist also in China and in South 
America but the trade with these countries demands the development of 
an efficient distributive system which at present is lacking there. 

The volume is well written and its author has undoubtedly made a 
thorough investigation of his subject. The book deserves to rank with 



Minor Notices 1 65 

Professor Sidney J. Chapman's The Lancashire Cotton Industry as a 
careful analysis of a great modern industry. 

M. B. Hammond. 

MINOR NOTICES 

The Dominican Order and Convocation: a Study of the Growth of 
Representation in the Church during the Thirteenth Century. By Ernest 
Barker, M.A. (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1913, pp. 83.) Mr. Barker's 
little book is not merely, as its title implies, a contribution to ecclesiastical 
history, though it is that certainly. It is also a suggestion as to the 
origin of the idea of representation in the history of the English 
Parliament. The origin of the idea Mr. Barker finds in certain prac- 
tices of the Dominicans, begun almost immediately after their organi- 
zation and first copied, as seems probable, in the English church in 
1226 and afterwards adopted in the organization of Convocation. lie 
also traces a possible line of influence of these ideas upon public men, 
like Stephen Langton and Simon de Montfort, and thinks that through 
them the idea may possibly have been applied in the first beginnings of 
political representation. That representation may have originated in 
the Church and been borrowed by the State is not a new suggestion 
What Mr. Barker has done is to show in specific cases how it began and 
was developed in the Church, and how it may have passed over to the 
State. The book is an important contribution to the constitutional 
history of the thirteenth century thoroughly and cautiously worked out. 
When the history of the representative system is finally written, a clear 
distinction must be made between the origin of the idea on one side, 
and on the other the existing institutional forms which were taken hold 
of to carry the idea out. This distinction Mr. Barker has overlooked as 
may be seen in his note on Stubbs on page 53. Stubbs has in mind the 
institutional origins throughout his account, and these, the jury, the 
assemblies to report on the sheriffs, the use of the knights in taxation, 
etc., must all be carefully studied. In the account of the case of 1254, 
the suggestion as to the earlier institutional forms employed in sending 
up the county delegations in my Origin of the English Constitution 
(pp. 320-324) is not referred to. Whether that suggestion will finally 
stand the test of criticism or not, the evidence for it is such that it must 
be taken into account upon the institutional side. Professor A. B. 
White's detailed working out in this Review for October, 191 1, of the 
explanation of the assembly of 1213 briefly proposed in note 70, page 53, 
has also escaped the author's notice. In its attitude towards parallel 
Continental institutions, the book is a sign of a new epoch, as is especially 
the sentence: "We have learned of late not to contrast English with 
continental feudalism, but to see in both the same plant growing under 
somewhat different conditions" (p. 76). 

G. B. Adams. 



1 66 Reviews of Books 

Francesco Petrarca and the Revolution of Cola di Rienzo. By Mario 
Emilio Cosenza, Ph.D., Instructor in Latin in the College of the City of 
New York. (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1913, pp. xiv, 330.) 
The title of this hook is misleading. The reader expects to find an 
historical study, and, instead, discovers that Dr. Cosenza is only con- 
tinuing the commendable task, commenced in his Petrarch's Letters to 
Classical Authors, of familiarizing English readers with the correspond- 
ence of the humanist poet. A translation of the few letters addressed 
or relative to the unfortunate political idealist of medieval Rome, takes 
up half of the book; the other half is devoted to illustrative material in 
the form of the introductions and notes to these letters. The work of 
translating has been correctly done : a certain stiffness and laboriousness 
of style apes fittingly the artificiality and the rhetorical devices, the 
classical reminiscences of Petrarch's Latin works. The notes are timely 
and informing, and the author often supplements and corrects those in 
Fracassetti's edition and translation of Petrarch's letters. The author 
shows himself well qualified to elucidate the many allusions in his text 
to Latin literature and Roman history. 

On the other hand, in the historical sketch, which serves as a frame- 
work to the translation and notes, Dr. Cosenza shows that he is unequal 
to his task. His slight acquaintance with this period of history, includ- 
ing the episode which interests him, does not fit him to set in its right 
perspective the relations of Petrarch and Cola di Rienzo, however limited 
in scope and personal those relations may seem. He only uses the 
obvious authorities on the subject of his book, without considering their 
different critical value, and some of the most important of the authorities 
are conspicuous by his failure to mention or use them. Thus Rodo- 
canachi's work on Rienzo, published in 1888, marked a great step in 
advance over that of Papencordt, published in 1841, which is alone known 
to Dr. Cosenza, who is equally unaware of the existence of Brodach's 
critical edition of Rienzo's correspondence, the most important contribu- 
tion ever made to the literature of the subject, albeit we still wait for its 
long-promised introduction. When the name of de Nolhac does not appear 
in a work devoted to Petrarch's Latin works, it is not surprising not to 
find mentioned in their appropriate places, e. g. (8) Petrarch's comment 
on a passage of St. Augustine, referring to the decline of the Roman 
Empire, which he wrote in his manuscript of the Dc Civitate Dei. in 
1342, no doubt under the inspiration of his conversations with Rienzo 
(Petrarquc et I'Humanisme, II. 198) ; (239) de Nolhac's note oh the 
manuscripts of Livy in the papal library at Avignon, at the time when 
Rienzo was a captive there, and allowed to read his favorite historian 
(op. cit., II. 11). With such omissions to note, it is not necessary to 
quarrel over the Latin form of the poet's name, or the peculiar habit of 
putting the references in the text instead of at the foot of the page. 

George L. Hamilton. 



Minor Notices 167 

Soldan-Hcppe, Geschichte der Hexenprozesse. Neu bearbeitet und 

herausgegeben von Max Bauer. (Munich, Georg Miiller, [1912], pp. 
xvi, 564; 456.) Even since the publication, in 1900, of the scholarly 
book of Hansen, the older work of the church historian Soldan (1843) 
as revised and enlarged by his son-in-law, the not less eminent church 
historian Heppe (1880), has remained indispensable to the student of 
the history of witchcraft. For Hansen's book breaks off at 1540, before 
the witch-persecution had so much as reached its height; and, even for 
the period covered by Hansen's studies, the earlier work of scholars so 
able as Soldan and Heppe could not be ignored. But with every passing 
year the discovery of fresh materials and the publication of fresh studies 
has increased the need for a revising or a replacing of this one compre- 
hensive history. 

It is this need which the work now published undertakes to meet. 
The editor is well read in the literature of his subject, and everywhere 
he has used a free hand in cutting out old matter and inserting new. 
So far as readableness goes, the result is excellent, and the general 
reader, who seeks only to be informed as to the present state of knowl- 
edge, may well be grateful for it. But to the critical scholar the matter 
has another aspect. Nothing except the general phrases of his preface 
enables the student to discriminate between the changes of the editor and 
what is left of the original work. This was true also of the revision 
by Heppe; but the association of that reviser with the author had been 
so close and his training so similar that at least a certain integrity was 
ensured. The present editor, a stranger to his predecessors, writes from 
a notably different point of view. Even if his changes, like his efface- 
ment of the anti-Catholic tinge of the work, are wholly to the taste of a 
later scholarship, they make shadowy the book's claim to the name of 
" Soldan-Heppe ". Might it not have been better — for all, at least, ex- 
cept the purse of its publisher — if the editor had written the wholly in- 
dependent work which he was amply qualified to write? 

But this is to impeach a custom, not an individual. Granted the wis- 
dom of the custom, Herr Bauer has done his work intelligently. What- 
ever may be thought of the text of the new edition, there can be only 
welcome for the wealth of pictures which make its most striking differ- 
ence from the old. The gathering of these has been a work, not only of 
diligence, but of scholarship. No such collection of the pictorial sources 
for the study of the witch superstition has ever been available; and 
not only old pictures galore, but title-pages, placards, documents, and 
pages of manuscripts, are here reproduced for the use of scholars. It 
is an awful exposure of the contents of our grandfathers' imaginations. 
Not even Scheible's Kloster is such a chamber of horrors. Alas, there 
is no index to them: one cannot be found at need, and they can be stolen 
from the volumes without detection. Like the absence of a date from 
the title-page, this suggests that the enterprise is primarily a publisher's. 

G. L. B. 



1 68 Reviews of Books 

Geschichte der Pdpste seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters. Von Lud- 
wig von Pastor. Sechster Band. Geschichte der P'dpste im Zeitalter der 
Katholischen Reformation und Restaur ation: Julius III., Marcellus II. 
und Paul IV. (l 550-1559). (Freiburg i. B., Herder, 1913, pp. xl, 723.) 
The qualities of the eminent historian of the popes no longer need de- 
scription. His new volume covers an eventful decade, and with his 
usual thoroughness. Julius III. is clearly no hero to Herr von Pastor; 
but the short-lived Marcellus was a pope after his own heart, and be- 
tween the two, as if to mark the transition to a new age, the historian 
has interpolated a fifty-page " portrayal of the city of Rome at the end 
of the Renaissance period ". It is an historical guide-book of the first 
rank. But what is most consummate in the present volume is perhaps 
the insight and the fairness with which he can depict a Paul the Fourth. 
" A genuine Southron, with whom the thought is instantly a word, he 
let himself be led by the ebullitions of the moment into utterances which 
would be incredible, were they not vouched for by testimony which can 
not be impeached. And to his words answered deeds as hasty. On 
every side it was evident that Paul IV. was as lacking in knowledge of 
the world and of men as in the moderation and the shrewdness which 
were doubly needed in a time of transition and of ferment." And the 
historian shows how thus he alienated Spain, the Emperor, England, and 
his cardinals, and minces no words in censuring his abuse of Inquisition 
and of Index. " Yet the reign of Paul IV., despite all its blunders and 
misconceptions, marks an important stage in the history of the Catholic 
Reformation, for whose victory it prepared the -way. . . . What the 
noble Adrian VI., last of the German Popes, had in vain attempted — 
the break with the evil tendencies of the Renaissance — the fiery Neapol- 
itan achieved." 

G. L. B. 

Henri IV., raconte par lui-memc. Choix de Lettres et Harangues 
publiees avec une Introduction. Par J. Nouaillac, Professeur agrege de 
l'Universite, Docteur es Lettres. (Paris, Alphonse Picard et Fils, 1913, 
pp. 391.) The seductive charm of Henry IV. 's personality has led M. 
Nouaillac, as it had previously led Dussieux, Gaudet, and others, to re- 
publish some of the king's letters. The 234 which he has selected con- 
tain nothing wholly new; they have all been printed before, mostly by 
Berger de Xivrey in the Collection des Documents Inedits sur I'Histoire 
de France. But they have been selected with discrimination and taste, 
and give a vivid and satisfactory portrait of the king by his own hand. 
They stretch in time from a letter to his mother in 1566, when he was 
twelve years old, to one in 1610 when as a gray-beard he sought to re- 
cover the fugitive sixteen-year old Charlotte de Montmorency. They are 
selected to show all sides of his character as it appeared in his corre- 
spondence with his successive mistresses, ministers, relatives, and com- 
panions in arms. In their graphic, breathless brevity they are a re- 
freshing contrast to the tiresome verbiage of ordinary public documents. 



Minor Notices 169 

A letter of three Jines suffices to make joyful the heart of a victorious 
friend: " Tes victoires m'empechent de dormir, comme anciennement 
celles de Miltiade Themistocle. A Dieu, Givry, voila tes vanites payees." 
If the king lost at play he simply wrote to Sully, " Mon ami, Je vous 
prie de faire rendre incontinent a ce porteur trois mille pistoles qu'il m'a 
pretees, et que j'ai perdues"; but if he won, he delightedly put the 
money in his hat, exclaiming, " Je tiens bien ceux-ci, on ne me les derob- 
era pas, car ils ne passeront point par les mains de mes tresoriers." His 
description of the battle of Ivry is very characteristic of his rapid, con- 
cise style: " Monsr de La Noue, Dieu nous a benis. Ce jourd'huy, qua- 
torzieme de ce present mois, la bataille s'est donnee. II a ete bien com- 
battu; Dieu a montre qu'il aimait mieux le droit que la force; la victoire 
nous a ete absolue: l'ennemi tout rompu, les reitres en partie defaits, 
l'infanterie rendue, les Ijourguignons malmenes, la cornette blanche et le 
canon pris, la poursuite jusqu'aux portes de Mantes." Only in his letters 
to his mistresses do sentiment and fancy lead him to somewhat longer 
letters, as in the beautiful description of the scenery at Maran, a de- 
scription which so justly excited the admiration of Saint-Beuve; part, 
however, of the length of these longer letters is due to the vehement 
protestations of affection with which they close. 

M. Nouaillac's explanatory notes are sufficiently brief and informing. 
His introductory sketch of Henry IV. as " le roi, l'homme de guerre, 
l'homme d'etat, l'homme prive, et l'ecrivain ", is vivacious and enthusias- 
tic, and also accords with the impression left by the king's own letters. 

Sidney B. Fay. 

Studies in British History and Politics. By D. P. Heatley, Lecturer 
in History, University of Edinburgh. (London, Smith, Elder, and 
Company, 1913, pp. xv., 219.) Mr. Heatley's volume consists of five 
essays. The first, Bacon, Milton, and Laud : Three Points of View, is a 
study of the ideas of these three on the proper relations of Church and 
State. The second, with the infelicitous title, An American-Indepen- 
dence Group, is in part a study of those statesmen of the American Revo- 
lution who had been connected with the University of Edinburgh, in 
part an analysis of the movement for independence. To contend for 
imperial unity seems to the author much broader-minded than to contend 
for constitutionalism, and therefore he seems somewhat to lament, as 
of late British writers are prone to do, the American drift toward inde- 
pendence. This is to forget that an imperial union was at that time cer- 
tain to be badly managed. To be a great empire is inspiring, to be a 
badly managed portion of a great empire is not. Undertaking to 
manage for themselves, the Americans became a much greater empire 
than that of which in 1775 they were a part, and found abundant in- 
spiration in a condition not involving union with Great Britain. The 
third essay, Some Marks of English History, is a discourse on the Eng- 
lish habits of political action. The fourth, Politics as a Practical Study, 
is but to a slight extent historical. The fifth is a sensible appreciation 



1 yo Reviews of Books 

of Maitland. All these essays have many good thoughts, and all are 
profitable in suggesting or provoking further thinking, but the actual 
sum of new and original thought is less than the reader might imagine 
from the style, which is ambitious, labored, over-ingenious, at times even 
tortuous. 

Letters and Papers relating to the First Dutch War, 1652-1654. 
Edited by C. T. Atkinson, Fellow of Exeter College. Volume V. [Pub- 
lications of the Navy Records Society, vol. XLL] (London, the Society, 
1912, pp. xvi, 429.) This additional volume of the voluminous compila- 
tion begun by Mr. S. R. Gardiner and now edited by Mr. Atkinson con- 
sists of materials for the history of the war from May 2/12 to August 
27/September 6, 1653. That is to say, it illustrates the battle of the 
Gabbard Shoal, the ensuing blockade of the Dutch coast, and the battle 
of July 30 and 31 (or August 9 and 10), the engagement in which Tromp 
met his death. The volume contains 188 documents. Half of them are 
from the State Papers, Domestic, and half of the remainder are trans- 
lations of Dutch documents from the Rijksarchief at the Hague. Of 
the rest, the greater number are documents previously printed in Gran- 
ville Penn's Life of Sir William Pcnn and elsewhere, while a dozen are 
derived from the Clarendon Manuscripts. As in previous volumes, we 
have despatches, letters, reports, lists, and other documents, and there 
are some fifty pages of introductory explanations. There is no index, 
and though no doubt one will be presented in the volume which con- 
cludes this formidable series, its absence is meantime a disadvantage, 
the five volumes thus far issued having been published at intervals from 
1899 to the present time. We may expect that another volume will finish 
the series. 

The two great battles to which most of these documents directly or 
more remotely relate are marked off from their predecessors as purely- 
naval battles, in which merchant vessels under merchant captains no 
longer appeared, and in which the action of fleet on fleet was made the 
sole end, to the exclusion of commerce-destroying. Strategically there- 
fore we are now in the period of modern naval warfare. For the devel- 
opment of modern naval tactics the evidence is less distinct. The Fight- 
ing Instructions issued by Blake, Deane, and Monck at the end of March 
had plainly opened a new period, but the present documents, expounded 
so admirably by Mr. Atkinson, go no farther than to show us some 
marks of progress in orderly fighting, such as the use of the line-ahead 
in squadronal and other subdivisions. 

The Political Philosophy of Burke. By John MacCunn, Emeritus 
Professor of Philosophy, University of Liverpool. (New York, Long- 
mans, Green, and Company; London, Edward Arnold, 1913, pp. vi, 272.) 
Professor MacCunn's volume is not an encyclopaedic treatise on Burke's 
political science, such as the nature of the subject might readily invite. 
It is, on the contrary, a series of genial essays on the capital topics which 



Minor Notices 1 7 1 

engaged that great thinker's attention, such as theory itself, prudence, 
conservatism, the wisdom of our ancestors, toleration, religion and 
politics, government, rights, and democracy. With these subjects in 
mind, our author has gone through Burke's writings with evident care, 
and he has here set forth just those doctrines which illustrate the Whig 
philosopher's maturest judgment in such matters. Where there are 
contradictions (and there are many, for Burke wrote according to time 
and circumstance) the author has attempted to clarify and explain; 
where there are exaggerations (and there are many, for Burke was a 
man of great passion) our author has freely criticized. Nevertheless, 
the spirit of the volume is eminently sympathetic — even more generous 
in tone than Morley's classic apology; but this sympathy does not pre- 
vent the author from finding a place for radicals like Paine, or from 
showing very clearly how narrow on one side was Burke's vision. In a 
single paragraph our author sums up his final judgment: "We find in 
Burke's writings the presence of two things, and the absence of a third. 
We find an unfaltering faith in the presence of a 'Divine tactic' in the 
lives of men and nations. We find also an apologia such as has never 
been equalled, for the existing social and political system as it has come 
to be by the long toil of successive generations. What we do not find, 
and are fain to wish for, and most of all from a thinker to whom the 
happiness of the people was always paramount, is some encouragement 
for the hope that the ' stupendous Wisdom ' which has done so much in 
the past, and even till now, will not fail to operate in the varieties of 
untried being through which the State, even the democratic State, must 
pass in the vicissitudes and adventures of the future" (p. 271). Each 
reader will view this judgment according to his predilections; but to 
many it will be the most damning doom which an author could pro- 
nounce. However that may be, the reviewer may truly say that Pro- 
fessor MacCunn's volume, marked by such clarity and conciseness, is 
just the book to put into the hands of the student who is seeking the 
intimate essence of Burke's political science. 

Charles A. Beard. 

Figures du Passe: Mirabeau. Par Louis Barthou. (Paris, Hachette 
et Cie., 1913, pp. 323.) A new popular life of Mirabeau cannot be said 
to " meet a long felt want " in historical literature, even in French 
historical literature, for we already have two very good lives by Rousse 
and Mezieres. But a life of Mirabeau by a French prime minister is as 
unique as a volume on Napoleon by a Rosebery and should give us an 
interpretation of the great Frenchman quite different, in some respects, 
from that found in the volumes of the two academicians. Although 
clearly the work of a ripe mind and of a statesman, the book is the 
product of an amateur in historical writing. The bibliography is in- 
complete, M. Barthou being acquainted only with material in the French 
language, and the account suffers in more than one particular because 
of the ignorance of the writer concerning what has been written on 



i 7 2 Reviews of Books 

Mirabeau in German, Dutch, and English. Although not fully ac- 
quainted with the Mirabeau literature, M. Barthou has contributed some- 
thing of first-rate importance in the way of original material, some un- 
published letters of Mirabeau. Here, in extenso, I have found letters 
hitherto known to me only in short printed extracts, the originals of 
which had disappeared. There are not many of them, to be sure, but 
they are important enough to distinguish this volume from all the other 
popular lives of Mirabeau. Additional value is given to the volume by 
the excellent full-page pictures of Mirabeau, of his father, of his wife, 
and of Madame de Nehra. The most striking illustration of all is the 
reproduction of the two-colored crayon, reproducing the wonderful death 
mask of Mirabeau. A last little artistic and sentimental touch is given 
to the volume by the reproduction on the title-page — in color — and as 
tail-pieces, of the seal made by Mirabeau for Sophie de Monnier and 
himself. To make the volume perfect in illustration but two things were 
lacking: the bust of Mirabeau at thirty and a portrait of Sophie de 
Monnier. Nearly two-thirds of the volume are devoted to the last five 
years of Mirabeau's life, not a good proportion, on general principles, 
but one not likely to call forth objections in this case, as the treatment 
of the work of Mirabeau in the National Assembly is the really valuable 
part of the book and may be read with profit even by those who know 
the sources of the period as well or even better than M. Barthou. 
Nowhere will be found a more just estimate of the tragic significance, 
both for Mirabeau and for France, of the decree of November 7, 1789, 
excluding the members of the assembly from the ministry. " It broke 
the only force capable of consolidating the revolution by moderating it. 
It was in truth that day and not the day of Mirabeau's death that ' the 
debris of the monarchy became the prey of factions ' and that the 
revolution by terror won its first victory over the revolution by law." 
An " impassioned orator " and a " powerful realist ", Mirabeau was 
" refused by destiny the role, between Richelieu and Bonaparte, fitted 
to his genius, hardly inferior to theirs". 

Fred Morrow Fling. 

Les Clubs de Barbes et de Blanqui en 1848. Par Suzanne Wasser- 
mann, Diplomee d'fitudes Superieures d'Histoire et Geographic 
[Bibliotheque d'Histoire Moderne, publiee sous les Auspices de la 
Societe d'Histoire Moderne, fascicule XII.] (Paris, fidouard Comely 
et Cie., 1913, pp. xxii, 248.) The Revolution of 1848 was made in the 
name of the right of public meeting, and was followed immediately and 
naturally by a general and enthusiastic assertion of that right. This 
assertion took the form of clubs established on the very morrow of the 
revolution for the purpose of discussion and agitation. The number of 
these clubs increased rapidly. By the end of March there were 150 of 
them, and there is contemporary evidence tending to show that there 
were soon at least 450. Now that universal suffrage was the law of the 
land these clubs offered the new voters an easy opportunity to present 



Mitwr Notices 1 7 3 

their views, to propose their remedies, and to exert their influence upon 
the course of events. They were all the more frequented as, owing to 
the economic crisis, many voters were out of work and possessed conse- 
quent leisure. Moreover the free expression of opinion was a new and 
pleasing distraction for many in that period of uncertainty, when the 
ordinary routine of life was impossible. This remarkable development 
of club activity early aroused the apprehension of the bourgeoisie who, 
after the June Days, were able to restrict this disconcerting right of 
public meeting. By a decree of July 28 this movement was practically- 
brought to a close. It had lasted about four months. During that time 
every important or unimportant leader of advanced opinion had his club 
which served as a sounding board for his ideas. 

The two chief leaders in this work of criticism and propaganda were 
Barbes and Blanqui, two Socialist Republicans, to whom the Revolution 
of 1848 brought a very fleeting release from long years of imprison- 
ment for opinion's sake. Each had his club, whose organization and 
significance Mile. Wassermann presents with conspicuous success in 
this monograph. The author's conclusion is that the role of Barbes and 
Blanqui has been exaggerated and distorted by historical writers. 
" Neither the one nor the other seems to have had a decisive action upon 
events." The famous journees of those turbulent months, the 17th of 
March, the 16th of April, and the 15th of May, were not their work, 
though they had a relation, which is carefully indicated, to each. 

The history of the clubs of Barbes and Blanqui is important as 
throwing light upon the history of the Socialist movement of 1848. 
The weakness of the 'Socialists lay in the fact that they represented a 
small minority, that the mass of the people did not follow them, and that 
they had no practical measures to propose. But what contributed most 
to their speedy overthrow was their own hesitations and divisions. 

This monograph is solid and minute in its research, clear and ani- 
mated in its mode of presentation, and admirable in its critical power, 
which is shown both in the text and in the notes. 

Charles Downer Hazen. 

The Taylor Papers: being a Record of Certain Reminiscences, Let- 
ters, and Journals in the Life of Lieut-Gen. Sir Herbert Taylor, G.C.B.. 
G.C.H. Arranged by Ernest Taylor. (London, New York, Bombay, 
and Calcutta, Longmans, Green, and Company, 1913, pp. xii, 520.) Sir 
Herbert Taylor, the subject of this volume, had a varied official career, 
beginning about the time of the French revolutionary wars and extend- 
ing through the reign of William IV. into that of Victoria. While his 
profession was the army, in which he served as military secretary to the 
Duke of York, and later, from 1828 to 1830, as adjutant-general of the 
forces, other employment brought him into close relations with the 
royal family through successive appointments as private secretary to 
George III., to Queen Charlotte, and to William IV. 

It goes without saying that the papers left by one who saw so much 



1 7 4 Reviews of Books 

of the later Georgian era, both from the army office and from Windsor, 
ought to be of interest. But of these papers, the official memoranda, or 
the bulk of them, were destroyed. It is only from the remainder, con- 
sisting of rather colorless memoirs, of journals, and of letters not 
strictly official, that this volume has been compiled. So far as these 
illustrate Sir Herbert Taylor's personal career, they need scarcely be 
regarded. As furnishing material for the Georgian era, a few, scat- 
tered here and there, are not without a slight value, though they are 
really too miscellaneous in character to be brought within a general 
criticism. Among the memoirs, chiefly military, are references to spe- 
cific operations of the British army, and also to its lack of organization 
during the French revolutionary wars. Some of the correspondence 
from India and the colonies reveals conditions of army service and 
promotions characteristic of the period. Letters from members of the 
royal family include one from the very limited correspondence of the 
Princess Charlotte, daughter of George IV. A few of the letters re- 
ceived during the crisis of the First Reform Bill were quite worth print- 
ing; so also were others received after 1832, as for example — one de- 
fending the establishment of the church because of the patronage it 
offered the government of the day; another, from Lord Palmerston, 
explaining the nature of political consistency as understood by himself; 
and several on the burden of colonial and imperial military expenditure. 
But the absence of a subject-index destroys the usefulness of the volume 
for such special references. 

Sir Herbert Taylor will be remembered as the author of a pamphlet 
replying to an article in the Edinburgh Review by Brougham attacking 
George III. and the royal family. It is remarkable and in many respects 
unfortunate that Taylor, who on this one occasion wrote from his offi- 
cial knowledge deprecating the Whig animadversions upon his royal 
patrons, should have left behind apparently no other papers which can 
be used even indirectly to counteract the alleged distortions of the Whig 
writers. 

C. E. Fryer. 

The Governments of Europe. By Frederic Austin Ogg, Ph.D., Assist- 
ant Professor of History, Simmons College. (New York, The Mac- 
millan Company, 1913, pp. xiv, 668.) Professor egg's volume has been 
prepared primarily as a text-book for use in college courses, and it may 
be well to consider the book in the light of the three considerations 
which, according to the preface, have mainly determined its content. 
The first consideration has been that of affording an opportunity for 
the comparative study of political institutions through a discussion of the 
governments of the minor as well as of the major countries of western 
and central Europe. Whereas the excellent work of President Lowell 
dealt with but five countries (or six if Austria-Hungary be counted as 
two) of Continental Europe, Professor Ogg, with greater space at his 
disposal it is true, discusses the governments of England, Germany, and 



Minor Notices 175 

France, and more briefly Switzerland, Austria-Hungary, the Nether- 
lands, Belgium, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Spain, and Portugal. 
Covering so much territory, the author must necessarily treat some 
governments with undue brevity, and has no space within which to 
trace out some of the comparisons which would have been fruitful. 
Perhaps if he had limited the geographical extent of his discussion, space 
might have been found for some chapters dealing comparatively with 
such subjects as, electoral systems, the varying aspects of parliamentary 
government, the relations between upper and lower houses, federal and 
unitary governments, and the relation of constitutions to ordinary legis- 
lation. In such general discussions the fundamental principles involved 
in the governments of some of the minor countries might have been pre- 
sented without the necessity of discussing such governments in full; so, 
for example, might have been treated the electoral and party systems of 
Belgium. The book fails to guide in the very matter where the student 
most needs guidance, and if it be replied that the teacher may furnish 
this guidance, perhaps it may be sufficient to point out that the teacher is 
most apt to use the tools furnished him, and to try to do what cannot be 
adequately done — to cover substantially all the countries of Europe in a 
brief course. 

With respect to his second consideration, that of taking into careful 
account the historical origins of the governments under consideration, the 
author has succeeded admirably. His historical discussions, though 
brief, are clear and satisfactory. 

Professor Ogg's third consideration has been that of including in the 
book some treatment of political parties and of the institutions of local 
government; and here he has not succeeded so well. The pages devoted 
to local government are, in large part because of their compression, per- 
haps the least interesting parts of the book, and even as regards the 
more important countries present somewhat the appearance of a digest. 
In the accounts of political parties there is no close and interesting 
correlation between organization and practice such as one finds in 
Lowell's volumes. 

After these criticisms, which relate primarily to the plan adopted by 
the author, it should be said, however, that Professor Ogg has produced 
a useful and important work, of value as a text-book for courses on 
comparative government and as a guide to anyone interested in the 
governments of the countries of western and central Europe. The 
volume is written in a clear and concise, but not highly interesting, style. 
There are some errors, but considering the amount of detail dealt with, 
the book is singularly accurate. 

W. F. Dodd. 

Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1702/3-1705, 1705- 
1706, 1710-1712. Edited by H. R. Mcllwaine. (Richmond, 1912, pp. 
xviii, 369.) All the journals in this volume are derived from the British 
Public Record Office, where manuscript copies transmitted from Virginia 



176 Reviews of Books 

are preserved, though the originals once kept in the colony have dis- 
appeared. They seem to have been printed very carefully, certainly have 
been printed very handsomely, with intelligent and sufficient introduc- 
tions, almost no notes, and a good index. The use of record type for 
ordinary abbreviations is needless, and the time-worn solecism of " ye " 
for " the " is not to be approved. One or two volumes more, it may be 
expected, will extend the series back to its designated terminus in 1680, 
when the house of burgesses first achieved a separate existence by 
parting company with the council. 

Three assemblies figure in the present volume : that of 1703-1705, 
with four sessions, that of 1705-1706, with one session, and that of 1710- 
1712, with two sessions. The first two were held in the building of the 
College of William and "Mary, the last five in the new Capitol at Williams- 
burg. Both these buildings, by the way, are shown, the latter uncom- 
pleted, in drawings lately discovered in the university library of Bern, 
Switzerland, accompanying the journal of a Swiss traveller of about 
1700. Fifty representatives of twenty-five counties made' up each assem- 
bly, with a member for Jamestown in the last two, but as yet no repre- 
sentatives of Williamsburg or of the college. Peter Beverley was speaker 
of the first and third of these assemblies, Benjamin Harrison, jr., of the 
second. The governors were Colonel Francis Nicholson, Edward Nott, 
and Alexander Spotswood. 

The period of the volume is almost precisely that of the War of the 
Spanish Succession. Military preparations and measures occupy much 
space. The subsidy toward the defense of New York, which Nicholson 
was instructed to urge, was never forthcoming, but a good deal was 
contributed toward the war, especially under the energetic Spotswood. 
A transaction which perhaps had more lasting importance, however, was 
the final passage, in June, 1706, of the revised statutes prepared by the 
committee of revisal appointed in 1699. These thirty-nine general laws, 
supplemented by a few others of general import passed in the sessions 
immediately succeeding, constituted Virginia's legal code till the revision 
of 1748. 

The period was one in which exceptional harmony prevailed between 
burgesses and governor, and, with the exception of the last of these 
seven sessions, between burgesses and council. The volume does not 
embrace the records of great constitutional struggles ; but it contains a 
rich mass of information on a great variety of Virginian topics. 

From Jefferson to Lincoln. By William MacDonald. (New York, 
Henry Holt and Company; London, Williams and Norgate, 1913, pp. vi, 
256.) The many admirable qualities of this little volume will certainly 
win for it a hearty welcome from a wide and varied constituency. 
Readers of the Review, it may be safely assumed, will be greatly inter- 
ested in it for its handling of the problem of condensing so large a 
subject into fifty thousand words and for the interpretation which, after 
an illuminating study of the Jacksonian epoch and much reviewing of the 



Minor Notices 177 

recent literature, Professor MacDonald now puts upon the whole period. 

Condensation has been achieved by the use of a terse, but clear and 
attractive, style, by giving to the years 1815 to 1850 only one-half of the 
book, and by close adherence to the narration of events. Only two short 
chapters, one for 1815, the other for the early fifties, are devoted to the 
description of the conditions which prevailed in the country. Doubt- 
less the method has its justification. It involves, nevertheless, an inade- 
quate treatment of the earlier years, even of the Jacksonian period, and 
the omission of essential descriptive matter which by a more evenly 
balanced treatment might have been included. 

Professor MacDonald's treatment of his subject shows wide departure 
at many points from the views commonly found in the older works upon 
the period. A notable instance occurs in a striking paragraph on page 
141, " It can no longer be said, as it has commonly been said, that slavery 
was the root of sectionalism. . . . Instead of sectionalism arising because 
of slavery, it would be truer to say that slavery persisted because of 
sectionalism." Yet the variation from the point of view of the older 
works is more a matter of details than of substance. The interpretation, 
taken as a whole, is conservative and even ultra-cautious about the 
acceptance of the results of recent special studies. 

Constitutional growth, the history of political parties, and slavery 
receive the chief attention. Upon each of these topics an astonishingly 
large amount of well-arranged, accurate, and significant information is 
presented. The accounts of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, the election of 
1856, and the Dred Scott case are ample enough to warrant the criticism 
that portions of them might have been spared, along with some matters of 
minor importance, to make way for a more adequate treatment of the 
earlier stages of the Whig party, the economic and constitutional doc- 
trines of the South, and the development and spread of the plantation 
system. A few maps, especially for the Mexican War, the territorial 
acquisitions, and the boundary questions would have added to the serv- 
iceability of the volume. The bibliographical note is excellent, but might 
have been much improved, without undue expansion, by the inclusion of 
a large number of the recent special studies. 

Frank Maloy Anderson. 

The Life of Thaddcus Stevens. A Study in American Political His- 
tory especially in the Period of the Civil War and Reconstruction. By 
James Albert Woodburn, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor of American History 
and Politics, Indiana University. (Indianapolis, The Bobbs-Merrill 
Company, 1913, pp. 620.) While Mr. Woodburn has used the Stevens 
Manuscripts found among the McPherson papers in the Library of Con- 
gress, he does not profess that this volume is an adequate exposition of 
the results that may be obtained from a careful study of such material. 
This life, in fact, differs from those which have preceded it not so much 
in the material used as in the selection from that material. Mr. Wood- 
burn's method has been to let Stevens tell his own story, and he has 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 12. 



1 78 Reviews of Books 

presented it as Stevens himself did, that is chiefly in the form of public 
utterance. Fully 250 out of the 610 pages of text consist of extracts 
from or abstracts of Stevens's speeches, taken chiefly from the Con- 
gressional Globe. 

The book, however, is no mere compilation, but the ripened study 
of a mature mind. The background is firm and true, and Stevens stands • 
out against it, with his direct and pointed speech, clear and distinct as a 
silhouette. While Stevens's attitude towards slavery and reconstruction 
naturally claims the major portion of the space, his interest in educa- 
tion, and his democracy, which underlay his whole attitude from boy- 
hood to death, receive due attention. The special interest of Mr. Wood- 
burn, however, is in Stevens's financial views. To this subject he devotes 
chapters XL, XXL, and XXII. , and he succeeds in clarifying Stevens's 
exact position from the misconceptions which have surrounded it. On 
this subject more than any other the author puts forward his own views, 
using the cudgels to support Stevens's proposals, and it is here that he 
makes his greatest contribution to the history of the period. It is a 
subject upon which one cannot as yet expect general agreement, but 
these chapters command the attention of students of finance and partic- 
ularly of currency . 

Mr. Woodburn's book is not an apology for Stevens, but he sym- 
pathetically sets forth Stevens's own apology. There are obvious 
dangers in letting a man tell his own story, but Stevens is one of those 
vigorous, self-sufficing characters, who excite in most minds opposition, 
rather than sympathy, and he deserves a chance to be heard in his own 
cause. He certainly makes a convincing case for his consistency and 
honesty. The main defects in such a method are its exclusions. On 
Stevens the man, including the question of his private morality, Mr. 
Woodburn fairly presents the evidence. The great lack is a study of 
Stevens the tactician. Few will accept in its full implications the state- 
ment that under Stevens's leadership, " The House following was free to 
act ". While Stevens undoubtedly worked chiefly in the open, he did 
not rule the House by the tongue alone. One could wish for some dis- 
cussion of his parliamentary methods and his handling of the machinery 
of congressional action. 

The makeup of the book is unimpressive, and the index is valueless. 

Carl Russell Fish. 

The Picture Book of Earlier Buffalo. [Buffalo Historical Society 
Publications, vol. XVI., edited by Frank H. Severance.] (Buffalo, N. Y., 
the Society, 1912, pp. xx, 508.) Few better ideas have ever occurred to 
the mind of a secretary of a city historical society than that which 
inspired Mr. Severance to make this book. His project was to preserve 
in permanent form all existing pictures of old Buffalo, 1820-1870 for 
the most part, and of its vanished buildings. More than 400 of his 508 
pages are occupied with these reproductions. The earliest such picture 
known is "A View of the Lake and Fort F.rie, from Buffalo Creek " 



Minor Notices 1 79 

(London, 1811), but very few others are of earlier dates than 1820. 
The four hundred pictures represent, in the utmost variety, Buffalo, 
parts of Buffalo, and old churches, theatres, hotels, schools, factories, 
business blocks, residences, and so forth, which the marvellous growth of 
Buffalo in recent times has caused to be destroyed. Hardly any of them 
are beautiful, most of them exhibit to the full the marvellously complete 
and determined hideousness which marked American town architecture 
in the half -century named. Yet Mr. Severance's modest, pleasant letter- 
press convinces the reader, if he needs to be convinced, that the task 
was well worth performing, well worth the great pains he has ex- 
pended in collection and elucidation. He has no illusions about the 
greatness of his Mantua, or the artistic quality of his material, but a 
manly sense that a community so important ought to take an interest in 
the details of its appearance in past times. It were much to be wished 
that such a book, executed with equal industry and intelligence, might 
be made for every one of our large cities before it is too late. 

A History of Muhlenberg County. By Otto A. Rothert. (Louis- 
ville, Ky., John P. Morton and Company, 1913, pp. xvii, 496.) This 
book, it may be said in the outset, is not one of those commercial projects 
— one is tempted to say commercial frauds — so frequently put forth 
now-a-days as county histories, but has been written solely because of 
the author's interest in the subject and his desire to preserve the county's 
history from oblivion. The author has spent much of his time during 
the past seven years in gathering materials for the work, largely 
traditions and personal narratives. The official history of the county 
he has made but small attempt to relate. Official and other written rec- 
ords, although used to some extent, he has for the most part passed by, 
preferring to preserve first of all those more perishable materials which 
repose only in the minds of the oldest (or next oldest) inhabitants. An 
exception is the diary of Isaac Bard, 1848-1872, of which a considerable 
part is printed. 

Muhlenberg, although not organized as a separate county until 1798, 
bears the name of a Revolutionary hero. The first settlers came into 
the region about 1784 and by the end of the eighteenth century the 
population was increasing rapidly. Many pages of the volume are occu- 
pied with accounts of the early settlements and with the personal history 
of the pioneers and their immediate descendants. There are also sev- 
eral extended sketches of persons prominent in the later history of the 
county. Naturally there are chapters descriptive of the mode of life at 
different periods, as there are also chapters on several phases of indus- 
trial life as well as upon the religious and educational history of the 
county. The part which men of Muhlenberg county took in the several 
wars is related at some length. A chapter of recollections of the Civil 
War is contributed by Mr. R. T. Martin. An appendix includes, be- 
sides a number of articles by other hands than the author's, a journal of 
a trip to New Orleans in 1803, by James Weir. 



1 80 Reviews of Books 

The book not only contains much that is of interest to the student of 
Kentucky history but is written in a pleasing style. An interesting fea- 
ture is the illustrations, of which there are more than two hundred, 
largely pictures of historic places and buildings, taken by the author. 

University and Historical Addresses: Delivered during a Residence 
in the United States as Ambassador of Great Britain. By James Bryce. 
(New York, The Macmillan Company, 1913, pp. ix, 433.) It is com- 
monly believed that the chief function of the ambassadors exchanged 
between Great Britain and the United States is to interpret their 
respective countries to the peoples to whom they are accredited. They 
are in a real sense the ambassadors not of sovereigns but of friendly 
nations. James Bryce has fulfilled this function in his six years' resi- 
dence in the United States, but his greatest service to history has been 
in interpreting the American people to themselves. His American 
Commonwealth, published in 1888, if it did not cause it, was at least 
carried in on the first wave of the new interest in problems of govern- 
ment that has been characteristic of the last generation. No other ear 
than his has heard the confidential truth from so wide a range of 
friends. Probably no American politician has been so well informed 
upon the currents of American affairs as this quiet British scholar has 
been. And when he was sent to Washington as ambassador in 1907 
there was a unanimous feeling that England had done her best. The 
speeches that are preserved in his new volume are no new American 
Commonwealth. They contain no novel facts and are never contri- 
butions to a profound scholarship. They are entirely non-political, from 
the necessities of the public office of their speaker; but their range of 
subjects shows the change in American intellectual currents since the 
publication of the American Commonwealth. Mr. Bryce could speak 
on only those topics upon which all Americans agree, yet we find him 
discussing history, law, the Constitution, the racial elements of the 
United States, art, literature, and university functions in a language 
that would have been incomprehensible in the days of James G. Blaine. 
He rarely uses the phrases of a perfunctory cordiality and he rarely 
flatters: he comments upon American democracy as less complete than 
that of England, and no man contradicts him; he criticizes the political 
practices of the United States as a colleague and an associate, never as 
a visitor or a stranger. His addresses are not particularly eloquent, 
and make no parade of dignity, but they are sound and sensible, and by 
their existence prove the general acceptance by the United States of 
notions that Lowell and Godkin and Schurz and Curtis despaired of 
ever seeing established. The optimism that, while opening one sore 
after another in 1888, found the United States still healthy and vigorous, 
endures in these speeches, and continues to find in the new United 
States proofs of the practicability of democracy. 

Frederic L. Paxson. 



COMMUNICATION 

Ithaca, July 15, 1913. 
The Managing Editor: 
Dear Sir, 

On reading in the July Review my paper Ancnt the Middle Ages I 
am grieved to find that the date cited (p. 714, foot-note) for the earliest 
mention of a Middle Age appears as 1539. It should be 1639. Alas, on 
turning to the copy sent the printer, I find the blame to be wholly my 
own: the error was overlooked not only in the proofs but in the type- 
writing. 

Penitently yours, 

George L. Burr. 



(181) 



NOTES AND NEWS 
AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 

The annual meeting of the American Historical Association will be 
held in Charleston and Columbia, South Carolina, December 29-31. 
The programme arranged for the meeting is, of course, at this date 
incomplete. It seems sufficiently definite however to justify the an- 
nouncements that follow, and it is expected that such notification to the 
members of the association may make it unnecessary to mail them two 
editions of the completed programme. 

The meeting will open, in Charleston, Monday morning, December 
29, and will continue in that city throughout that day and Tuesday, with 
sessions each morning, afternoon, and night. Of the two night sessions, 
the first will be devoted to the presidential address by Professor Wil- 
liam A. Dunning of Columbia University; the second will be the general 
session upon American history. In the latter the list of papers to be 
presented is not yet ready for publication. 

The conferences or sectional meetings to be held during the mornings 
and afternoons of these two days include the following: The Economic 
History of the Middle Ages, with the opening paper by Professor Leo 
Wiener of Harvard; Historical Materials, with papers by W. C. Ford, 
Esq., of Boston, Dr. C. H. Hart of Philadelphia, and Dr. C. O. Paullin 
of Washington, D. C. ; American Religious History, with papers by 
Professor E. B. Greene of Illinois and Dr. J. F. Jameson of Washington, 
D. C. ; Legal Materials as Sources for English History, led by Professor 

A. L. Cross of Michigan ; The Relation of the United States and Mexico, 
with the opening paper by Dr. Justin H. Smith of Boston ; Colonial Com- 
merce, led by Professor C. M. Andrews of Yale; The Teaching of His- 
tory, with papers by Professors N. W. Stephenson of Charleston, and 
Beverley W. Bond, jr., of Purdue. There will be also a conference upon 
military history, and a conference of historical societies; but the pro- 
grammes of these must be deferred to a later announcement. The business 
meeting of the association is to occupy a part of Tuesday afternoon. 

On Wednesday, December 31, after the adjournment of the associa- 
tion to Columbia, there will be a joint session with the Mississippi Valley 
Historical Association, a conference of archivists, and a sectional meet- 
ing for the students of classical history. In the last, papers may be 
expected from Professors R. V. D. Magoffin of Johns Hopkins and F. 

B. Marsh of Texas. 

In the formal programme, to be distributed later, will be made the 

necessary announcements as to railroad facilities, hotels, etc. Plans are 

afoot for the securing of a special train to start from New York. For 

information respecting it, members are referred to Professor Carle- 

(182) 



Personal 183 

ton H. Hayes of Columbia University. It has been suggested, also, that 
arrangements may be made for a similar train from Chicago. At Charles- 
ton, headquarters will be at the Charleston Hotel. 

The annual bibliography entitled Writings on American History, 
prepared by Miss Grace G. Griffin, which has of late been printed by the 
American Historical Association as a part of its annual Report, also as 
a separate volume, will hereafter be issued as an independent publication 
by the Yale University Press. It is hoped that the volume for 1912 may 
be thus published early next winter. The existing series consists of the 
volume for 1903, published by the Carnegie Institution of Washington, 
the volumes for 1906, 1907, 1908, published independently by the Mac- 
millan Company, and those for 1909, 1910, and 191 1 (the latter forth- 
coming) issued as " separates " by the American Historical Associa- 
tion. All these can be procured from the secretary of the association. 

Messrs. Ginn and Company have announced the first volume of the 
Bibliography of Modern English History which is being compiled by 
a committee of the American Historical Association and a correspond- 
ing British committee. 

In the Original Narratives series, the volume entitled Narratives of the 
Indian Wars, 1675-1699, edited by Dr. C. H. Lincoln, is nearly ready 
for publication. The editing of the Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases. 
by Professor Burr, is well advanced. 

PERSONAL 

John Haughton Coney, professor of history at Princeton University, 
died in New York City July 25. 

Josephus Nelson Larned, for 20 years (1877-1897) superintendent of 
the Buffalo library, died on August 15, aged seventy-seven. Besides a 
History of Buffalo (1911) he had produced a large repertory in seven 
volumes, called History for Ready Reference (1895-1910), and had also 
edited the useful manual Literature of American History (1902). 

Colonel Reuben T. Durrett, for many years the leader in historical 
work in Kentucky, founder of the Filson Club, and collector of a notable 
library of Western history (recently acquired by the University of 
Chicago), died on September 16, at the age of eighty-nine. 

Haven W. Edwards, head of the department of history in the Oak- 
land (California) High School, and secretary of the Pacific Coast 
Branch of the American Historical Association, died in Berkeley on 
Aprif 27. He had nearly completed the elaborate report on the archives 
of California which he was making for the association. 

Professor William S. Ferguson of Harvard will serve as professor 
in the American School of Classical Studies in Athens during the present 



1 84 Notes and News 

academic year; Professor R. F. Scholz of the University of California 
will be lecturer in ancient history at Harvard during the first half year. 

Dr. H. M. Henry, formerly instructor in history at Vanderbilt Uni- 
versity, has been elected professor of history in Emory and Henry 
College. 

David R. Moore has been appointed professor of medieval and modern 
history at Oberlin College. 

Professor W. M. Sweet, assistant professor of history at Ohio Wes- 
leyan University, has been appointed professor of history at De Pauw 
University. 

Associate Professors Clarence W. Alvord and Laurence M. Larson 
of the University of Illinois have been promoted to the rank of full 
professors. Dr. Albert H. Lybyer, professor of history in Oberlin Col- 
lege, has been appointed associate professor of history in the same uni- 
versity; Dr. Frederick Duncalfe of the University of Texas assistant 
professor. 

GENERAL 

General reviews : H. Deherain, Lcs Socictes d'Histoire ct de 
Geographic ct lews Publications (Journal des Savants, April); R. 
Schneider, Chronique d'Histoire de I' Art (Revue des Questions His- 
toriques, July). 

The List of Doctoral Dissertations in History now in Progress, 
which the managing editor of this journal has since 1897 printed a'nnu- 
ally for private distribution, and which in the last academic year was 
published in the number of the History Teacher's Magazine for January, 
1913, will hereafter be printed in the successive January issues of this 
journal. 

Dr. Hervey M. Bowman of Berlin, Ontario, has followed up his 
previous remarks in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada 
on the principles of history by an article of considerable value on " Fun- 
damental Processes in Historical Science, I., The Correct Process ". 

Among the new volumes in the Home University Library is a His- 
tory of Freedom of Thought by Professor J. B. Bury of Cambridge. 

Comparative Religion, by Professor F. B. Jevons, is a recent and an 
excellent addition to the Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature. 
a series which is fulfilling its promise of scholarship and readableness. 

The Romanes Lecture of 1913 was delivered by Sir W. M. Ramsay, 
and is now published by the Clarendon Press under the title The Im- 
perial Peace: an Ideal in European History. Sir William sets "forth 
the nature and origin of Dante's idea of the universal monarch, and of 
peace, not passive but an active power, as the condition of justice and 
freedom among men, and examines the relation of the spirit of national- 
ity, in medieval and modern times, to the peace of the world. 



Ancient History 185 

In Essentials in Early European History Samuel B. Howe has fol- 
lowed a suggestion of the Committee of Five by including in one survey 
ancient, medieval, and modern history for school-room use. 

Messrs. Putnam have published The History of Geography (pp. 75), 
by J. Scott Keltic The volume forms one of the series History of the 
Sciences. 

A new series of historical wall-maps is being edited by Dr. Hermann 
Haack and Professor Heinrich Hertzberg, with the co-operation of a 
number of other scholars, and published by Justus Perthes of Gotha. 
It is planned to have eight maps illustrative of ancient history; eleven 
of German history; fourteen of European history; nine of cultural and 
colonial history; and eleven of military history. In addition to the prin- 
cipal maps there will be a number of smaller sketches and plans appear- 
ing as inserts. 

The Leipzig firm of H. A. L. Degener is about to begin the publication 
of a comprehensive and systematic Handbuch der Praktischcn Genc- 
alogic, in two volumes, by Professor Eduard Heydenreich and other 
authorities. 

In the June Bulletin of the American Geographical Society Pro- 
fessor A. T. Olmstead follows up his article of June, 1912, in the same 
journal, on " Climatic Changes in the Nearer East ", by further animad- 
versions upon Professor Ellsworth Huntington's recent discussions of 
the subject and of that article, and upon the article which the latter pub- 
lished in this journal (XVIII. 213-232). 

The July Bulletin of the New York Public Library contains the 
beginning of a list of works relating to the history and condition of the 
Jews in various countries. So large is the library's collection that this 
part I. of the list fills fifty pages of the Bulletin. The August issue con- 
tinues the list through 54 pages more. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals: E. Faguet, L'Idee de Progres 
(La Revue, April 15) ; J. Kaerst, Studien zur Entivicklungund Bedeutung 
der Universalgcschichtlichcn Anschauung (Historische Zeitschrift, CXI. 
2) ; R. Doucet, Problemes et Controverses: dans quelle Mesure les 
Oenvres Historiques sont-clles Condamnees a Vieillir? (Revue de Syn- 
thase Historique, December) ; K. J. Beloch, Die Volkssahl als Faktor 
und Gradmesscr der Historischcn Entivicklung (Historische Zeitschrift, 
CXI. 2) ; Sir C. R. Markham, Lost Geographical Documents (The Geo- 
graphical Journal, July) ; L. Germain, Lc Problcmc de I'Atlantide ct la 
Zoologic (Annales de Geographie, May 15). 

ANCIENT HISTORY 

General reviews: M. Besnier, Chronique d'Histoire Ancienne, Grecque 
ct Romainc, Livrcs Nouvcaux (Revue des Questions Historiques, July) ; 
F. Lortzing, Bcricht i'tber die Litteratur zur Acltercn Griechischcn 



1 86 Notes and News 

Sophistik aus den lahren 1876-1911 (Jahresbericht iiber die Fortschritte 
der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, CLXIII. 1, 3) ; J. Partsch, Juris- 
tische Littcratnriibersicht, 1907-1911 (Archiv fur Papyrusforschung, V. 
4) ; J. Toutain, Antiquites Romaines, II. (Revue Historique, July). 

Of interest and profit to students of comparative religion is Die 
Biblische und die Babylonische Gottesidee; die Israelitische Gottes- 
auffassung im Lichte der Altorientalischen Religionsgcschichte, by D. 
Johannes Hehn (Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1913, xii, 436). 

International Arbitration amongst the Greeks, by Marcus Niebuhr 
Tod (Oxford, Clarendon Press), contains an enumeration of 82 inscrip- 
tions utilized in the study. 

An excellent selection of 87 Historische Attische Inschriften (Bonn, 
Marcus and Weber, 1913, pp. 82) has been edited by Ernest Nachman- 
son, privatdozent in the University of Uppsala, for the series of Kleine 
Texte fiir V orlesungen und Uebungcn. Obviously most of the inscrip- 
tions are reproduced from the corpus of Inscriptiones Graecae or from 
Dittenberger's Sylloge and its supplement, but nine more recently dis- 
covered inscriptions are included. The notes and other aids for the 
student are succinct and admirably adapted to their purpose. The handy 
size of the pamphlet and its low price contribute to its adaptability for 
class use. Another number in the series, announced for early publica- 
tion, will contain Griechische Inschriften sur Griechischcn Siaaten- 
kunde, edited by F. Bleckmann. 

Greek Imperialism, by Professor W. S. Ferguson, has been announced 
by Houghton Mifflin. 

The culture and ethnography of prehistoric Europe has been the sub- 
ject of some important studies recently. Dr. L. Reinhardt has written 
on Der Mensch znr Eisseit in Europa und seine Kulturentwickelung bis 
sum Ende der Steinseit (Munich, Reinhardt, 1913, pp. vii, 592) ; L. 
Siret, on Questions de Chronologie et d' Ethnographic Ibcrique (Tome I., 
Paris, Geuthner, 1913) ; and S. Feist, on Kultur, Ausbreitung, und 
Herkunft der Indogermanen (Berlin, Weidmann, 1913, pp. xii, 573). 

The Bollettino della Commissione Romana, 1912 (XL. 15-102), has 
an elaborate article by G. Pinza on the remains of prehistoric Rome 
gathered into the municipal museums in the course of the last forty years. 

Wolfgang Riepl has published a novel and interesting study entitled 
Das Nachrichtenwesen des Altertums, mit besondcrer Riicksicht auj die 
Romer (Leipzig, Teubner, 1913, pp. xiv, 478). 

O. Meltzer's Geschichte der Karthagcr has been brought to com- 
pletion by Ulrich Kahrstedt (Berlin, Weidmann, 1913) in a third volume 
which deals with the period from 218 to 146 B. C. 

The English translation of Friedlandcr's invaluable Sittengeschichte 
Roms, published by E. P. Dutton and Company under the title Roman 
Life and Manners under the Early Empire, has now been completed by 
the publication of the fourth volume. 



Medieval History 187 

In Byzantine and Romanesque Architecture (Cambridge University 
Press) Thomas Graham Jackson covers a wide field with clearness and 
independence of judgment. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals: A. Rivaud, Rechcrches sur 
V Anthropologic Grecque, III. (Revue Anthropologique, July) ; P. 
Wendland, Hellenistic Ideas of Salvation in the Light of Ancient An- 
thropology (American Journal of Theology, July) ; T. Lenschau, Zur 
Geschichte Ioniens, I., Die Ursachen des Ionischen Aufstandes (Klio, 
XIII. 2) ; E. von Stern, Solon und Peisistratos (Hermes, XLVIII. 3) ; 
S. Heinlein, Die Anfange des Freihcitskampfes der Griechen gegen die 
Perser (Ungarische Rundschau, April) ; O. Immisch, Der Erste Pla- 
tonische Brief (Philologus, LXXII. 1) ; T. Lenschau, Der Staatsstreich 
der Vierhundert (Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie, LXVIII. 2) ; 
A. Rosenberg, Studien zur Entstehung der Plebs (Hermes, XLVIII. 3) ; 
M. O. B. Caspari, On some Problems of Roman Agrarian History 
(Klio, XIII. 2) ; S. Gaselee, The Common People of the Early Roman 
Empire (Edinburgh Review, July) ; L. Homo, L'Empereur G allien ct la 
Crise de I' Empire Romain an III e Siecle, completed (Revue Historique, 
July-August) ; L. Holzapfel, Romische Kaiscrdatcn, II., Otho (Klio, 
XIII. 2). 

EARLY CHURCH HISTORY 

Professor F. Cavallera, of the Catholic Institute of Toulouse, has 
rendered a notable service in preparing a volume of Indices of Migne's 
Patroiogia Graeca (Paris, Gamier, 1912, pp. 218). 

The Early Roman Episcopate, by William Ernest Beet (Charles H. 
Kelly), with the author's Rise of the Papacy, completes the history of 
the Roman Church from the establishment of Christianity to the close 
of the pontificate of Leo I. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals: R. Pichon, La Liberie de Con- 
science dans I'Ancienne Rome a propos dn Seisieme Ccntcnaire de I'Sdit 
de Milan (Revue des Deux Mondes, July 15) ; L. Bertrand, Saint 
Augustin, I.-VI. (ibid., April i-June 15). 

MEDIEVAL HISTORY 
F. Schaub's Studien zur Geschichte der Sklaverei im Fruhmittclaltcr 
is published as volume 44 of the Abhandlungcn zur Mittleren und 
Neueren Geschichte (Berlin, Rothschild, 1913). 

The Marquis d'Albon has edited the Cartulaire General de I'Ordre du 
Temple, iiig?-ii$o (Paris, Champion, 1913, pp. xxiii, 473) which is 
printed in a limited edition of 200 copies. 

The first issue of a series of Mittelalterliche Studien is Humana 
Civilitas; Staat, Kirche, und Kultur; einc Dante-Untersuchung, by Dr. 
Fritz Kern, privatdozent in the University of Kiel (Leipzig, Koehler, 
I 9 I 3. PP- x i>. r 46). Various medieval ideas and their form in the writings 



1 88 Notes and News 

of Dante are discussed, but special attention is given to the relations of 
Church and State. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals: R. Grosse, Das Romisch- 
Bysantinische Marsclilagcr vom 4.-10. Jahrhundert (Byzantinische 
Zeitschrift, XXII. 1); B. Schmeidler, Der Briefwechsel swischen 
Abdlard und Helbise eine Fdlschungl (Archiv fur Kulturgeschichte, XI. 
1) ; G. Schlumberger, Fin de la Domination Franque en Syric: Prise de 
Saint-Jean d'Acre en I' An 1201 par I'Armee dn Soudan d'£gypte (Revue 
des Deux Mondes, July 15); Comte L. Voinovitch, Les " Angcvins" a 
Raguse, 1384-1385, I., II. (Revue des Questions Historiques, April, 
July) ; G. Luzzatto, Le Finanse di nn Castello [Matelica] nel Sec. XIII. 
(Vierteljahrschrift fur Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, XI. 1); A. 
Dufourcq, Les Origines de la Science Moderne d'apres les Decouvertes 
rccentes (Revue des Deux Mondes, July 15). 

MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

General review: J. Hashagen, Gcschichte der Gcistigen Kultur von 
der Mitte des 17. bis sum Ausgange des 18. Jahrhundcrts, I. (Archiv fur 
Kulturgeschichte, XL 2). 

The history of the pontificate of Adriano VI. (Rome, Loescher, 
1913) has been written by Guido Pasolini. 

In the Oesterreichische Staatsvertr'dge, the second volume for Eng- 
land covers the period from 1749' to October, 1813, with an appendix 
extending to April, 1847. The volume is edited by A. F. Pribram 
(Vienna, Holzhausen, 1913). 

The importance of the electorate of Trier as the headquarters of the 
Emigres is properly recognized by F. Liesenfeld in his Klemens 
Wenseslaus, der Letzte Kurfiirst von Trier, seine Landstdnde und die 
Fransbsische Revolution, 1789-1J04 (Trier, Lintz, 1913). 

The Social Policy of Bismarck: a critical Study, ivith a Comparison 
of German and English Insurance Legislation, by Annie Ashley, vol- 
ume III. of the Birmingham Studies in Social Economics and Adjacent 
Fields, is an illuminating study of Bismarck's legislative policy. 

In // Trcntino nel Risorgimento (Rome, Societa ed. Dante Alighieri, 
I 9 I 3, PP- x >> 338. 33°). L. Marchetti recounts the history, during the 
movement for Italian unity, of a region which is still Italia Irredenta. 
The fate of another district during the same period is the topic of J. 
Tresal's L' Annexion de la Savoic a la France, 1848-1860 (Paris, Plon, 
1913, pp. xxxviii, 359). 

F. Charles-Roux's Alexandre II., Gortchakoff, ct Napoleon 111. 
(Paris, Plon, 1913) is a work of prime importance on international 
affairs from 1855 to 1870, based upon a considerable use of the French 
archives. 



Great Britain and Ireland 1 89 

Hermann Hesselfarth has used 28 secret despatches of Bismarck, 
Prim, and others, which throw important new light upon the origin of the 
Franco-German War, as a basis for Drei Psychologische Fragen zur 
Spanischen Thronkandidatur Leopolds von Hohenzollern (Leipzig, 
Teubner, 1913). 

A volume entitled Les Aspirations Autonomistcs en Europe (Paris, 
Alcan, 1913, pp. xix, 377) contains a series of lectures, delivered about 
two years ago at the ficole des Hautes-fitudes Sociales, by nine indi- 
viduals, on Albania, Alsace-Lorraine, Catalonia, Finland, the Greek 
islands, Ireland, Macedonia, Poland, and Croatia. 

Professor A. Heisenberg of the University of Munich has given some 
account of the Philhellenic spirit as a factor in European affairs in Der 
Philhellenismus einst und jctzt (Munich, Beck, 1913, reviewed by A: 
Thumb, Deutsche Rundschau, June). 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals: P. Imbart de la Tour, £rasme: 
I'Uvangelisme Catholique (Revue des Deux Mondes, May 15) ; C. 
Singer, The Early History of Tobacco (Quarterly Review, July) ; L. 
Wahrmund, Die Kaiscrliche Exklusive im Konklave Innocenz XIII. 
[1721] (Sitzungsberichte der k. Akademie der Wissenschaften [Vienna], 
CLXX.) ; W. Gohlke, Die Leistungen der Feucrwaffen in den Feldziigcn 
von 1^40-1005 (Preussische Jahrbiicher, May) ; L. G. Pelissier, Aut our 
des Negociations de Bale, JuUlct-Scptcnibre, 1705 (Revue Historique 
de la Revolution Franqaise et de l'Empire, April) ; C. T. Atkinson, The 
Peninsular War (Quarterly Review, July) ; G. Dickhuth, 181 3, I.-V. 
(Deutsche Rundschau, March-July) ; C. Terlinden, Le Conclave dc 
Leon XII., 2-28 Septembre 1823, d'apres des Documents inedits (Revue 
d'Histoire Ecclesiastique, April) ; General Palat, La Mission du General 
Boyer a Versailles, 1870 (Revue de Paris, July 15); fi. Ollivier, La 
Guerre de 1870 (Revue des Deux Mondes, July 15). 

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 

Fascicle 4 of vol. IX. of the Ephemeris Epigraphica not only gives 
recently discovered inscriptions, but a summary of present knowledge 
regarding the Roman occupation of Britain. 

Mr. Arthur H. Lyell has collected A Bibliographical List Descriptive 
of Romano-British Architectural Remains in Great Britain (Cambridge 
University Press, pp. 156), arranged topographically, by counties, with 
an index. 

The Clarendon Press has issued Professor Haverfield's The Romani- 
zation of Roman Britain (pp. 68). 

The Cambridge University Press has issued English Monasteries, by 
A. Hamilton Thompson. Leaflet 32 of the English Historical Associa- 
tion is a study of the same subject by Miss Rose Graham, entitled An 
Essay on English Monasteries. It deals with the work of the monks and 



1 90 Notes and News 

canons as builders, as historians, and as dispensers of revenue from 1066 
to the middle of the fourteenth century. 

H. P. Stokes, in his Studies in Anglo-Jewish History, deals first with 
the general history of the Jews in England between 1070 and 1290, then 
with the Jews of Cambridge. 

In the series of Yale Historical Publications S. K. Mitchell is soon to 
publish Studies in Taxation under John and Henry III. 

The Selden Society has issued volume III. of the Eyre of Kent, 6 
and 7 Edzvard II. 

The York Memorandum Book, part I., 1376-1419, edited by Maud 
Sellers (Surtees Society, vol. CXX., 1912) is particularly rich in gild 
regulations, since in York as in no other city was gild organization 
developed. 

The Canterbury and York Society mention that the Registers of 
Bishop J. de Halton of Carlisle, and the Rolls of Bishop Grosseteste will 
soon be completed. It is also probable that part of Archbishop Parker's 
Register, and Visitations of Religions Houses, 1420-1426, by A. Hamil- 
ton Thompson, will soon be distributed. 

Messrs. Longmans, Green, and Company announce for publication in 
the near future The Reign of Henry VII. from Contemporary Sources, 
selected and arranged by A. F. Pollard. 

Longmans, Green, and Company have announced A History of Eng- 
land from the Defeat of the Armada to the Death of Elizabeth, with an 
Account of English Institutions during the Later Sixteenth and the Early 
Seventeenth Centuries, by Professor E. P. Cheyney of the University of 
Pennsylvania. 

Mr. E. V. Portus's Caritas Anglicana (Mowbray) is a study of the 
religious and philanthropic societies working in England between 1678 
and 1740. 

Two interesting economic and social studies in English history that 
have recently appeared are The English Housezvife in the Seventeenth 
and Eighteenth Centuries (Arnold), by Miss Rose M. Bradley, and The 
English Scene in the Eighteenth Century, by E. S. Roscoe, a general 
survey of social conditions. 

Among the announcements of John Lane is Philip, Duke of Wharton, 
by Lewis Melville. 

Horace Walpole's World, by Miss Alice Drayton Greenwood (Mac- 
millan), is a fairly successful picture of its period, the materials being 
drawn from Walpole's own correspondence and from the publications of 
the Historical Manuscripts Commission. 

Professor E. Dolleans, of the University of Dijon, has published a 
two-volume history of Lc Chartisme, 1830-1848 (Paris, Floury, 1913). 



Great Britain and Ireland 1 9 1 

A second edition of the Letters of Lord Acton to Mary, Daughter of 
the Right Hon. W . E. Gladstone, edited by Herbert Paul, has appeared 
(Macmillan and Company), containing twenty-six additional letters. 

Volume I. of A Modern History of the English People, by R. H. 
Getten .(Boston, Small, Maynard, and Company) deals with the period 
1880-1898. The work promises to be a useful reference book. 

The Making of Modern England, by Gilbert Slater (Houghton 
Mifflin Company), is an attempt to make clear the economic conditions 
of England to-day by a survey of social and economic conditions of 
the past. 

The Houghton Mifflin Company has recently published The Nation 
and the Empire, by Lord Milner, mostly addresses. 

Sidney and Beatrice Webb have added to their studies in economic 
history English Local Government: the Story of the King's Highway 
(London, Longmans). 

Professor Gonner's Common Land and Inclosurc (Macmillan) is a 
study of the effect of inclosure on movements of wealth and population. 

English economic history has received a contribution, written with 
both scholarship and insight, in English Fanning Past and Present 
(Longmans, 1912, pp. 504), by Rowland E. Prothero, agent-in-chief to 
the Duke of Bedford. 

Among the announcements of forthcoming books from the press of 
Messrs. Longmans is The Rise of South Africa: a History of the Origin 
of South African Colonization and of its Development towards the East 
from the Earliest Times to 1857 by Professor G. E. Cory. 

British government publications: Calendar of the Patent Rolls, 
Henry III., A. D. 1266-1272; Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem and 
Other Analogous Documents, vol. IV., Edward I. ; Calendar of State 
Papers, Ireland, 1669-1670; Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, 
third series, vol. V., A. D. 1676-1678, ed. P. Hume Brown. 

Other documentary publications: Calendar of the Letter-Books of 
the City of London: Letter-Book L, temp. Edzvard IV. -Henry VII., ed. 
Reginald R. Sharpe (London, Guildhall) ; Lincoln Episcopal Records 
in the Time of Thomas Cooper, S.T.P., Bishop of Lincoln, A. D. 1571 
to A. D. 1584, ed. C. W. Foster (Lincoln Record Society and the Canter- 
bury and York Society) ; Diocesis IVyntoniensis, Registrum lohannis de 
Pontissara Pars Prima (Canterbury and York Society, XXXIII.) ; 
Diocesis Hcrefordensis, Registrum Thome de Charlton (Canterbury and 
York Society, XXXIV.) 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals: P. Hume Brown, Four Representa- 
tive Documents of Scottish History (Scottish Historical Review, July) ; 
H. W. C. Davis, The Anglo-Saxon Laws (English Historical Review, 
July) ; R. L. Poole, The Publication of Great Charters by the English 



192 Notes and News 

Kings (ibid.) ; Theodora Keith, The Origin of the Convention of the 
Royal Burghs: with a Note on the Connection of the Chamberlain with 
the Burghs (Scottish Historical Review, July) ; Theodora Keith, The 
Trading Privileges of the Royal Burghs of Scotland, I. (English His- 
torical Review, July) ; H. Dibbelt, Oliver Cromwells Toleranz (Neue 
Jahrbiicher, XXXI. 5) ; C. H. Firth, Some Seventeenth Century Diaries 
and Memoirs (Scottish Historical Review, July) ; Social Life in Ireland 
under the Restoration (Edinburgh Review, April) ; W. L. Grant, A 
Puritan at the Court of Louis XIV. [Denzil Holies] (Bulletin of the 
Departments of History, etc., in Queen's University, Kingston, Canada) ; 
A. M. Schlesinger, Colonial Appeals to the Privy Council, I. (Political 
Science Quarterly, June) ; W. R. Scott, The Trade of Orkney at the 
End of the Eighteenth Century (Scottish Historical Review, July) ; W. 
J. Ashley, Comparative Economic History and the English Landlord 
(The Economic Journal, June). 



General reviews: G. Pages, Histoire Exterieure du Second Empire 
(Revue des fitudes Napoleoniennes, July) ; R. Guyot, Histoire de 
France: Lpoque Contemporaine (Revue Historique, July). 

The Making of the Nations: France, by Cecil Headlam (London, 
Adam and Charles Black, pp. viii, 408) is a skillful condensation of 
French history admirably fitted to the purposes of the series. 

In 1886 the first six books of Gregory of Tours's Historia Francorum 
were edited from the Corbie manuscript by H. Omont as the second 
volume of the Collection de Textes pour Servir a l'£tude et a I'Enseignc- 
ment de I'Histoirc. In 1893 the four additional books were edited from 
the Brussels manuscript by G. Collon as the thirteenth volume of the 
same series. Both are now out of print, and a new edition has been 
prepared for the series by R. Poupardin, which combines the whole ten 
books in a single volume (Paris, Picard, 1913, pp. xxx, 501). Various 
minor corrections and improvements have been introduced, and an index 
is added. 

In Les Origincs du Scrvagc en France (Paris, Lecoffre, 1913) the 
author, Paul Allard, develops as his salient point the idea that serfdom 
should be studied as an achievement in the struggle for freedom. 

Professor A. Cartellieri, of the University of Jena, has published in 
pamphlet form his address before the recent International Congress of 
History at London, on Philipp II. August und der Ziisammenbrueh des 
Angevinischen Reiches (Leipzig, Dyksche Buchhandlung, 1913, pp. 16). 
The address is an interesting foretaste of a future volume of his history 
of Philip Augustus. 

M. Artonne has recently published Le Mouvement de /,'//, <•/ les 
Chartcs Provinciates de /;;i (Paris. Alcan). 



France 193 

E. Maugis deals with the period of the Valois kings in the first vol- 
ume of his Histoire du Parlement de Paris de I'Avenemcnt des Rois 
Valois a la Mart de Henri IV. (Paris, Picard, 1913, pp. xxvii, 735). 

F. M. Graves has edited for the Bibliotheque du XV e Siecle, Quelques 
Pieces relatives a la Vie de Louis I., Due d'Orleans, et de Valentine 
Visconti, sa Femme (Paris, Champion, 1913, pp. xii, 321). 

In Une Grande Famille Parlementaire : les d'Orgcmont, leur Origine, 
leur Fortune, le Boiteux d'Orgcmont (Paris, Champion) the author, 
Leon Mirot, has first traced the history of the family, then studied in 
detail the life of one member of that family, Nicolas d'Orgemont, who 
died in prison in 1416. 

W. Heubi has sought, in Franqois I er et le Mouvement Intellectucl 
en France (Lausanne, 1913, pp. 157, reviewed by G. Baguenault de 
Puchesse, Revue des Questions Historiqucs, July), to interpret matters 
favorably for the personal character and influence of that king. His 
fundamental assumption is that the steady policy of Francis I. was to 
effect the separation of the Renaissance and of Protestantism, for he 
was a loyal Catholic though a Gallican. 

The latest volume from the pen of Louis Batift'ol on the reign of 
Louis XIII. is La Duchcssc de Chcvrcuse : une Vie d'Avcntures et 
d 'Intrigues sous Louis XIII. (Paris, Hachette, 1913, pp. vi, 310). The 
bibliography of manuscript and printed materials testifies to the schol- 
arly researches of the author, and his style combines readableness with 
the restrained and judicial tone becoming to a good historian. Naturally 
the bulk of the narrative deals with the period from the marriage with 
the Duke of Chevreuse in 1622 till the withdrawal of the duchess from 
Paris in 1652, and its historical interest centres in the intrigues against 
Richelieu and Mazarin. 

The Writings of James Breck Perkins, consisting of France under 
Mazarin, France under Louis XV., France under the Regency, and 
France in the American Revolution, six volumes in all, have been pub- 
lished in a new uniform edition by Houghton Mifflin. 

The third issue of the series L'Histoire par les Contemporains is Let 
Qucrclles Parlemen'taires sous Louis XV. (Paris, Hachette, 1913, pp. 
ii, 112), edited by Leon Cahen, who is in charge of the series. Like its 
two predecessors, it is a volume of well-chosen selections from the 
original sources and the contemporary narratives. 

In the series called Recueil des Instructions donnccs aux Ambassa- 
deurs et Ministres de France, the French government has just published 
(Alcan) the third volume, 1724-1791, of M. Gabriel Hanotaux's section 
for Rome. The fourth and last volume will appear in 1914. 

Dr. Paul Metzger has published in the Annates de I'Universite de 
Lyon a careful and valuable Contribution a l'£tude de Deux Reformes 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 13. 



1 94 Notes and News 

Judiciaires an XVIII e Steele: le Conseil Supcrieur et le Grand Bailliage 
de Lyon, ijji-ijjq, 1788 (Paris, Picard, 1913, pp. 446). The volume 
is based almost exclusively upon painstaking researches in the archives, 
and is a constructive work of genuine importance, for it is an intimate 
study of the actual workings of these two attempts at judicial reform 
under the old regime, in a single locality. 

Dr. Gustave Le Bon's remarkable work on La Revolution Franqaise 
et la Psychologie des Revolutions has been translated into English and 
published by Messrs. Putnam under the title The Psychology of 
Revolution. 

The central commission and departmental committees for publishing 
documents on the economic history of the French Revolution have now 
been in operation nine years. In February, 1913, under ministerial 
authority, a general assembly of all the members of these bodies was 
convened at the Sorbonne. In accordance with a methodical programme 
set forth well in advance, " experience meetings " on the various 
branches of the work were held, with pronounced success. The dis- 
cussions, highly profitable for Americans to consider, are reported 
briefly in the Revue d'Histoire Modcrne et Contcmporainc for March- 
April, and will be published in full in the commission's Bulletin. 

C. Perroud is the editor of the first volume of a new series of the 
Corrcspondancc of Madame Roland, which has just appeared in the 
Collection de Documents inedits (Paris, Leroux, 1913). 

Mr. W. J. Dixon is preparing a study on Marat, Marie de Corday 
and the Girondins for early publication. 

Fouquicr-Tinville (Paris, Perrin), by Alphonse Dunoyer, is a con- 
tribution to the history of the Terror from the documents in the National 
Archives. 

A small volume on Robespierre by the Swedish historian Johannes 
Heuman attempts to show Robespierre as the great idealist of the Revo- 
lution. Le Proces du Neuf Thermidor (Paris, Bloud), by Andre Godard, 
also argues the case of Robespierre, with much originality, though not 
conclusively. 

Colonel Frignet-Despreaux has published the first volume of a life 
of his great-uncle, La Marcchal Morticr, Due dc Trcvisc. d'apres des 
Papicrs de Famille inedits (Paris, Berger-Levrault, 1913, pp. viii, 453). 
The narrative is carried down to 1797. 

The Mcmoires dc A. C. Thibaudcau. 170Q-1S15 (Paris, Plon, 1913, 
pp. iv, 561, reviewed by A. Aulard, La Revolution Franqaise, July), are 
entirely distinct from any previously published work of the author, and 
though written in 1843, were based on his notes and other contemporary 
papers. With some reservations about the editorial work, Professor 
Aulard regards them as "the most important and the most instructive 
of all that have been published on the epoch of the Consulate and the 
Empire ". 



France 195 

Duffield and Company are soon to issue three volumes of unpub- 
lished correspondence by Napoleon, edited by Lieut. -Col. Ernest Picard 
and translated by Mrs. Louise Seymour Houghton. 

Under the title Vingt-Cinq Ans a Paris, 1826-1850, E. Daudet has 
published the first two volumes (to 1834) of the Journal of Count 
Rudolf Apponyi (Paris, 1913), who was an attache of the Austro- 
Hungarian embassy at Paris. 

E. P. Bottinelli has edited the Souvenirs (Paris, Hachette, 1913, pp. 
xxxviii, 266, reviewed by A. Aulard, La Revolution Frangaise, August) 
written by Cournot in 1859, when he was rector of the academy at 
Dijon. The Souvenirs are quite impersonal and are of unusual value 
for the light which they throw upon the history of education, of culture, 
and of ideas, in the eighteenth as well as in the nineteenth century. 

A. Claveau, for many years a secretary of the Chamber of Deputies, 
has published the first volume of his Souvenirs Politiqucs et Parlc- 
mentaires d'un Temoin (Paris, Plon, 1913, pp. iii, 531). The volume 
includes only the period from 1865 to 1870, thus indicating that several 
volumes will probably be necessary to cover the author's long official 
career. 

In the March-April number (pages 165-166) of the Revue d'Histoire 
Moderne et Contcmporaine, M. Pierre Caron has replied to the note in 
the January number of this journal (p. 426) on Les Origines Diplo- 
matiques de la Guerre de 1810-1871, explaining in detail that the omitted 
documents are " irrelevant materials " and protesting against " the 
natural suspicion . . . that the meat is withheld and only the shucks 
given". It is most gratifying to be so convincingly reassured of the 
entire good faith of the publication " qu'il porte sur l'integralite des 
documents conserves aux Affaires fitrangeres ". The seventh volume of 
this publication has just appeared and contains documents for the period 
from September 1, 1865, to March 14, 1866 (Paris, Ficker, 1913, pp. 491). 

The career of one of the most influential politicians and journalists 
of the Third Republic is depicted in Ranc, Souvenirs, Correspondance, 
1831-1008 (Paris, Comely, 1913, pp. viii, 524, reviewed by A. Aulard, 
La Revolution Frangaise, July). E. Petit has written a life of Eugene 
Pelletan, 181 3-1884 (Paris, Quillet, 1913, pp. xv, 283), and Monsignor 
Laveille, of Chesnelong, 1820-1809 (Paris, Lethielleux, 1913, pp. xvi, 
632). 

An excellent Bibliographic Lorraine, reviewing the publications of 
191 1 and 1912, is published as the third part of the twenty-sixth volume 
of the Annates de I'Est (Paris, Berger-Levrault, 1912, pp. 256). 

The question of Morocco has brought out a number of volumes, of 
which a few of the more important are Professor A. Bernard's L'e 
Maroc (Paris, Alcan, 1913) ; E. Dupuy's Comment nous avons conquis 
le Maroc, 1845-1012 (Paris, Roger, 1913, pp. 400); P. Albin's La 



196 Notes and News 

Querelle Franco- Allemande ; le Coup d'Agadir (Paris, Alcan, 1912, pp. 
iii, 396) ; P. Khorat's En Colonne au Maroc (Paris, Perrin, 1913) ; and 
Colonel Sainte-Chapelle's La Conquite du Maroc, Mai ion-Mars 1013 
(Paris, Berger-Levrault, 1913). Rene Millet has treated a different 
phase of the problem in La ConquSte du Maroc: la Question Indigene 
(Paris, Perrin, 1913). 

A life of Waldcck-Rousseau, I' Homme, I'Avocat, I'Orateur Parle- 
mcntaire, le Premier Ministre has been written by Paul Raynaud (Paris, 
Grasset, 1913). 

The first account of Captain Marchand's expedition, which was made 
famous by the Fashoda affair, hasjjeen published by Dr. J. Emily, the 
physician of the party, in Mission Marchand; Journal de Route (Paris, 
Hachette, 1913). The work is already in its second edition. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals: G. Lizerand, Les Depositions du 
Grand Maitre Jacques de Molay au Proces des Templiers, 1307-1314 
(Le Moyen Age, March) ; J. Viard, Itineraire de Philippe VI. de Valois, 
I. (Bibliotheque de l'ficole de Chartes, January) ; P. de Vaissiere, Le 
Baron des Adrets, 1 512-1586, I., II. (Revue des Questions Historiques, 
April, July) ; P. van Dyke, The Estates of Pontoise (English Historical 
Review, Tuly) ; P- Gachon, Les Biens des Uglises Protestants en 1685 
et les Oeuvrcs Pies (Annales du Midi, July) ; M. Marion, Greves et 
Rentrees Judiciaircs au XVI II e Siecle: le Grand Exil du Parlement de 
Besancon, 1750-1761 (Revue des Questions Historiques, July) ; G. 
Weulersse, Les Physiocrates et la Question du Pain Cher au Milieu du 
XVI II e Siecle, 17 56-1770 (Revue du Dix-huitieme Siecle, April) ; Baron 
de Contenson, L'Ordre Americain de Cincinnatus en France, 1783 
(Revue- d'Histoire Diplomatique, 1913, 2) ; A. Aulard, La Feodalite 
sous la Revolution, Survivancc, Vicissitudes, Suppression, I., II. (La 
Revolution Franqaise, July, August) ; G. K. Fortescue, The French 
Revolution in Contemporary Literature (Quarterly Review, April) ; N. 
Kareiev, Deux Opinions Contraircs sur I'Histoire Agrairc de la France 
a 1'S.poque de la Revolution [Loutchisky and Kovalevsky] (La Revolu- 
tion Franqaise, June) ; General Camon, Le Systcme de Guerre de Na- 
poleon: la Manoeuvre sur Position Cent rale (Revue des fitudes Na- 
poleoniennes, July) ; R. Villatte des Prugnes, Les Effectifs dc la Grande 
Armee pour la Campagnc de Russie de 1812 (Revue des Etudes His- 
toriques, May) ; G. Lote, Napoleon et le Romantisme Francois (Ro- 
manische Forschungen, XXXIII. 1) ; Comte Boulay de la Meurthe, Le 
Due de Rovigo a Vincennes (Revue des Etudes Napoleoniennes, July) ; 
C. Benoist, L'Homme de 1848, I., Comment il /est Forme I' Initiation 
Rerohttionnaire, 1830-1840 (Revue des Deux Mondes, July 1). 

ITALY, SPAIN, AND PORTUGAL 
The first volume of an Annuorio Bibliografico d'Archeologia t di 
Storia dell' Arte per I' Italia is compiled by F. Gatti and F. Pellati and 

is published by the hmise of Loesi'lu-r and Company of Rome. More 



Italy, Spain, and Portugal 197 

than 3,700 books, monographs and articles, both Italian and foreign, 
published during 1911, are listed and indexed. The same house has 
recently undertaken three useful bibliographical publications, which 
furnish lists of the works, both Italian and foreign, which appeared 
during the year 1912, in their respective fields. These are Bibliografia 
Storica Italiana; Bibliografia Giuridico-Sociale; and Folklore Italiano. 
It also publishes Lares, Bollettino della Socicta di Etnografia Italiana, 
which began in 1912, under the editorship of Lamberto Loria. 

Two assistant professors in the University of Naples, V. Macchioro 
and L. Correra, have begun the publication of an attractively printed 
and illustrated quarterly, Neapolis, Rivista di Archcologia, Epigrafia, e 
Numismatica, which will take as its special field southern Italy and 
Sicily. The subscription price for foreign countries is twenty lire. 

Two books dealing with the same subject, to which they add little or 
nothing new, are The Story of the Borgias, by John Fyvie (Putnam), 
and Caesar Borgia: a Study of the Renaissance, by John Leslie Garner 
(McBride, Nast, and Company). 

The fourth and final volume of Cesare Pinzi's Storia della Citta di 
Viterbo lungo il Medioevo, illustrata con Note e Documenti in gran 
parte inediti (Viterbo, Agnesotti, 1913) carries the narrative from 1436 
down to the death of Clement VII. in 1534. The earlier volumes ap- 
peared in 1887, 1889, and 1899. 

An account of the Spanish and Austrian rule at Milan is furnished 
by A. Visconti's La Pubblica Amministrazione nello Stato Milanese 
durante il Predominio Straniero, 1541-1706 (Rome, Loescher, 1913). 

Students of local Italian history will find Lcs Deplacements de 
Souvcrainete en Italic pendant les Guerres du XVIII e Siecle, by M. 
Irenee Lameire (Paris, Rousseau, 191 1, pp. viii, 538) of service and 
interest. 

The Spanish School of Archaeology and History at Rome, founded 
in 1910, under the direction of Don Jose Pijoan, has begun the publica- 
tion of a series of Cuadcrnos de Trabajos (Madrid, 1912). The long 
and intimate connections of Spain with Italy furnish a wide field of 
investigation in which comparatively little work has been done. 

Fritz Baer is the author of a volume of Studicn sur Gcschichte der 
Juden im Konigreich Aragonien wahrend des 13. und 14. lahrhunderts 
(Berlin, Ebering, 1913). 

Don J. B. Sitges has made an important contribution to the fifteenth- 
century history of Spain and thrown much light on the early life of 
Isabella in his Don Enrique IV. y la Excclentc Senora, llamada vul- 
garmentc Dona luana la Bcltrancja, 1 425-1 530 (Madrid, 1912, pp. 467, 
reviewed by J. Juderias in Rcvista de Archivos, Bibliotecas, y Muscos, 
March). 



[98 Notes and News 

Among the many evidences of a revival of Spanish interest in Amer- 
ca is the recent organization of an Instituto de Estudios Americanistas 
n Seville, which began in March the publication of a quarterly Boletin ; 
t is also to serve as an organ for the Archives of the Indies, and for the 
Faculty of Philosophy and Letters of the University of Seville. The 
opening number of the Boletin contains, in addition to several interesting 
historical articles, accounts of the Americanist movement in Spain, and 
of the Archives of the Indies. The foreign subscription price is fifteen 
francs. 

Some account of the recent political developments in Portugal may 
be found in Dr. G. Diercks's Das Moderne Portugal (Berlin, Paetel, 1913, 
PP- 355)- 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : G. Marchetti-Longhi, La Lega- 
zione in Lombardia di Gregorio da Monte Longo negli anni 1238-1251, 
I. (Archivio della R. Societa Romana di Storia Patria, XXXVI. 1) ; C. 
L. Laderchi, Battaglia di Guastalla, 19 Settembre IJ34 (Nuova Anto- 
logia, August 1 ) ; F. D. Olmo, La Rivoluzione Francese in Piemonte 
(Rivista d'ltalia, April 13) ; A. Vigevano, L'Impresa Garibaldina del 
i860 secondo i Telegrammi Pontifici (Nuova Antologia, July 1 ) ; A. 
Sassi, Notizie e Docamenti per la Storia dell' Ultima Insurrczione 
Romana, 1867-1860 (Archivio della R. Societa Romana di Storia Patria, 
XXXVI. 1); L. Kliipfel, Die Beam-ten der Aragonischen Hof- und 
Zentralfinanzverwaltung am Ausgange des 13. Jahrhunderts (Viertel- 
jahrschrift fiir Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, XI. 1) ; L. Delavaud, 
Lettres de S. A. R. Marie- Antoinctte-Therese , Princesse des Asturies, 
a Madame de Mandell, I. (Revue des foudes Napoleoniennes, July) ; J. 
P. de Guzman, Apnntes para la Historia Contempordnea: los Manifestos 
a la Nacion, 1834-1875 (La Espaiia Moderna, July). 

GERMANY, AUSTRIA, AND SWITZERLAND 

German antiquities prior to the Volkerwanderung are treated in the 
first volume of F. Kauffmanivs Deutsche Altcrtumskundc (Munich, 
Beck, 1913). 

P. Kalkoff has described one of the most interesting episodes in the 
life of Luther and discussed its historical and religious significance in 
Die Entstelutng des Wormser Edikts: eine Gcschichtc des Wormser 
Reichstags vom Standpnnkt der Lutherischen Frage (Leipzig, Heinsius, 
I9I3)- 

The Historical Commission of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences, 
at its session in May, decided to undertake the preparation of a cata- 
logue of materials, especially south German, for the history of trade to 
the close of the sixteenth century, as a preliminary step to later publi- 
cation work in the field of German economic history. 

The seventh volume of Professor Riezler's Gcschichtc Bayerns 
(Gotha, Perthes, 1913) deals with the period from 1650 to 1704. Under 



Germany, Austria, and Switzerland 1 99 

the editorship of K. A. von Miiller there has recently appeared a Riezler- 
Festschrift, Beitrdge zur Bayerischen Geschichte (Gotha, Perthes, 1913). 

A life of Hans Karl vom Winterfeldt, the chief of staff to Frederick 
the Great, has been written by Lieutenant-General A. von Janson (Ber- 
lin, Stilke, 1913, pp. xii, 449). 

Two notable contributions to the history of Baden have recently 
appeared: Lenel's Badcns Rcchtsverwaltung und Rechtsverfassung unter 
Markgraf Karl Friedrich, 1738-1803 (Karlsruhe, Braun, 1913), and 
Andreas's Geschichte der Badischen V crwaltungsorganisation und Ver- 
fassung in den Jahren 1802-1818 (vol. I., Leipzig, Quelle and Meyer, 
I9I3)- 

In addition to Professor J. von Pflugk-Harttung's Das Befreiungs- 
jahr, 1813, aus den Akten des Geheimen Staatsarchivs (Berlin, Union 
Deutsche Verlagsgesellschaft, 1913), the more notable recent contri- 
butions to the history of Germany during the Napoleonic period include 
a volume of facsimiles, with notes and comments, entitled Urkunden der 
Deutschen Erhebung, edited by Dr. Friedrich Schulze (Leipzig, Merse- 
burger, 1913) ; the first part, which treats of the diplomatic relations, of 
M. Pfluger's Koalitions-P olitik ; Mettemich und Friedrich von Gentz, 
1804-1806 (Hamburg, Rademacher, 1913, pp. 101) ; and the second vol- 
ume of P. Pietsch's Die Formation- und Unifortniernngsgeschichte des 
Preussischen Heeres, 1808-1010 (Berlin, Verlag fur Nationale Littera- 
tur, 1913, pp. vii, 275), which deals with the cavalry and the artillery. 

An important phase of the growth of constitutionalism in Germany 
during the nineteenth century is the subject of Die Grundrcchte vom 
Wiener Kongress bis sur Gegenwart (Breslau, Marcus, 1913) by E. 
Eckhardt. 

The ups and downs of the movement of political thought in Germany 
during the revolutionary years 1848 and 1849 could scarcely be better 
illustrated than by the comparison of the various constitutional projects. 
This has been admirably done in a little pamphlet, suited for illustrative 
use in classes, by Dr. Ludwig Bergstrasser, privatdozent at the Univer- 
sity of Greifswald, under the title Die Verfassung des Deutschen Reiches 
vom Jahre 1849, mit Vorentzvurfen, Gegenvorschlagen, und Modifica- 
tionen bis zum Erfurter Parlament (Bonn, Marcus and Weber, 1913, 
pp. 104). 

Professor F. Meinecke has completed Paul Hassel's Joseph Maria 
vom Radowitz by a volume entitled Radowitz und die Deutsche Revolu- 
tion (Berlin, Mittler, 1913), which deals with the active later years of 
the friend and minister of Frederick William IV. 

Professor Spenser Wilkinson has published in a pamphlet of 28 pages 
(Clarendon Press, 1913) The Early Life of Moltke, a lecture delivered 
before the University of Oxford last May and abounding in interest. 



200 Notes and News 

Das Grossc Haup'tquartier und die Deutschen Operationen im 
Zweiten Teil des Kriegcs, 1870-187 1, by Ludwig Biergans (Munich, 
Beck, 1913), continues, from the battle of Sedan, the work with similar 
title by Edward Friedrich. The volume contains 52 maps. 

A survey of the present German political situation from the French 
viewpoint is furnished by W. Martin in a little volume on La Crisc 
Politique de I'AUemagne Contcmporaine (Paris, Alcan, 1913). 

A recent contribution on the Prussian Polish question is Die Aus- 
breitung der Polen in Preussen (Leipzig, Hirschfeld, 1913) by W. 
Mitscherlich. 

The reign of Ottocar I., 1 198-1230, supplies the documents for the 
second volume of the Codex Diplomaticus et Epistolaris Regni Bohemiae, 
edited by G. Friedrich (Prague, Rivnac, 1913). 

Eduard von Wertheimer has completed Graf Julius Andrdssy : sein 
Leben und seine Zeit, nach ungedruckten Qucllen (Stuttgart, Deutsche 
Verlagsanstalt, 1913, pp. xx, 420; xiv, 374). The second volume carries 
the narrative to the secret convention of January 15, 1877, and the third 
volume deals with the last years and the characterization of the Austro- 
Hungarian minister of foreign affairs who joined with Bismarck in 
laying the foundations of the Triple Alliance. 

The Council of Constance came within the period, 1 384-1436, allotted 
to the third volume of the Regcsten zur Geschichtc der Bischofc von 
Constant, which is in course of publication under the editorship of K. 
Rieder (Innsbruck, Wagner, 1913). 

The important period from 1813 to 1830 is covered in the second 
volume of YVilhelm Oechsli's excellent Geschichte der Schweis im 
Neunsehnten Jahrhundert (Leipzig, Hirzel, 1913, pp. xix, 848, reviewed 
by G. Meyer von Knonau, Gbttingischc Gelehrte Anzcigcn, June). The 
volume is the thirtieth in the series, Staatcngeschichte der Neuestcn 
Zeit. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals: K. Eymer, C'dsar und Taeitus 
iiber die Germancn, Matcrialicn, besonders fiir cinem verglcichenden 
Riickblick nach der Lektiire der Germania (Neue Jahrbitcher, XXXII. 
1) ; H. Niese, Ueber die Register Friedrichs II. (Archiv fiir Urkunden- 
forschung, V. 1) ; E. E. Stengel, Fuldcnsia. I., Die Urkundcnfalschungcn 
des Rudolf von Fulda (ibid.) ; A. Werminghoff, Die Urkundcn Ludxvigs 
des Bayern fiir den Hochmcister des Deutschen Ordcns vow Jahrc 1337 
(ibid.); W. Kohler, Grisars Luther. I., II. (Deutsche Litteraturzeitung, 
June 21, 28) ; Preserved Smith, Luther's Early Development in the Light 
of Psycho-Analysis (American Journal of Psychology, July) ; H. 
Grisar, Prinsipienfragen Modcrncr Lutherforschung (Stimmen aus 
Maria-Laach, 1912, 10) ; id., Lutherstimmuttgen der Gegenwari (ibid., 
1913, 1-2); id., Lutherstimmung und Kritik: tin Lutherwort als Schul- 
beispiel (ibid.. 1913, 3) ; id.. Walt her Kohler iiber Luther und die Liige 
(Historischcs Jahrbuch, 34. 1); S. Merkle, IViirsburg im Zeitalter der 



Northern and Eastern Europe 201 

Aufkldrung (Archiv fur Kulturgeschichte, XL 2) : Feldmarschall 
Freiherr von der Goltz, Scharnhorst (Velhagen and Klasings Monats- 
hefte, May) ; F. Meinecke, Stein und die Erhebung von 1813 (Kunst- 
wart und Kulturwart, XXVI. 15) ; T. Bitterauf, Zur Geschichte der 
Oeffentlichen Meinung im Kbnigreich Bayern im Jahre 1813 bis zwm 
Abschluss des Vertragcs von Ried (Archiv fur Kulturgeschichte, XL 1). 

NETHERLANDS AND BELGIUM 

Arnold Norlind has made an interesting contribution to the peculiar 
historical geography of the Netherlands in Die Gcographischc Ent- 
wicklung des Rheindeltas bis zum Jahr 1500: eine Historisch-Geographi- 
sche Studie (Amsterdam, Van Schaick, 1912, pp. xviii, 272). 

In Het Bijbelsch Humanisme in Nederland (Leyden, A. H. Adriani, 
1913, pp. viii, 280) Dr. J. Lindeboom follows out, with adequate scholar- 
ship and intelligence though without brilliancy, the useful task of trac- 
ing, through the period of the Reformation in the Netherlands, the 
activities and influence of that series of humanists, moderate Catholic 
reformers in some cases, moderate Protestant reformers in most, who 
steadily furthered theological enlightenment by applying the best classical 
and humanistic scholarship to the study of the Bible. For the most part 
they can be classed as assistants or continuators of the work of Erasmus. 

The latest issue, series V., vol. 2, of the Archives ou Corrcspondance 
inedite de la Maison d'Orangc-Nassau is edited by F. J. L. Kramer, and 
includes materials for the years 1779-1782 (Leyden, Sijthoff, 1913"). 

NORTHERN AND EASTERN EUROPE 

The sixth of the annual issues of Islandica published by the Cornell 
University Library as possessor of the Fiske Icelandic collection is a 
bibliography of Icelandic authors of to-day by Mr. Halldor Hermanns- 
son, with an appended list of books and essays relating to modern Ice- 
landic literature, since the Reformation. 

In the first volume of Russlands Oricntpolitik in den letsten swei 
Jahrhundcrlen (Stuttgart, Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1913) H. Uebers- 
berger deals with eighteenth-century affairs down to the treaty of Jassy 
in 1792. 

Pierre Rain's Un Tsar Ideologue; Alexandre I er , 1777-1825 (Paris, 
Perrin, 1913, pp. 460. reviewed by E. Denis, La Revolution Frangaise, 
July) is, as the title implies, a somewhat popular history of the reign, 
written as a psychological study. 

Professor Theodor Schiemann has studied the Polish insurrection of 
1830 and the diplomatic struggles with England and France over the 
Eastern Question from 183010 1840 in the third volume of his Geschichte 
Russlands unter Kaiser Nikolaus I. (Berlin, Reimer, 1913). 

The political activities of one of the most important Roumanian 



202 Notes and News 

families are recounted by Alexandre A. C. Stourdza in L'Europe 
Orientale et le Role Historique des Maurocordato, 1660-1830; avec un 
Appendice contenant dcs Actes et Documents Historiques ct Diplomat- 
iques inedits (Paris, Plon, 1913). 

Lieutenant-Colonel Freiherr von Tettau, who accompanied the Rus- 
sian army during the war with Japan, and who translated into German 
the history of the war by the Russian general staff, has now undertaken 
to write Kuropatkin imd seine Unterfiihrer : Kritik und Lehren des 
Russisch-J apanischen Krieges. The first volume has appeared, which 
traces Kuropatkin's career from his early exploit at Geok-Tepe down 
to the battle of Liao Yang (Berlin, Mittler, 1913, pp. x, 361). 

Dr. Bernard Stambler has written of the Roumanian Jews and of 
their position under international law in L'Histoire des Israelites 
Roumains et le Droit d' Intervention (Paris, Pedone, 1913). 

Professors L. von Thalloczy, C. Jirecek, and E. von Sufflav have 
published the first volume of Acta et Diplomata Res Albaniae Mediae 
Aetatis illustrantia (Vienna, Holzhausen, 1913). 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : A. Bugge, Altschiuedische Gilden 
(Vierteljahrschrift fur Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, XL 1) ; E. 
W. Brooks, The Arab Occupation of Crete (English Historical Review, 
July) ; E. Darko, Die Letsten Geschichtschreiber von Byzanz (Un- 
garische Rundschau, April) ; M. Lyubavsky, The Accession of the 
Romanovs, March 3, 161 3, in the History of Russia (Russian Review, 
February); anon., Der " Allgemeine Judische Arbeiterbund" zur Zeit 
der Russischen Revolution, 1004-igoj (Archiv fur Sozialwissenschaft 
und Sozialpolitik, May) ; S. Prokopowitsch, Ueber die B edingungen der 
Industricllcn Entwicklung Russlands (ibid., Erganzungsheft X.) ; G. 
Khrustalyev-Nosar, The Council of Workmen Deputies (Russian Re- 
view, February) ; H. Vimard, Les Juifs en Pologne Russe (Revue de 
Paris, August 1) ; H. Williams, The Case of the Letts (Russian Review, 
February) ; G. Bodenstein, Das Statut der Belgradcr " Deutschenstadt " 
von 1724 (Ungarische Rundschau, April) ; D. von Szegh, Die Grenzen 
Albaniens (ibid.) ; R. Pinon, La Liquidation dc la Turquie d' Europe 
(Revue des Deux Mondes, June 15) ; C. Vellay, La Question Armenienne 
(Revue de Paris, June 1). 

THE FAR EAST 

The first number of Gcist dcs Ostens, Monatsschrift zur Asiaten- 
kunde (Munich, Verlag des Ostens) has recently appeared. 

The Memoirs of Li Hung-Chang, edited by W. F. Mannix, witli an 
introduction by Hon. John W. Foster, is to appear this fall from the 
press of the Houghton Mifflin Company. 

An authorized French translation of Niku-Dan (Mitraillc Humaine), 
a personal narrative of the siege of Port Arthur by Lieutenant Tadeyoshi 



America 203 

Sakurai, has appeared, with an introduction by Marshal Oyama and a 
preface by Count Okuma (Paris, Challamel, 1913, pp. 378). The vol- 
ume has attained the remarkable popularity of more than sixty editions 
in Japan. A Russian account of La Defense de Port Arthur by Colonels 
A. von Schwarz and G. Romanovski has also been translated into French 
by J. Lepoivre (Paris, Berger-Levrault, 1912-1913, pp. 652, 459). 

La Chine et le Mouvement Constitutionel, igio-1011 (Paris, Alcan, 
1913) by J. Rodes, is one of the recent publications on contemporary 
developments in China. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : E. B. Drew, Sir Robert Hart and 
his Life Work in China (Journal of Race Development, July) ; Katherine 
A. Carl, A Personal Estimate of the Character of the Late Empress 
Dowager, Tze-Hsi {ibid.) ; O. Hoetzsch, Russisch-Turkestan und die 
Tendenzen der heutigen Russischen Koloniatpolitik, I. (Schmoller's 
Jahrbuch fur Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung, und Volkswirtschaft im 
Deutschen Reiche, XXXVII. 2). 



GENERAL ITEMS 

The Department of Historical Research in the Carnegie Institution 
of Washington expects that in 1914 Professor William I. Hull of 
Swarthmore College will proceed under its auspices to the Netherlands, 
with whose archives he is already familiar by several months of investi- 
gation, to make a systematic and comprehensive guide to the materials 
for American history in the various Dutch archives; Professor Frank 
A. Golder of the Washington State College will execute a similar mis- 
sion in the archives of Russia. It is hoped also that further investiga- 
tions in the Archives of the Indies may be prosecuted. Professor Faust 
has concluded his examination of the archives of Vienna, Salzburg, and 
the German cantons of Switzerland. His report will take the form of 
a guide similar to those heretofore published by the Department, in- 
corporating the notes which the director of the Department obtained in 
the archives of the French cantons last summer. Of the four volumes 
produced by this Department which the Institution now has in press — 
Mr. Parker's for Canadian archives, Professor Bolton's for those of 
Mexico, that of Dr. Paullin and Professor Paxson for those of Great 
Britain, of the period since 1783, and Professor Andrews's last volume 
for the earlier period — the first two are nearly ready for issue, while the 
making of the index to the third is approaching its completion. 

Professor Ephraim D. Adams's Dodge lectures will be published by 
the Yale University Press under the title The Power of Ideals in Amer- 
ican History. 

National Supremacy : Treaty Power versus State Power, by Edward 
S. Corwin of Princeton University, treats the subject from an historical 
as well as a legal point of view (Holt). 



204 



Notes and News 



Laird and Lee have published Historic Americans, in four volumes. 
The articles are by various hands. 

We believe that few students of American history are aware of the 
extent and value of the collection of transcripts from the English 
archives which during the last seven years has been accumulated in the 
Division of Manuscripts at the Library of Congress. The lists in Pro- 
fessor Andrews's Guides are by this time wholly inadequate, additional 
volumes having been acquired with much rapidity. There are lists of 
accessions in each successive report of the librarian, but it is difficult 
to keep one's knowledge of the status up to date. It may suffice to say 
that any investigator needing to consult any given American paper in 
the British archives does well to inquire if there is not a transcript at 
Washington, for with characteristic liberality the library lends these 
transcripts. 

Professor John S. Bassett of Smith College has just issued (Macmil- 
lans) A Short History of the United States, intended to serve either as 
a college text-book or for the general reader. 

In a recent number of the Dietsche Warande en Belfort Dr. L. Van 
Der Essen of Louvain has an interesting general article on the recent 
progress and organization of historical work in the United States, en- 
titled Wetenschap in het Land der "Business Men". 

The Twenty-Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology (pp. 308, xxxv) is for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1907, 
but bears the imprint date 1912. The volume is made up principally of 
three papers, two by Dr. J. W. Fewkes, and one by Dr. Truman Michel- 
son. Dr. Fewkes spent two winters conducting excavations in the Casa 
Grande and surrounding ruins in Arizona and reports the results of his 
observations in a paper occupying 150 printed pages, together with a 
history of the ruins from the time when Father Kino visited them in 
1694, quoting at length from many writers. Dr. Fewkes's second paper 
is in the nature of a preliminary report upon the antiquities of the Upper 
Verde River and Walnut Creek Valleys, Arizona, and describes briefly 
a large number of ruins. Dr. Michelson's paper is a preliminary report 
on the Linguistic Classification of Algonquian Tribes. It is accom- 
panied by an illustrative map prepared with the co-operation of Dr. John 
R. Swanton. Included in the volume is also a list of the publications of 
the Bureau (pp. 35). 

Dr. Frederick A. Cleveland has written for the American Citizen 
series a volume entitled Organised Democracy: an Introduction to the 
Study of American Politics, which contains some slight historical studies 
as a basis for his analysis of present democracy. 

Deutsch-Amcrikanischc Geschichtsbldttcr, hitherto published as a 
periodical by the German American Historical Society of Illinois, has 
now become an annual, edited by Professor Julius Goebel of the Uni- 
versity of Illinois. The change supplies an organ for the publication of 



America 205 

larger monographs in the society's field than can be inserted in a maga- 
zine. V.olume XII. (Chicago, the Society [1913]- PP- 6o1 ) is marked 
especially by two such investigations: one by Professor Vincent H. 
Todd of Greenville College, on Christoph von Graffenried and the 
Founding of New Bern, the other by Professor Alexander Franz of 
Frankfurt, on " Die erste Deutsche Einwanderung in das Mississippital ; 
eine kritische Wiirdigung"; also by an interesting mass of emigrants' 
letters of 1709, contributed by Professor Goebel, and other contents of 
value. The volume will deserve more extended notice. 

In the May-August issue of the German American Annals Mr. 
Preston A. Barba continues his studies of the life and works of Fried- 
rich Armand Strubberg and also presents a study of the American 
Indian in German Fiction. Mr. Charles F. Brede's papers on the German 
Drama in English on the Philadelphia Stage are continued. 

In the Records of the American Catholic Historical Society for June 
Rev. E. I. Devitt, S. J., presents an account of Bohemia: Mission of St. 
Francis Xavier, Cecil County, Maryland. The life of Bishop Conwell 
of Philadelphia, by the late Martin I. J. Griffin, revised and edited by 
the Rev. Lemuel B. Norton, is continued. 

In the March number of the Magazine of History Mr. Ralston 
Hayden discusses the apostasy of Silas Deane, examining in particular 
the question whether Deane was a paid agent of the British government. 
The Magazine prints a letter of James Fenimore Cooper (1848) relative 
to General Taylor and the presidency, and also one of James R. Mallorv 
(March 22, 1861) touching upon his plans for the Confederate navy. 

The Library of Congress has issued a Select List of References on 
the Monetary Question, compiled by H. H. B. Meyer and W. A. Slade. 

The Government Printing Office has issued Comparison of Customs 
Tariff Laws, 1789 to 1000 inclusive, and intermediate Legislation thereon, 
with statistical Tables of Imports and other Data, in two volumes, pre- 
pared under the direction of the Senate Committee on Finance. 

The Year Book of the Pennsylvania Society for 1913 includes some 
papers of historical interest: the Theory of Constitutional Government 
in 1787 and at the Present Time, by George W. Wickersham; the Con- 
stitution of the United States, by James Bryce ; the States under the 
Constitution, by Job E. Hedges; and the United States: the People's 
Charter, by William E. Borah. 

A print of the Constitution of the United States with the two new 
amendments, XVI. and XVII., Senate Document No. 12, 63 cong.. 2 
sess., may be obtained from the Superintendent of Documents for fif- 
teen cents. 

In the History Teacher's Magazine for September the leading article 
is a valuable and suggestive paper by Sir Charles P. Lucas, formerly of 
the British Colonial Office, entitled The A B C of West Indian History. 



2o6 Notes and News 



ITEMS ARRANGED IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER 

A cheap reprint of Las Casas's La Destruction de las Indias together 
with Vargas Machuca's Refutation dc Las Casas has recently been 
issued as a volume of the Biblioteca Economica de Cldsicos Castcllanos 
(Paris, Louis-Michaud, 1913). 

Mr. A. Percival Newton of the University of London is the author 
of The Colonizing Activities of the English Puritans: the Last Phase 
of the Elizabethan Struggle between England and Spain, which is 
soon to be published in the series of Yale Historical Publications. The 
volume is mainly, but not exclusively, concerned with the Providence 
Island Company. 

John T. Lee has published in the Wisconsin Historical Society Pro- 
ceedings Captain Jonathan Carver: Additional Data, a study intended 
to disprove the judgment of Professor Edward G. Bourne published in 
this journal (XI. 287-302). 

The Illinois State Historical Library has brought out the George 
Rogers Clark Papers, edited, with an introduction, by Professor James 
A. James. 

The April issue of the Ohio State University Bulletin (pp. 50) is an 
interesting contribution to the history of the American Loyalists by 
Professor Wilbur H. Siebert, entitled the Legacy of the American 
Revolution in the British West Indies and the Bahamas. The fortunes 
of the Loyalists in East Florida and West Florida, and in Jamaica, the 
Bahamas, and some other islands, are followed minutely upon the basis 
of careful researches. 

In the Quarterly Journal of the University of North Dakota for July 
Professor O. G. Libby presents a careful study of the Political Factions 
in Washington's Administration. The study is accompanied by analytical 
tables of votes in the House of Representatives during the first four 
Congresses. 

The Yale University Press will publish Moreau de Saint Mery's 
Diary of a Voyage to the United States, edited by Professor Stewart 
L. Mims. 

Houghton Mifflin Company announces Harrison Gray Otis: liis Life 
and Correspondence, 1765-1848, by Samuel Eliot Morison. The work 



Oliver Hazard Perry and the Battle of Lake Eric, by James C. Mills, 
is published in Detroit by John Phelps. The book is illustrated with 
pictures of battle scenes from old engravings. 



America 207 

In a well-prepared and well-indexed volume of 335 pages (Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, 1913) the Library of Congress has issued a 
Calendar of the Papers of John Jordan Crittenden, nearly 2500 in num- 
ber, preserved in the Division of Manuscripts. The range is from 1782, 
but chiefly from 1817, to 1864. Though most of the important letters of 
Crittenden, and many of those addressed to him, have already been 
printed in Mrs. Coleman's Life, the collection contains a great deal of 
good material illustrating general, Whig, and Kentucky politics, and 
especially the discussions of i860 and 1861. 

Henry Holt and Company have published a new and enlarged edition 
of Mrs. Caroline Cowles Richards Clarke's Village Life in America, 
1852-18/2, with an introduction by Margaret E. Sangster. 

The lecture on The Relation of Press Correspondents to the Navy 
before and during the War, delivered by Mr. J. C. O'Laughlin at the 
Naval War College Extension in Washington in February last, has been 
published by the Government Printing Office. 

The complete text of Professor J. G. Randall's treatise on The Con- 
fiscation of Property during the Civil War, of which a portion was 
printed in this journal (XVIII. 79-96) has been printed as a University 
of Chicago dissertation (pp. vi, 72). 

Hungarians in the American Civil War, by Eugene Pivany, illus- 
trated by John Kemeny, is a booklet of about 60 pages reprinted from 
Dongo, an Hungarian magazine published in Cleveland. Although the 
Hungarians in the Union army were few compared with those of some 
other nationalities, their services were nevertheless notable. For in- 
stance, we find among them two major-generals, five brigadier-generals, 
fifteen colonels, two lieutenant-colonels, thirteen majors, and twelve 
captains. The book includes sketches of the principal officers as well as 
accounts of the services of the Hungarian troops. 

Houghton Mifflin Company will publish this autumn Bull Run; its 
Strategy and Tactics, by Professor R. M. Johnston of Harvard Uni- 
versity. 

War Experiences and the Story of the Vicksburg Campaign from 
" Millikcn's Bend" to July 4, 1863 (pp. 64), "being an accurate and 
graphic account of campaign events " taken from the diary of Captain 
J. J. Kellogg, of Company B, 113th Illinois volunteer infantry, has been 
published in Washington, Iowa, by the Evening Journal. 

The Battle of Gettysburg (pp. 462), by Rev. J. B. Young, a partici- 
pant, has been published by Harper and Brothers. 

James S. Wads-worth of Geneseo, by Professor Henry G. Pearson, 
comes from the press of Charles Scribner's Sons. General Wadsworth is 



2o8 Notes and News 

treated as a political leader in New York, as a military commander, and 
as military governor of Washington. 

Mrs. La Salle Corbell Pickett has brought out through Messrs. 
Lippincott a new edition of Pickett and his Men, the biography of her 
husband; General George E. Pickett, whose division made the famous 
Confederate charge on the third day of the battle of Gettysburg. 

The Heart of a Soldier as revealed in the intimate Letters of Gen- 
eral George E. Pickett, C. S. A., has been brought out in New York by 
Seth Moyle. 

The second William Penn: a true Account of Incidents that happened 
along the old Santa Fe Trail in the Sixties is the title of a small book 
by the hand of W. H. Ryus and from the press of F. T. Riley Publish- 
ing Company of Kansas City. 

Dr. James Schouler will soon publish a seventh volume of his well- 
known History of the United States, entitled The Reconstruction Period, 
186 5-1877 (Dodd, Mead, and Company). 

The Granger Movement : a Study of Agricultural Organisation and its 
Political, Economic, and Social Manifestations, 1870-1880, by Dr. Solon 
J. Buck, is announced by the Harvard University Press. 

The Americans in the Philippines, by the late James A. Le Roy, with 
an introduction by President Taft, will be published shortly by Houghton 
Mifflin Company. Mr. Le Roy, during his life-time a valued contributor 
to this journal, was private secretary to Judge Taft when the latter was 
chairman of the commission for governing the Philippine Islands, and 
in that and other official positions had, and used to the full, the best 
opportunities for knowing the history of the American occupation. 

LOCAL ITEMS, ARRANGED IN GEOGRAPHICAL ORDER 

Houghton Mifflin Company has brought out the second volume of 
the History of Belfast, Maine, by Joseph Williamson. The volume 
covers the period from 1875 to 1900. 

A History of the Baptists in Vermont (pp. 700), by Henry Crocker, 
has been brought out in Bellows Falls by P. H. Gobie. 

The Massachusetts commissioner of public records has issued in a 
pamphlet (Boston, 1913, pp. 21) The Laws relating to the Public Records 
and Public Documents, with the Opinions of the Attorneys-General. 

The February-March fascicle of the Massachusetts Historical So- 
ciety's Proceedings contains a paper of Mr. Charles Francis Adams on 
Sectional Feeling in 1861, embodying a portion of the correspondence 
of William Howard Russell printed in the London Times but omitted 
from Russell's published volume, My Diary, North and South ; a long 



Ame 



209 



letter from Donald Campbell to John Hancock in 1787; a number of 
letters to and from Francis Baylies, 1828-1830 (one of 1821), pertaining 
to politics and political conditions; some letters of George Sumner, 
brother of Charles Sumner, 1837-1844; and a letter of David Thomas 
to Griffith Evans, 1789, concerning a local election. In the April— May 
serial Professor MacDonald develops an interesting point respecting the 
Indebtedness of John Marshall to Alexander Hamilton in respect to the 
doctrine of implied powers. There are also some interesting letters of 
Salma Hale respecting Monticello and Jefferson in 1 818 and a letter of 
1756 of John Adams to Charles Cushing. The June issue is chiefly 
marked by an elaborate paper of Mr. Winslow Warren on the Colonial 
Customs Service in Massachusetts in its Relation to the Revolution. 

The American Antiquarian Society, in the first of a series of occa- 
sional Bulletins lists important recent acquisitions of Southern news- 
papers, among them a file of the Alexandria (Virginia) Gazette from 
1800 to 1910. 

The Rhode Island Historical Society has recently received as a gift 
from the Talbot family a volume of manuscripts, some fifty in number, 
embracing the commissions and correspondence of Commodore Silas 
Talbot. 

A Political History of the State of New York, 1865-1869, by Dr. 
Homer A. Stebbins. is one of the recent numbers of the Columbia Uni- 
versity Studies (vol. LX., no. 1) 

Volume XVII. of the Publications of the Buffalo Historical Society, 
which is now in press, will contain an account of the exercises at the 
semi-centennial of the society, with some of the addresses delivered on 
that occasion, and much other matter relating to the history of Buffalo. 

The January issue of the Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical 
Society includes a paper by Dr. John R. Stevenson on " The Councils of 
Proprietors of New Jersey"; a continuation of Mr. William M. Mer- 
vine's account of John Anderson, sometime president of His Majesty's 
council of Xew Jersey, and his descendants: a memorial (about 1731) 
in behalf of the children of William Burnet; and some documents 
( r 735 _I 736) relating to the separation of New Jersey from Xew York. 
The two items last mentioned are both taken from the Eleventh Report 
of the Royal Historical Manuscripts Commission. 

Professor Allen C. Thomas has brought out through D. C. Heath and 
Company A History of Pennsylvania (pp. 312). 

Mrs. Hester D. Richardson has brought out through Williams and 
Wilkins Company of Baltimore Side-Lights on Maryland History: with 
Sketches of Early Maryland Families. The work is in two volumes. 

AM HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 14. 



2 io Notes and News 

Volume 16 of the Records of the Columbia Historical Society con- 
tains accounts of the mansion and family of Motley Young, by George 
C. Henning, of the history of the Washington city library, by William 
De Caindry, of the emancipation of the slaves in the District of Colum- 
bia, by Rev. Page Milburn, and of the erection of the White House, by 
Mrs. Abby G. Baker. 

The Ninth Annual Report of the Library Board of the Virginia 
State Library, to which is appended the ninth annual report of the state 
librarian (pp. 50), has appeared. Of particular interest is the report 
of the department of archives and history, wherein are noted the acces- 
sions of manuscripts. Two considerable bodies of papers have been 
acquired, the papers (about 30,000 pieces) of J. K. Martin, a pension 
attorney residing in Richmond in 1850 and subsequently, and the letters 
(about 25,000) of William Allason and Company, a firm of Scottish 
merchants doing business at Falmouth, Virginia, from 1760 to 1800. 
Among the accessions are also numerous papers of the Revolutionary 
period. It is also noteworthy that the library has arranged its consider- 
able collection of maps and made them available. Bound with the report 
is a List of the Revolutionary Soldiers of Virginia (pp. 335), supple- 
mentary to the list printed in connection with the report of the library 
for the year 191 1. This list is a special report of the department of 
archives and history, prepared by H. J. Eckenrode, archivist. The list 
now printed is drawn for the most part from the records in the War 
Department at Washington. 

The Virginia State Library has issued as Bulletin, vol. VI., no. 2, A 
List of the Portraits and Pieces of Statuary in the Virginia State Library, 
■with Biographical Notes, compiled by Earl G. Swem. The list contains 
only the titles of portraits in oils, excluding engravings, lithographs, 
and photographs, which it is intended at some future time to make the 
subject of a separate bulletin. In addition to the printed sources the 
compiler has availed himself of manuscripts and newspapers in the 
library, and has also gathered much information through correspond- 
ence and conversation with friends and relatives of those represented in 
the collection. 

The July issue of the Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 
includes a continuation of the commissions and instructions to the Earl 
of Orkney for the government of Virginia (from the Randolph manu- 
script) ; a number of documents pertaining directly or indirectly to 
Bacon's Rebellion; several council papers, among them: an order in 
regard to letters of denization (1699), instructions from the Lords of 
the Admiralty to the governors of Virginia (June 21, 1700), instructions 
in regard to trials (August 1, 1700), and a letter from the Board of 
Trade and Plantations to the governor of Virginia (August 21, 1700). 
The Magazine resumes the publication of the list of Sussex County 
wills (M to W, principally of the period 1754-1804), and continues the 



America 2 1 1 

minutes of the council and general court (1624), from the originals in 
the Library of Congress, as also the Revolutionary army orders for the 
main army under Washington, 1778-1779. 

The Free Negro in Virginia, 1619-1865, by Dr. John H. Russell of 
Allegheny College (Johns Hopkins University Studies, vol. XXXI. , no. 
3, pp. 194), treats of such topics as the distribution, the origin, and 
the legal and social status of the free negro. 

The John P. Branch Historical Papers of Randolph-Macon College, 
vol. IV., no. 1, comprises a biography of Governor John Floyd (1783- 
J ^37), by J- M - Batten; one of Bishop John Early (1786-1876), by J. 
Rives Childs; one of Philip P. Barbour (1783-1841), by P. P. Cynn, a 
Corean; sketches of the sons of Governor John Floyd, from the manu- 
script of Senator John W. Johnston; and some letters (1844), principally 
to Thomas Ritchie, pertaining to Virginia's attitude toward the Texas 
question. 

The June Bulletin of the New York Public Library prints a body of 
papers, mostly letters from North Carolina in 1798, relating to the estate 
in North Carolina of Samuel Cornell (1731-1781), who in 1775 had 
been the richest merchant of the colony, and to the efforts of his heirs 
to recover the estate after its confiscation by the loyalist act of 1779. 

In the April number of the South Carolina Historical and Genealog- 
ical Magazine Mr. Henry A. M. Smith continues his studies of the 
baronies of South Carolina with a description of Hobcaw barony. The 
register of St. Andrews Parish and the order book of John Faucheraud 
Grimke are continued in this number and also in that of July, which con- 
tains in addition an article on the Brisbane family, by E. H. Hillman, 
and one on Some Forgotten Towns of Lower South Carolina, by H. A. 
M. Smith. 

The Georgia Historical Society has issued Letters of Joseph Clay, 
Merchant of Savannah, 1776-1793, and a List of Ships and Vessels 
entered at the Port of Savannah for May, 1765, ij66, and 1767. 

The History of Georgia Methodism from ij86 to 1866, by Rev. G. G. 
Smith, has been published in Atlanta by A. B. Caldwell. 

A History of the German Element in Texas from 1820 to 1850, etc., 
by M. P. G. Tiling, has been brought out in Houston by the author. 

Volume XIII. of the Publications of the Mississippi Historical 
Society (University, Miss., 1913, pp. 326) is devoted to the history of 
reconstruction in four counties of Mississippi : Panola, by John W. Kyle; 
Scott, by Forrest Cooper; Lafayette, by Miss Julia Kendel ; and Oktib- 
beha, by F. Z. Browne — counties typical of the different agricultural 
regions of the state, and for the most important of which — Pinola and 
Scott — ample materials were available. 



2 1 2 Notes and News 

The July number of the Southwestern Historical Quarterly contains 
part II. of Professor I. J. Cox's study of the Louisiana-Texas Frontier, 
part I. of which was published in vol. X. of the Quarterly. This issue in- 
cludes also the diary of Rev. W. Y. Allen, who resided in Texas from 
March, 1838, to February, 1842, and was for a time chaplain to one or 
other house of the congress of the Republic. The diary, which covers 
the period from March to December, 1838, and the first half of Oc- 
tober, 1839, was originally published in the Texas Presbyterian at 
intervals in 1880-1883. It is edited by William S. Red. New Light on 
Manuel Lisa and the Spanish Fur Trade is a contribution of Professor 
Herbert E. Bolton and includes a letter of Manuel Lisa, dated September 
8, 1812, given in translation as well as in the original. The correspond- 
ence from the British archives concerning Texas, edited by Professor 
E. D. Adams, covers the period from May to August, 1843. 

Professor Archibald Henderson of the University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill, N. C, has been for some time collecting information toward 
a biography of Daniel Boone. He would be glad to receive information 
respecting appropriate material in private hands or in public collections 
other than the Draper, Durrett, and Emmet collections. 

The Democratic Party of the State of Ohio: a comprehensive History 
of Democracy in Ohio from 1803 to 1912, etc., in two volumes, edited by 
T. E. Powell, has been issued by the Ohio Publishing Company of 
Columbus. The work includes biographical sketches of the Democratic 
governors of Ohio and also of the leading Democratic politicians. 

The principal contents of the January number of the Journal of the 
Illinois State Historical Society are a history of the great seal of Illinois, 
by Brand Whitlock; a description of Fort Crevecoeur, by Arthur Lagron, 
formerly an officer of engineers of the French army; Recollections of 
the War between the States, by Major Henry C. Connelly; the Services 
of Richard Yates to Public Education, by Edmund J. James; Recollec- 
tions of the Lincoln-Douglas Debate held in Alton, Illinois, October 15, 
1858; and Recollections of the Assassination and Funeral of Abraham 
Lincoln, by Edmond Beall; Some Traits of Judge Silas L. Bryan, father 
of William Jennings Bryan (reprinted from the New York Tribune, 
April, 1900), by Rufus Cope; and four letters, from Jesse B. Thomas 
(1820), J. H. Pugh (1825), Benjamin Mills (1825), and George Forquer 
(1830), respectively, written to P. P. Enos. The July number contains 
the annual address, "Benjamin Lundy, Pioneer of Freedom", delivered 
before the society in May, by George A. Lawrence; a paper concerning 
the plans of the Illinois State Historical Library with special reference 
to the care of Public Archives, by Professor E. B. Greene; a letter from 
E. B. Washburne (dated, Paris, December 15, 1874) to John Dixon; and 
the annua] report of the secretary, Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber. 

The Wisconsin History Commission has two volumes in press: Nar- 
rative Of Service with the Third Wisconsin Iufaulrv, by Major Julian 



America 2 1 3 

W. Hinkley, and Civil War Messages and Proclamations by Wisconsin 
Governors. The Diary of an Artillery Private, by Rev. Jenkin Lloyd 
Jones, is being edited for the commission by the editorial staff of the 
State Historical Society of Wisconsin. 

The bound volume of the Proceedings of the State Historical Society 
of Wisconsin for the year 1912 has come from the press. Of the prin- 
cipal historical papers included in the volume some notice has already 
teen given in the preceding number of this journal (p. 881). The index 
to vols. I. to XX. of the society's Collections is in course of preparation 
and will be issued as soon as vol. XX., which is now in press, shall have 
appeared. 

Mr. Charles B. Richards, who, under a commission from the governor 
of Iowa, was in charge of the defense of the frontier of that state in 
1857, 1858, and 1859, gives an account in the April issue of the Annals 
of Ioiva of the Organization and Service of the Frontier Guard. In 
this issue of the Annals is printed a journal kept by A. W. Harlan on a 
journey from Athens, Missouri, to California, May I to September 17, 
1850. " 

In the July number of the Iowa Journal of History and Politics Mr. 
Louis Pelzer discourses upon History made by Plain Men. Episodes in 
the Early History of the Western Iowa Country is a contribution of Mr. 
Jacob Van der Zee after an investigation of practically all available 
sources and a careful weighing of conflicting and confusing statements. 
Mr. Clifford Powell, in his history of the codes of Iowa law, gives a 
history of the code of 1897. 

The Missouri Historical Collections, vol. IV.. no. 2, contains a sketch 
of Judge Wilson Primm (1810-1878), by W. C. Breckenridge, who also 
edited for this number of the Collections a sketch of the early history of 
St. Louis written "by Judge Primm. Under the caption " Ezekiel Wil- 
liams's Adventures in Colorado " is reprinted a letter of Ezekiel Wil- 
liams published in the Missouri Gazette of September 14, 1816. Williams 
is supposed to have been the third American to visit the Colorado 
country, having come a few years later than Pike. The editor of the 
■Collections writes an introduction to the letter. 

Mr. A. E. Sheldon, director of the Nebraska Legislative Reference 
Bureau, has brought out through the University of Chicago Press 
History and Stories of Nebraska, with maps and illustrations. 

Bulletin 54 of the Bureau of American Ethnology bears the general 
title The Physiography of the Rio Grande 1 'alley, New Mexico, in Rela- 
tion to Pueblo Culture, and comprises three separate papers, the result 
•of co-operative work on the part of the School of American Ethnology 
and the Bureau of American Ethnology. Mr. Edgar L. Hewett, director 
•of the former, gives a general physiographic description of the Rio 



2 1 4 Notes and News 

Grande valley, Professor Junius Henderson of the University of Colo- 
rado describes the geology and topography, and Professor Henderson 
jointly with Professor W. W. Robbins of the same institution discusses 
the climate and the evidence of climatic changes. 

The Official Correspondence of James S. Calhoun while Indian Agent 
at Santa Fe and Superintendent of Indian Affairs in New Mexico, col- 
lected mainly from the files of the Indian Office and edited, under its- 
direction, by Dr. Annie Heloise Abel, associate professor of history in 
Goucher College, will be published before long by the Indian Office. The 
work is in two parts, part I. comprising the correspondence of Calhoun 
as first Indian agent of the United States at Santa Fe, 1849-1851, and 
part II. his correspondence as first territorial governor of New Mexico 
and ex-officio superintendent of Indian affairs, 1851-1852. 

The Colorado River Campaign, 1781-1782: Diary of Pedro Fages, 
edited by Herbert Ingram Priestley, is one of the recent publications of 
the Academy of Pacific Coast History. 

In the January issue of the Washington Historical Quarterly O. B. 
Sperlin offers some account of the exploration of the Upper Columbia 
in 1810-1811 by David Thompson, the astronomer and geographer, 
drawn 'from Thompson's journal, preserved in the ministry of lands and' 
forests in Toronto ; Leo Jones gives a resume of the proposed amend- 
ments to the state constitution of Washington ; and Allen Weir writes 
a sketch of William Weir, who, as an employee of the Missouri Fur 
Company, explored the Oregon Country in 1809. In the issue for 
April Professor Frank A. Golder presents a Survey of Alaska, 1743- 
1799; Camilla Thompson Donnell, a pioneer, who settled at The Dalles 
in 1858, writes of Early Days at White Salmon and The Dalles; and 
Guy V. Bennett of Early Relations of the Sandwich Islands to the old 
Oregon Territory. The July issue includes some extracts, contributed 
by George W. Soliday, from logs, narratives, and journals of American 
seamen, explorers, traders, and travellers in the Oregon territory and 
the Pacific Northwest pertaining to Independence Day; the Story of 
Three Olympic Peaks, by Professor Edmond S. Meany; and a letter from 
John Tyler to his son, dated December 23, 1845. The reprinting of 
Wilkes's History of Oregon continues. 

The Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society for December, 1912, 
contains a paper by Mr. Clarence B. Bagley on the Transmission of 
Intelligence in Early Days in Oregon; the journal of John Work, cover- 
ing the Snake River expedition, 1830-1831, edited by T. C. Elliott; some 
letters of Rev. and Mrs. H. H. Spalding, written after the completion of 
a journey across the continent, in 1836; a letter of James W. Ncsmith, 
written from Oregon City in June, 1845; and a letter of Sir George 
Simpson to Archibald McKinlav, June 25, 1848. with an introductory 
note by T. C. Elliott. 



America 2 1 5 

Mr. Hubert Howe Bancroft has brought out a revised edition of his 
New Pacific, although the revision falls short of bringing the story quite 
down to date. 

Mr. E. H. Adams of Brooklyn, New York, is the author and publisher 
of Private Gold Coinage of California, 1840-1855, its History and its 
Issues (pp. no). 

The Archives of the Dominion of Canada issued no annual report 
for 191 1. That for 1912, just published, is a volume of 295 pages. It 
contains as appendixes several calendars of special collections — of the 
correspondence of General James Murray, 1759-1791, of that between 
the Sardinian ministers at London and Paris in 1761-1763 (the Count de 
Viry and the Bailli de Solar), and of Bishop Inglis of Halifax, 1775— 
1814; fuller abstracts of the papers in the first eleven volumes of " Corre- 
spondence Politique, fitats-Unis ", at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 
Paris; and the full texts of important documents relative to Anglo- 
French relations in 1629-1633 and to the Port Royal expedition of 1710. 
Among the acquisitions are the papers of Joseph Howe. Three volumes 
of much historical interest are announced: a second volume of Consti- 
tutional Documents, a volume of documents relating to prairie legisla- 
tion, and one of documents on the War of 1812. 

Volume X. of the Papers and Records of the Ontario Historical 
Society is occupied with papers read at last summer's meeting of that 
society at Napanee. Mr. J. A. Macdonell's paper on Sir Isaac Brock, 
Dr. Thwaites's address on Romantic Elements in the History of the 
Mississippi Valley, Dr. Frank H. Severance's excellent article on Col- 
lections of Historical Material relating to the War of 1812, and Pro- 
fessor Adam Shortt's discerning paper on the Economic Effect of that 
War on Upper Canada, are especially worthy of mention. 

Pierre Georges Roy has collected in a little volume some historical, 
biographical, and descriptive notes relating to L'£glise Paroissiale de 
Notre-Dame de la Victoire de Levis (Levis, 1912, pp. 296). What Mr. 
Roy has done for one of the parish churches of Levis, opposite Quebec, 
might well be done for every local church, whether Catholic or Protes- 
tant, even though, as in this case, the volume could have naught but a 
local interest. 

No. 69 (August, 1913) of International Conciliation is a sketch of 
the relations of Brazil with the United States, by Manoel da Oliveira 
Lima, Brazilian minister to Belgium. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals: Ch. de la Ronciere, L'Origine du 
Vineland (Annales de Geographie, May 15) ; H. Vignaud, Des Theses 
Nouvelles sur I'Origine de Christophe Colomb: Espagnol t luif ? Corse ? 
(Revue Critique d'Histoire et de Litterature, May 3) ; C. Sanz Ariz- 
mendi, Cuatro Expedicioncs de Juan Haquines (John Hawkins), 
(Boletin del Instituto de Estudios Americanistas de Sevilla, March) ; 



2 1 6 Notes and News 

L. de Laigue, Un Missionnaire Lorrain au Canada sous Louis XV. 
[Father Rasle] (Revue Generale, 1913, 1) ; W. C. Fisher, The Tabular 
Standard in Massachusetts History (Quarterly Journal of Economics, 
May) ; L. Didier, Le Citoyen Genet, conclusion (Revue des Questions 
Historiques, April) ; Homer Lea, The Legacy of Commodore Perry 
(North American Review, June) ; Hiram Bingham, The Monroe Doc- 
trine (Atlantic Monthly, June) ; Gamaliel Bradford, jr., Judah P. Ben- 
jamin (ibid., June) ; id., Alexander H. Stephens (ibid., July) ; id., Robert 
Toombs (ibid., August) ; E. I. McCormac, Tzvo Ideals of Govern- 
ment in American History (University of California Chronicle, April) ; 
Demangeon, Les Relations de la France du Nord avec VAmerique: 
Esquisse de Gcographiquc Commcrciale (Annales de Geographie, May 
15) ; John Boyd, The Birth of the Dominion; with personal Reminis- 
cences of Sir Charles Tupper (Canadian Magazine, July) ; G. Latorre, 
La Revolucion c Independence de Mejico, I. (Boletin del Institute de 
Estudios Americanistas de Sevilla, March). 



Volume XI X\ January, 1914 \Number 2 

TRUTH IN HISTORY 1 

"DILATE saith unto Him, What is Truth?" Thus ends the 
*- report of one of the most famous conversations ever re- 
corded. That the colloquy should have terminated without an 
answer to the question of the Roman procurator, must always raise 
regret in the mind of the reader and the writer of history. For we 
are told often and conclusively that history has truth for its subject- 
matter and the discovery of truth for its end. An authoritative 
definition of truth, therefore, would have been a priceless boon. It 
has indeed been often asserted that the question of Pilate was in- 
terrogative in form only, and that his real thought was to affirm the 
hopelessness of ever reaching a definition. If such was the case, one 
might reasonably conjecture that the Roman had lately been en- 
gaged in historical research ; for in no other occupation is there 
more powerful stimulus to the despair that his remark expresses. 
The optimist who has assured us that truth will out, even in an 
affidavit, was a lawyer; the devotee of history would never commit 
himself to so cheerful a dogma. 

It is a commonplace, however, that the pursuit of an end is as 
useful, at least, as the attainment. The boy who seeks the pot of 
gold at the foot of the rainbow acquires valuable information in 
the quest. No limit can be imagined to the curiosity of man, once 
having become self-conscious, as to the past. History' is the name 
we give to the result of his efforts to satisfy this curiosity. The 
earliest beginnings of these efforts bring perplexity. The phe- 
nomena of the past are no less complex than those of the present 
and the truth about them is no less elusive. History, therefore, as 
an aggregate of facts for investigation, requires subdivision and 
analysis. Not all truth, but certain aspects or classes of truth, are 

1 Annual address of the president of the American Historical Association 
delivered at Charleston, December 29, 1913. 
AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 15. (217) 



218 W. A. Dunning 

the subject-matter of the science, if science it be. I know of no 
serious contention by anybody that all past phenomena, without dis- 
crimination, are properly the field of the historian. I likewise am 
aware that no problem will call forth more violent debate than the 
bounding of the field — the determination of what is within and what 
is without it. 

For my present purpose I am going to assume that the province 
of history is to ascertain and present in their causal sequence such 
phenomena of the past as exerted an unmistakable influence on the 
development of men in social and political life. Such an assumption 
will occasion, I suppose, certain liftings of the eyebrows and 
shruggings of the shoulders among colleagues in this association for 
whom I have the profoundest respect; but I must bear with such 
fortitude as is vouchsafed to me the consequences of my rashness. 

How did the primitive Aryans fatten their swine for slaughter- 
ing (if there ever were Aryans, and if they ever were primitive, 
and if they ate pork) ; what was the favorite cosmetic of Alcibiades ; 
what was the bacteriological species of the maggots that St. Simeon 
Stylites piously replaced when they lost their hold on his sores; 
what was the color of the horse that bore Washington at the battle 
of Monmouth : all these questions concern truth as to the past, but 
shall we call the answers to them history? 

It would indeed be scientific heresy to deny that any of the 
phenomena referred to could possibly have been influential in human 
development. In these days no science is sure of its footing until 
it has proclaimed its special interpretation of history. The eco- 
nomic, the sociological, the metallurgical, the pathologic, the meteor- 
ological, the astronomical, the geological, and, for aught I know, the 
geometrical interpretations are in heated rivalry. It is therefore 
unsafe to say that the most obscure and least suspected fact of the 
past will not appear to-morrow as the hinge on which man's whole 
career has turned. But pending the newest revelation of this sort 
we are privileged to approach the study of the past under guidance 
of a series of presumptions, among which is this, that such phe- 
nomena as have been mentioned are not of the first importance. 

In dealing with matters that are presumed to be of high im- 
portance the student of history is confronted with the problems 
concerning truth in all their diversity. He must ascertain the ob- 
jective actualities — the occurrences that impressed the senses of 
men; he must ascertain the chronological order of these occurrences; 
he must strive, at least, to ascertain the causal nexus between them. 

The last of these tasks is by no means the least. As we have 
lately been warned by the dean of the historical gild in America. 



Truth in History 2 1 9 

Dr. Jameson, with his wonted force and precision, "the stream of 
history is a stream of causation ". To resolve the forces and detect 
the relations that underlie the movement of this current, demands 
an exceptional endowment and an unstinted application of intel- 
lectual strength. For about a century now this particular field of 
activity has been less diligently cultivated by the scientific historian, 
and it has been his special aim to achieve exactness in the first of 
the above-mentioned aspects of truth. He must know precisely 
what happened and he must know it from the original contemporary 
evidence. A secondary or derived account of an event must be 
presumed false. The longer such an account has been accepted as 
true, the more likely it is false. If the account runs back into 
immemorial antiquity, the event never happened, and the matter does 
not concern history at all, but belongs in the outer darkness of 
anthropology or sociology. 

The effects of this trend of thinking on the study and writing 
of history during the last two generations have been remarkable. A 
cyclone of criticism has swept through the populous realm of pseudo- 
historical traditions and the region is thickly strewn with the dis- 
jecta membra of their proud and often most beautiful forms. The 
search for original material has occupied the first place in the atten- 
tion of historical students and has proved beneficent in two ways 
at least : it has enormously increased the mass of such material for 
the use of the man competent to make a synthesis from it, and it 
has furnished an all-engrossing occupation for many who might 
otherwise have tried their hands, and the patience of their readers, 
in the hopeless task of synthesizing. The high ratio of monographic 
collections of material to organized and literary narrative is one of 
the most familiar characteristics of recent publications in history. 

The absorbing and relentless pursuit of the objective fact — of 
the thing that actually happened in exactly the form and manner of 
its happening, is, I take it, thus, the typical function of the modern 
devotee of history. Certain corollaries and consequences of this 
conception are obvious. In the first place it tends greatly to limit 
the scope of history. Again, it tends to stress the material as com- 
pared with the spiritual or psychic forces and influences in human 
life. Further, it reduces to the minimum the consideration of causal 
nexus, and tends to limit history to the post hoc, regardless of the 
propter hoc. Finally, it tends unduly to limit regard for the influ- 
ence of what men believed to be true, as compared with what was 
true. 

Every serious student of history knows the thrill that comes with 
the discovery of an unknown or a forgotten fact of the past. In 



220 W. A. Dunning 

comparison, the joy of the gold or diamond hunter over a "find" 
is indeed moderate. Especially keen and spicy is the satisfaction of 
historical discovery when it implies the erroneousness of long-stand- 
ing beliefs and enables the discoverer to proclaim the most eminent 
and authoritative chroniclers of the past the victims of ignorance 
and illusion. The " reconstruction of history " is always in the mind 
of the investigator, whether consciously or unconsciously, and in the 
intoxication of an actual discovery of new truth he is very prone to 
foresee a reconstruction vastly greater than what actually takes 
place. The current of humanity's past obstinately continues to 
move before his eyes in the same old channel with but a trifling little 
jog, though the new revelation seems to require a great displacement 
all along the course. 

Why is this so? Why do the achievements of historical re- 
search, in bringing to light the truth about the individual events of 
the past, change so slightly the broad picture ? This is the question 
to which I wish to devote some particular attention in this place. 
The answer to it cannot be a simple one, and I do not aspire to 
make mine complete. I would merely suggest, as in some measure, 
at least, influential, this fact, that the course of human history is 
determined no more by what is true than by what men believe to be 
true ; and therefore that he who brings to light a past occurrence of 
which he is the first to have knowledge is likely to be dealing with 
what is no real part of history. The phenomena of social life, so 
far as they are determined at all by the will of man, are due in 
origin and sequence to conditions as they appear to contemporaries, 
not to conditions as revealed in their reality to the historian cen- 
turies later. Or if the lesson of the past is sought as a guide to 
any policy, the lesson that is learned and acted upon is derived from 
the error that passes as history at the time, not from the truth that 
becomes known long after. 

Many a fact of history is like the grain of sand that intrudes 
within the shell of the pearl oyster. Tiny and insignificant, it is 
quickly lost to sight and knowledge; but about it are deposited the 
ensphering layers of myth and legend till a glimmering treasure is 
produced that excites the mightiest passions of men. Under the 
charm of its beauty, art, religion, civilization, is developed ; through 
the lust to possess it a dynasty is overthrown, an empire falls into 
ruin. The historian may crush the pearl and bring to light the grain 
of sand ; but he cannot persuade us that the sand made all the in- 
tervening history. 

Consider some of the salient incidents in the history of history 
that throw light on this doctrine. Take the history of Rome, for 



Truth in History 2 2 1 

example. Nothing is more familiar or more amazing than the influ- 
ence of this history on certain phases of civilized life in Europe 
down to the nineteenth century of our era. So far as the moral, 
legal, and political development of West-European nations were 
determined by the conscious purpose of men, that purpose was 
shaped by the lessons of recorded Roman experience. All the great 
leaders of thought and action were steeped in the tradition of the 
Tiberine city — its rise, its greatness, and its decay. Theologians, 
jurists, and statesmen of both the secular and the ecclesiastical class 
sought in the institutions of the Roman people solutions for the 
problems of medieval and modern times. And the solutions were in 
no rare instances forthcoming. But what was the. character of the 
history on which depended thus the course of civilized life? It was 
for the most part the history that we find in Livy and Vergil — a con- 
geries of myths, legends, traditions, and patriotic fancies, animated 
throughout by a purpose to glorify a not too glorious people. The 
superhuman valor and virtue of the early Roman heroes — Cincin- 
natus, Camillus, and the rest ; the godlike sagacity of the lawmakers 
who devised and the statesmen who applied the constitution of the 
republic ; the resplendent genius of the military leaders and the per- 
fection of the military system in the days of the great conquests: 
all these have been reduced to the proper level by the critical his- 
torians of the nineteenth century. But this was after the fabulous 
elements so ruthlessly extirpated from Roman history had served 
effectively for ages in shaping the thoughts and deeds and aspira- 
tions of men. It was after the genius of Dante had fixed the trend 
of the medieval mind by assigning to Pagan Rome a high place in 
the favor of God and an indispensable part in the scheme of Chris- 
tian redemption. It was after the cynical Machiavelli had projected 
a powerful influence into the affairs of the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries by deriving from the tales of Romulus and Numa and 
Virginius and Fabius and Scipio his astute but unmoral maxims of 
both princely and popular polity. And it was after the erudite 
Montesquieu had found in the annals of Rome's greatness and 
decay the most impressive illustrations of those principles which he 
so effectively taught to succeeding generations through his famous 
Spirit of the Laws. 

Early in the nineteenth century Niebuhr began the process of 
proving that Dante and Machiavelli and Montesquieu, however 
ingenious and impressive in their conclusions, were sadly astray in 
their assumptions of fact. At the present day what is accepted as 
the history of Rome, especially in its earliest ages, would scarcely 
be recognized by either of those thinkers as concerned with any 



222 W. A. Dunning 

state of which they had ever heard. Romulus and Numa and 
Servius Tullius and a whole series of personages whose careers fur- 
nished delectable lessons have receded into the realm of myth ; the 
curies, centuries, dictators, tribunes, and other stock properties of 
the drama of Rome have been so transformed as to contradict the 
deductions that were once drawn from them. The nineteenth-cen- 
tury conception of Roman history is far indeed from the conception 
that was influential during the centuries when Rome was a name 
to conjure with. 

It may of course be denied that any ideas about Rome, whether 
true or false, ever had any actual influence on the course of history 
in later ages. We all have heard that the things which really and 
truly determine the sequence of human affairs are those of economic 
significance ; that social and political systems take form, flourish, and 
decline according to the source and volume of the food or metal 
supply, the vagaries of commerce, and other such matters as are 
assumed to be independent of the will of men; and that appeals to 
the conscious human experience of the past are but the futile cries 
of deluded creatures who will not be reconciled to the idea of their 
own insignificance. If this is the truth of the matter, if the suffi- 
cient explanation of all social and political phenomena is to be 
found exclusively in the workings of the law of diminishing returns, 
the fluctuations in the value of gold, and other such impersonal 
causes, then is it vain indeed to compare the influence of true with 
that of false history, and this essay must stand as but one more 
futile cry of a deluded creature. 

Let us turn, however, to another familiar illustration of the 
tendency that we are trying, with interest even if in error, to trace. 
The most hardened devotee of the economic interpretation of history 
would hesitate to deny that during the last thousand years, if for no 
longer, -the history of the Jewish nation, as recorded in the Old 
Testament, has occupied a very large place among the cultural in- 
fluences of Christendom. To the strongest minds of thirty genera- 
tions it had the character of a divinely revealed record of the 
precise facts, given by God to men for the express purpose of in- 
fallibly guiding them in their earthly affairs. It was comprehensive 
in scope, narrating the origin of the human race and pointing by 
remorseless prophecy to its end. It was detailed in treatment, show- 
ing in minute revealings the course of social, legal, and political 
development among God's chosen people. There was no question 
of public policy or of private conduct that could not be and was not 
answered by appeal to this history. Through a thousand years of 
West-European development emperors, popes, kings, bishops, and 



Truth in History 223 

all minor authorities sustained themselves on the precedents of the 
Children of Israel. The succession of phenomena during that 
thousand years may have been determined in fact by fluctuations in 
the value of gold or by the law of diminishing returns; but Hilde- 
brand and Innocent III. and Boniface VIII. and Charles V. and 
Martin Luther all thought, and all said, that the mainspring of the 
part that they took in trying, at least, to influence affairs, was the 
will and purpose of God as revealed in the Bible. 

In the history of the Israelites the precedents were found for 
every species of social and political activity that was manifested in 
Christendom. Kings discovered there divine sanction for absolute 
monarchy ; republicans, for popular sovereignty ; moderate men, 
for the mixed form. If a tyrant was to be got rid of the way 
was pointed out by the achievements of Ehud and of Jehu and of 
Samuel, when he hewed Agag in pieces before the Lord. If a 
people was to be destroyed, the fate of the Amalekites and the 
recalcitrant tribes of Canaan furnished a divinely sanctioned model 
of efficiency. The Albigenses at Toulouse, the papists at Drogheda, 
and the Pequots in Connecticut were slaughtered with pious joy, 
based on the same historical evidence that the will of God was being 
executed. How thoroughly the social, economic, and political de- 
velopment of our own country in its early life was permeated with 
ideas derived from the Old-Testament history, it is unnecessary here 
to set forth. Suffice it to note that one authority at least has gravely 
ascribed our whole political system to the influence of the ancient 
Israelitish polity as described in the Scriptures. 

What, now, is the present status of this body of historical nar- 
rative that was for so many ages a powerful factor in the conscious 
activities of Christendom? How has the critical spirit of the nine- 
teenth century dealt with the ancient records and traditions of the 
Jews? The answer is so familiar as scarcely to need mention. 
Adam has gone into the same category of historical significance with 
Romulus. The trials and triumphs of the Israelites have taken their 
place as an epic version of an actual experience that was paralleled 
by many a nomad tribe of the Orient. Their heroes, lawgivers, 
and deliverers have been reduced, like those of the Romans, to the 
level of ordinary humanity. Their social and political institutions 
are known to have been, not an exceptional type set for the guid- 
ance of the nations, but in substance not different from what every 
primitive people in similar circumstances has evolved. The com- 
pilers of their records and the writers of their annals are proved to 
have worked under no more unerring inspiration than that which 
guided the historians of most other nations. 



224 W. A. Dunning 

Will the history of the Israelites as thus transformed ever again 
influence the motives of men as it did in, say, the sixteenth and 
seventeenth centuries, while it still retained its ancient character? 
Will the Biblical Moses continue to inspire national patriots when it 
is known that our record of his career took shape a thousand years 
after his death in a literature of moral and religious propaganda, 
and is about as trustworthy as would be a life of Alfred the Great 
written to-day to promote Anglo-Saxon unity? Will constitution- 
makers ever again seek so anxiously for light from the system of 
the old Jewish government as they did before that system was 
known to have been described more in the light of hope for the 
future than of knowledge of the actual workings in a far-distant 
past? But one answer to these questions is possible. Of Jewish 
history as of Roman history it must be said: The deeds of men 
have been affected more by the beliefs in what was false than by the 
knowledge of what was true. 

Here again, however, we must pause and qualify. We shall be 
told that we are hopelessly out of date to suppose that the deeds of 
medieval men were affected in any significant degree by belief in 
Jewish history whether true or false. The interpreter economic will 
assure us that the conflict between Papacy and Empire was but a 
struggle for land between two grasping monopolies. The interpreter 
meteorological will show us, from measurements of Sequoia stumps 
in California, 2 that a decline of the rainfall in central Asia de- 
termined the Crusades without any reference to the historical beliefs 
of Peter the Hermit or of St. Bernard. And a host of miscel- 
laneous interpreters will be sure that the Lutheran revolt was pro- 
duced by a medley of racial, financial, and artistic incompatibilities 
amid which the convictions of the leaders in respect to Biblical his- 
tory became a wholly negligible factor. If all these interpreters are 
right, the comparisons that have been suggested between the true 
and the erroneous ideas of Jewish history must be dropped as 
futile. 

What I have sought to illustrate by the broad aspects of Roman 
and Jewish history may be as readily studied in familiar episodes in 
other fields. Take, for example, the origin of that mighty sanctuary 
of liberty and justice, trial by jury. Through six centuries of Eng- 
lish history it was devoutly believed that this institution had either 
its source or its effective guarantee or both in Magna Carta. There 
in the famous article XXXIX. stood the familiar words : " No free 
man shall be taken or imprisoned or dispossessed, or outlawed, or 

= Huntington, " Changes of Climate and History ", American Historical 
Review, XVIII. 213-232 (1913). 



Truth in History 225 

banished, or in any way destroyed, nor will we go upon him, nor 
send upon him, except by the legal judgment of his peers or by the 
law of the land." 

Floods of ink and myriads of goose-quills were consumed by 
Fortescue and Coke and Hale and Blackstone and all the lesser 
lights of English constitutional history in the effort adequately to 
eulogize the foresight and wisdom of the barons of Runnymede in 
providing for later generations this singularly beneficent safeguard 
of human rights. It is hard to understand at times, when reading 
the declamation of the anti-prerogative men and Whigs, that Magna 
Carta was framed with any other conscious purpose than to furnish 
a firm basis for trial by jury. This was in large measure the idea 
that was transmitted to America, so that we find in Tucker and 
Story and the rest of the juristic Fathers Magna Carta and the 
jury system inseparably united as the foundation of our free 
institutions. 

That the association of trial by jury with Magna Carta con- 
tributed much through the centuries to the realization and main- 
tenance of constitutional government, is beyond all doubt. Nine- 
teenth-century criticism has proved, however, that the association 
was, as an historical fact, utterly without foundation. The "judg- 
ment of his peers" referred to in the thirty-ninth article was a 
wholly different thing from the verdict of a jury; and no such 
institution as trial by jury of a person charged with crime was 
known to the law of the land when Magna Carta was formulated. 
The great charter of English liberties neither created nor sanctioned 
nor guaranteed trial by jury. Such is the actual fact of the matter. 
How great and important has been the part played in English his- 
tory by the contrary idea, every one even moderately familiar with 
that history may easily estimate. It is another case where an 
effective (and apparently a beneficent) influence on the sequence of 
human affairs has been exercised, not by what really happened, but 
by what men erroneously believed to have happened. 

Thus far I have sought to illustrate my theme by such miscon- 
ceptions of fact as have been ancient and inveterate, and untraceable 
to any definite source in human volition. It would be hardly worth 
our while to detail the thronging examples where history has been 
deliberately falsified from motives of political or personal advantage. 
Conscious and willful misrepresentation of the actual facts has 
always been a feature of politics and diplomacy and has furnished 
historians with many of their most interesting problems. It is but 
a little over forty years now since a spectacular instance of such 
misrepresentation convulsed Europe. In 1870 the present German 
Empire came into being, and the impulse to its birth was given by 



226 W. A. Dunning 

a lie. We know this on the fully documented testimony of the 
liar. Bismarck, in deep despair at the apparent failure of a diplo- 
matic enterprise intended to force a war with France, received a 
despatch from the Prussian king containing an account of the last 
interview of the king with the French ambassador. The meeting 
had been entirely amicable. Bismarck immediately made public a 
version of the king's despatch so distorted as to produce in Germany 
the impression that the ambassador had insulted the king, and in 
France the impression that the king had insulted the ambassador. 
The result was an outburst of passion in both countries that at once 
precipitated the momentous war, with the fall of the French and 
the establishment of the German Empire. 

American history teems with instances hardly less flagrant and 
malicious, though in none, so far as I know, has there been anything 
so cynically frank as Bismarck's avowal of his part in the fraud. 
We might refer, for example, to the perversion of the record in the 
Dred Scott case so as to represent the Chief Justice as declaring that 
negroes had no rights that a white man was bound to respect — a 
view of the opinion that appears in more or less pretentious publica- 
tions even down to the present day. But without multiplying 
examples, let us consider now some conclusions that may be drawn 
from the whole matter. 

That the critical spirit in the study of history during the nine- 
teenth century has produced some astonishing results, is beyond all 
controversy. Its reconstructions of human life in the past have 
been no less significant than the amazing changes wrought by the 
physical sciences in our ideas of the material universe. No wonder 
that the mantle of skepticism has enveloped the whole historical 
gild, so that only the hardiest of the fraternity dares venture a com- 
monplace without the original source as a foot-note to sustain him. 
No wonder that the restless quest for new facts has overshadowed 
every other activity of the historical student. And no wonder that, 
in the search for new facts of the objective sort, familiar old facts 
of the other sort are neglected and crowded out of their due con- 
sideration. We are overwhelmed with the glory of our achieve- 
ments in discovery and intoxicated with our superiority over the 
luckless generations that preceded us. A newly detected brick pile 
in Mesopotamia or a freshly opened tomb along the Nile reveals to 
us unsuspected information about Tiglath Pileser and the sixteenth 
dynasty; at once we feel a sense of pity for the Periclean Greeks, 
that, with all their culture, they lacked these facts. Excavations in 
Argos and Crete give us knowledge of Homer's heroes that the 
most learned men of Augustan Rome never dreamed of: we pity the 
Romans so much the more than we pitied the Greeks, and we feel 



Truth in History 227 

renewed confidence in the ancient judgment that the civilization of 
Rome was after all but a thin veneer. The higher criticism shows 
us that David, king of the Jews, lacked somewhat of both the might 
and the tunefulness ascribed to him by the Old Testament; away 
goes all our respect for the Middle Age, to whose thinkers David 
was an inspired model in all the larger and finer things of life. 
Our contempt for the centuries is cumulative and reaches its climax 
in the eighteenth, when Gibbon, the paragon, historiographically, of 
his time, described with affecting details the " fall " of the Roman 
Empire in the West, though every school-boy of our blessed age 
has learned from one of our brilliant associates that it never " fell " 
at all. 3 

No long reflection is needed to detect the dangers that flow from 
exaggerating the importance of new truth in history. If we 
impute it for unrighteousness to an age or a people that they lacked 
the knowledge of the past that has become our possession, the age 
or people in question is affected with a taint that operates to obscure 
its own history. We enlightened observers scorn to busy ourselves 
with the doings of those who supposed that Moses and Romulus 
and Numa were actually what they were long represented to be, 
and who believed that trial by jury was guaranteed by Magna Carta. 
We subconsciously feel that so ignorant a people could have had 
little in its own affairs to warrant the attention of respectable 
scholarship. Logically this is of course a shocking non-sequitur^ 
but its existence and its influence at the present day are unmistak- 
able, and it probably has some share in the rather enthusiastic move- 
ment of the younger generation of historical students, especially 
here in America, away from the field of medieval history. I have 
in mind three men under forty, each of whom made his doctorate by 
a noteworthy study of the Middle Age. To-day all three are pro- 
fessors, and in their serious work one of them goes, with much 
reluctance, as far back as the peace of Westphalia; another centres 
his effort in the first half of the nineteenth century; and the third 
declares roundly that he has no real interest in anything that hap- 
pened prior to 1870. 

The corrective for whatever evils may be involved in the tend- 
encies referred to lies ready to our hand. We must recognize 
frankly that whatever a given age or people believes to be true is 
true for that age and that people. The actual facts as to Adam 

3 Robinson. The New History, p. 191 et seq. Gibbon finds evidence of the 
fall of the Western Empire in the transfer of certain " ornamenta palatii " by 
Odovacar from Rome to Constantinople, understanding the term to mean the 
imperial insignia. Robinson shows that the term might just as reasonably have 
designated any furniture of the palace, and therefore that what Gibbon took for 
a " fall " may have been merely an obscure transaction in bric-a-brac. 



228 W. A. Dunning 

and Moses and trial by jury and Romulus had no causal relation to 
the affairs of Europe in the sixteenth century. Erroneous ideas on 
those topics had very close causal relations to those affairs. For 
the history of the sixteenth century, therefore, it is the error and not 
the fact that is important. The business of the historian who studies 
that century is to ascertain the scope and content of the ideas that 
constituted the culture of that period. Whether these ideas were 
true or were false, according to the standards of any other period, 
has nothing to do with the matter. That they were the ideas which 
underlay the activities of the men of this time, is all that concerns 
the work of the historian. 

These axioms of the study of history are familiar and undis- 
puted. Living up to them, however, is another matter. Especially 
in view of the cyclonic sweep of criticism and discovery during the 
nineteenth century, it has become desperately difficult to maintain an 
attitude of decent respect for the historical beliefs of less favored 
ages. Our pride in the attainments of our own day distorts all our 
judgments of the past. In vain the master-mind of a distant genera- 
tion rears with matchless ingenuity a system of institutions based on 
the teachings of Moses or of Numa. We follow out languidly the 
story of his system, no matter how precisely it fitted the demands of 
the time. At only one point will our interest revive, where the 
master-mind, by some chance, hit upon a notion that has acceptance 
and vogue in our own day. Here we centre our attention and 
appreciation, and in our history of the affair make the central 
feature, not the ingenious adaptation of the system to contempora- 
neous needs and environment, but the accidental fact that there 
was in the situation something that anticipated the thought or 
achievement of the wonderful twentieth century. 

The crying need in the study of history to-day is humility. The 
realities of the past will never be scientifically apprehended so 
long as the student of history stands contemplating in a stupor 
of admiration the reversals of ancient beliefs effected in our own 
age. Contempt for those who lacked our light is the worst of 
equipments for understanding their deeds. With all their miscon- 
ceptions about Adam and Romulus and trial by jury, the people of 
earlier centuries often thought and acted very much as do we, their 
regenerate posterity. Keen historical vision will detect in them at 
times qualities closely akin to what used to be called human nature. 4 
That they acted in many cases under the impulse of ignorance and 
error, should make their history more rather than less interesting. 
At least they lived — they acted — they " did things ". 

* This interesting entity has of course been banished from our ken by the 
very latest and most completely Bergsonized conception of history, and I refer to 
it with the due apology. 



Truth in History 229 

Lowes Dickinson, with his usual acuteness, penetrated to the 
heart of the matter when he wrote : 

To take the philosophy or the religion of the past and put it 
into your laboratory and test it for truth, and throw it away if it 
doesn't answer the test, is to misconceive the whole value and 
meaning of it. The real question is, what extraordinary, fascinat- 
ing, tragic or comic life went to produce this precious specimen? 
What new revelation does it give of the possibilities of the world? 
That's how you look at it, if you have the sense of life. 5 

The study of history is justified by some as furnishing examples 
for present instruction, by others as merely enlightening us about 
present conditions by tracing them in their becoming. On either 
basis the student is under obligation to repress in all humility his 
scorn for the error that he finds in the beliefs of those with whom 
he is dealing. For his business is to present past occurrences in 
their causal sequence. Xot this, that, or the other event by itself, 
but this as the cause of that, and the other as the effect of that. But 
unless he is ready to adopt in the extreme form the economic and 
sundryological interpretations and discard the human influence 
entirely, he must find in the beliefs of men a most powerful factor 
in the chain of causation. Nor does it matter at all whether a 
belief is true or false. Montesquieu remarks in his Esprit des Lois : 
" In a free nation it is very often a matter of indifference whether 
individuals reason right or reason wrong; it is enough that they 
reason: for from that springs liberty." Much the same is the case 
in respect to the beliefs of a people about history, whether of their 
own past or of the past of others: the beliefs are important whether 
true or false; for out of them is formed the subject-matter of 
history. 

Thus we come again to the sum of the whole matter. It is im- 
possible to exaggerate the significance in many respects of the 
transformations effected in historical knowledge during the nine- 
teenth century. Least possible of all is it to overestimate the change 
in the general attitude toward history that has resulted from these 
transformations. Yet in one respect there is need of the utmost 
caution in handling the new situation. It behooves the historian to 
be modest in his rejoicings over the discoveries that have reversed 
so many long-cherished beliefs. He must keep in mind that the 
reversal cannot be made retroactive, so as to affect the thoughts and 
deeds of the generations who knew not the reality. He must re- 
member, in short, that for very, very much history there is more im- 
portance in the ancient error than in the new-found truth. 

William A. Dunning. 

&A Modern Symposium, pp. 121-122. 



THE EARLY HISTORY OF CASTE 1 

The subject of caste is one of the deepest interest because it deals 
with a social organization which, being exclusively and essentially 
Indian, has been the chief characteristic of the civilization of India 
for more than 2500 years, and has marked off Indian civilization 
from that of the rest of the world as unique. A striking political 
result of this system has been that, whereas in other countries lesser 
groups have tended to amalgamate and finally form nations, such 
groups in India have tended not to national union, but to ever- 
increasing disintegration, ending at the present day in an immense 
number of mutually exclusive sections of the population, which when 
once split oft" have never been known to join again. There are now 
well over 2000 main groups of this character, to say nothing of 
lesser subdivisions. 

It is obvious that without a knowledge of the caste system Indian 
civilization must be unintelligible. It is also certain that without 
an historical study of the caste system of modern India that institu- 
tion itself cannot be fully understood. We are fortunately not 
restricted to a conjectural reconstruction of the early stages from 
the phenomena as they exist to-day, though this is a method largely 
followed by various writers on the subject. We are, on the con- 
trary, able to trace the historical development of the system back to 
its source from the evidence furnished by the ancient literature of 
India, beginning certainly not later than 1300 B. C. This literary 
evidence may be divided, sufficiently for our present purposes, into 
three periods. Firstly, we have the period from c. 500 B. C. to 500 
A. D., comprising the later Vedic ritual literature, the ancient law- 
books, the two great epics, all in Sanskrit, valuably supplemented by 
the Pali literature of Buddhism. In this period the caste system was 
essentially the same as it is now, though less rigid and less complex. 

1 A paper read at the International Congress of Historical Studies, London, 
April, 1913. Authorities: Muir, Sanskrit Texts, vol. I. (second ed.) ; Weber, 
Indische Studien, vol. X.; Senart, Lcs Castes dans I'lnde; Oldenberg. " Zur Ge- 
schichte des Indischen Kastenwesens ", Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenland- 
ischen Gesellsehaft, LI. 267-290 (1897) ; Jolly, " Beitrage zur Indischen Rechtsge- 
schichte ", ibid., L. 507 ff. ; Fick, Sociale Gliederung im Nord'dstlichen Indicn BU 
Buddha's Zeit (1897); Rhys Davids, Sacred Books of the Buddhists, II. 96-136; 
Indian Census Reports, Punjab, 1881 (Ibbetson), India, 1901 (Risley), Bengal, 
1901 (Gait) ; Risley, The People of India (1908) ; Baines, "Ethnography", Ency- 
clopaedia of Indo-Aryan Research (.1912); Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index of 
Names and Subjects (2 vols., 1912). 

(230) 



History of Caste 2 3 1 

Secondly, there is the pre-Buddhistic period from c. 1000 to 500 B. C, 
embracing the literature of the later Vedas and the ritual and theo- 
logical literature of the Brahmanas. In this period the caste system 
had already come into being. Thirdly, we have the earliest period, 
that of the Rigveda, c. 1 300-1000 B. C, when the caste system was 
as yet unknown, though the elements out of which it developed were 
evidently in existence. The object of this paper is, as far as this is 
possible within such limits, to trace the history of caste in its main 
features through these three periods back to its origin, to criticize the 
conflicting views that have been held as to its character in its early 
stages, and if not to arrive at actual certainty regarding its origin, 
at least to reduce the possibilities of explanation within narrow 
limits. 

A caste of the present day, if we consider it in its typical form, 
disregarding minor exceptional details, may be defined as a homo- 
geneous social corporation bearing a common name and distinguished 
by the following four characteristics : ( 1 ) it is hereditary, that is, its 
members belong to it by right of birth, a man being born, not made, 
a member of a caste ; (2) it is endogamous, that is, its members marry 
within its own circle only; (3) its members profess to follow the 
same occupation; and (4) its members do not eat with members of 
other castes and in varying degrees even avoid contact with them. 
The caste is controlled by a council or standing committee, whose 
rules are enforced by penalties and excommunication. To the defi- 
nition thus .broadly stated it is necessary to add some qualifying 
remarks regarding the four characteristic features mentioned. 

1. In consequence of its hereditary character the members of a 
caste claim a common descent. Such a claim is generally not justi- 
fied historically, being often based on a fiction. 

2. Though the members of a caste can only marry within the 
caste, they must at the same time marry outside a narrow circle of 
kinship called the gotra. Again, when a caste consists of subdivi- 
sions only, these subdivisions are endogamous and cannot intermarry. 
Thus a Brahmin can marry a Brahmin woman only;, but he may not 
marry any Brahmin woman ; she must belong to the same endogamous 
subdivision of the Brahmin caste as he does, but she must not belong 
to the same gotra within that subdivision. 

3. Though members of the same caste profess to follow the same 
profession, which is generally indicated by its name, there are many 
exceptions, the percentage of those following the traditional occupa- 
tion being sometimes quite small. Thus the Brahmins are tradi- 
tionally priests, but in Bengal only seventeen per cent., and in Behar 
only eight per cent., of them perform religious ceremonies. Of the 



232 



A. A. Macdonell 



Chamars or leather-workers of Behar only eight per cent, follow 
their traditional calling, the rest being agriculturists or general 
laborers. 

4. The barriers to the social intercourse of daily life between 
members of different castes often extend beyond the prohibition of 
eating together. Each caste is characterized by an infinite number 
of special practices regulating the conduct of its members, such as 
abstention from particular kinds of food and from spirituous liquor, 
the infant marriage of girls, and the prohibition of the remarriage 
of widows. Laxness in such matters in addition to the pursuit of 
despised and degrading occupations has resulted in a complicated 
gradation of rank based on varying degrees of ceremonial impurity. 
This is illustrated by the complicated manner in which the lower 
castes are treated by the higher. Thus there are a number of castes 
from whom Brahmins and members of the higher castes will accept 
water and certain kinds of sweetmeats ; there is a lower group from 
whom water is taken only by some of the higher castes ; a still lower 
group consists of those from whom water is not taken at all: the 
village barber is willing to shave them, but he will not cut their toe- 
nails. There are some low castes whose touch defiles the higher 
castes, though they refrain from eating beef; the village barber will 
not shave them, though the village washerman will generally wash 
their clothes. Still more defiling is the touch of those who eat beef 
(the leather-workers and the scavengers) : for these neither barber 
nor washerman will work. In Western and Southern India Brah- 
mins will as a rule take water only from their own caste or one of 
its subdivisions. In Southern India ceremonial pollution is very 
elaborate, being graded in intensity by measurement of distance. 
Thus a Nayar pollutes a higher caste by touch ; masons and black- 
smiths at a distance of twenty-four feet ; toddy drawers at thirty-six 
feet ; the Pariah who eats beef at sixty-four feet. A curious case of 
rise in the social scale of caste is that of the Dravidian palanquin 
bearers who have been promoted to the rank of a water-giving caste 
in order that thirsty high-caste travellers might obtain a drink with- 
out leaving their palanquins. 

An historically important feature of the caste system observable 
at the present day is the frequent formation of new castes. This is 
chiefly due to the adoption, by members of a caste, of new occupa- 
tions, which give rise to subdivisions that ultimately become distinct 
castes. Thus the Sadgops of Bengal, having in recent times sepa- 
rated themselves from a pastoral caste, are now an independent 
agricultural caste. A remarkable instance of this process is that of 
the educated portion of the fishermen castes of Bengal (Kaibarttas 



History of Caste 233 

and Pods) : they are separating themselves from the rest who have 
not learned English. 

Occupation alone, however, does not account for the formation 
of new castes. A considerable number of castes are known to have 
had a tribal origin. These represent aboriginal tribes that have come 
into the fold of Hinduism and very commonly retain their tribal 
name. Such are the Ahirs, or agriculturists, and the Doms, or scav- 
engers, of the United Provinces and Behar ; the Gujars, or herdsmen, 
of Rajputana ; the Mahars, or village menials, of Bombay ; the Chan- 
dais, or sweepers, of Bengal ; the Nayars of Malabar ; and the Parai- 
yans or Pariahs, laborers and menials, of Madras. Such tribal 
castes, many of which have come into existence in quite recent times, 
often fictitiously claim an origin of remote antiquity. Thus the 
leading men of an aboriginal tribe set up as Rajputs, starting a 
Brahmin priest who invents for them a mythical ancestor and sup- 
plies other fictitious claims to noble descent. By this and similar 
methods aboriginal tribes have from early times been brought and 
are still being brought into the social system of Hinduism. 

There are further a few examples of the formation of castes by 
crossing. A notable case in point is that of the Khas of Nepal, a 
caste possibly formed long before the beginning of the Christian era, 
as the result of mixed marriages between Rajput or Brahmin immi- 
grants and the Mongolian women of the country. In Orissa there 
is a servant caste consisting of 47,000 members (according to the 
census of 1901) and produced by the union of higher castes with 
maid-servants of the lower clean castes. This caste is stated to have 
existed only since the middle of the nineteenth century. 

There is also a small number of castes which began as religious 
sects. Based on the social equality of their members, they have in 
course of time reverted to the normal type of caste. A notable ex- 
ample is the Lingayat Sivaite caste of Bombay and South India, 
comprising more than two and one-half millions of adherents. It 
arose in the twelfth century on the basis of the equality of all those 
who accepted the doctrines of the founder. By about A. D. 1700 it 
had begun to develop endogamous sub-castes divided by the very 
social distinctions which had been rejected by its founder. At the 
census of 1901 the members of these sub-castes protested against 
being put down as members of the same caste, claiming to be entered 
as Brahmins, Ksatriyas, and Vaisyas of the main caste. Such is the 
aversion of the Hindu system to the theory of equality and so great 
is its predilection for an aristocratic gradation of society. 

Two minor causes productive of new castes have been change of 
habitat and change of custom. The migration of a section of a caste 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 16. 



234 A. A. Macdonell 

to a distant region has in several instances, chiefly because of the 
difficulty of keeping up the connubial connection, led to the forma- 
tion of endogamous sub-castes, commonly distinguished by terri- 
torial names. Such are the Nambutri Brahmins of Malabar and the 
Tirhutia Brahmins of Northern Bengal. 

Change of custom accounts for the fact that the Rajputs and the 
Jats, though of common Indo-Aryan origin, now form two separate 
castes; for the Rajputs strictly prohibit the remarriage of widows, 
while the Jats have given up this restriction. 

Thus the Hindu society of to-day consists of a vast congeries of 
mutually exclusive units with an inherent tendency to further sepa- 
ratism, the only unifying feature of which is the steadying conserv- 
ative power of the Brahmin supremacy that dominates the whole 
system. 

What is the relation of the social system I have just described to 
that which the ancient literature of India presents? Turning to the 
old law-books, of which the code of Manu (about A. D. 200) is the 
most representative for our purposes, we are confronted with a 
society that is already strictly organized on a basis of castes. Each 
caste follows the occupation appropriate to it. The members of 
each caste must marry within its limits, but outside the gotra. Com- 
mensality and various other kinds of contact with people of lower 
caste are strictly forbidden. Detailed rules are given regarding per- 
mitted and prohibited kinds of food. The drinking of spirituous 
liquor is forbidden. Child-marriage is prescribed; the remarriage 
of widows is prohibited. Every serious transgression of the caste 
rules is punished by expulsion. There is, however, less rigidity, in 
these law-books, in the application of the rules of caste than is the 
case at the present day. Thus Manu prescribes the first marriage 
to be with women of the same caste, but does not otherwise alto- 
gether condemn hypergamy.- Again, the law-book of Gautama, 3 
which is older by several centuries, speaks of the possibility, in cases 
of hypergamy, of rising to a higher or sinking to a lower caste under 
certain conditions. Manu also admits that there is a certain elas- 
ticity in the applicability of the caste rules which he prescribes. But 
it is evident that the caste system of the law-books is essentially the 
same as that of to-day. There is, however, one great and striking 
difference, the emphatic assertion that society is based on four main 
original castes (varnas), the Brahmanas, Ksatriyas, Vaisyas and 
Sudras. 4 It is also expressly stated that there are four castes and no 

2 Manu, X. 5. 

3 Gautama, IV. 22. 

4 Manu. X. 4. 



History of Caste 235 

fifth. The first three are in various ways contrasted with the fourth. 
They are called the twice-born castes, as alone being admitted to 
sacred initiation, to Vedic study, and to the right of kindling the 
sacred fire, while the Sudra is excluded from these privileges, and is 
bound to serve the other three. Marriage of the twice-born with 
Sudra women is strongly condemned, those who enter into such 
alliances becoming outcasts and a Brahmin who so far forgets him- 
self sinking to hell after death. 5 

Beside these four main castes there is a large number of other 
castes. They are all explained by the law-books as mixed castes, pro- 
duced solely by intermarriage between the four castes and then by 
further intermixture. Thus, if a man of either of the first two castes 
married a woman of a caste more than one degree lower, the children 
belonged to neither caste, but formed a new one. For instance, the 
union of members of the Brahmin caste with women of the third or 
Vaisya caste produced the mixed caste of the Ambasthas, or phy- 
sicians; that of Brahmins with Sudra women produced Nisadas, or 
fishermen. Such unions are recognized as taking place in the right 
order {anuloma) . Unions, on the other hand, in which the woman 
is of higher rank, are condemned as against the grain (pratiloma) . 
Thus the offspring of a Sudra man with a Brahmin woman are Chan- 
dalas, who are spoken of as the " lowest of mortals " and are con- 
demned to live outside the village, to execute criminals, to carry out 
the corpses of friendless men, and so forth. Alliances between two 
such crosses are described as producing new castes such as the 
Sairandhas, or " snarers of animals ". Another series is produced 
by the Vratyas, members of the three upper castes who have become 
outcasts by neglecting their sacred duties and whose descendants by 
intermixture in the first degree were Mallas, Lichavis, Dravidas, and 
others; from hypothetical alliances between these again arose sec- 
ondary mixed castes. There is no doubt a grain of historical truth 
in Manu's theory of mixed castes, inasmuch as some castes of his 
time derived their origin from the crossing of other castes, just as 
others have done in modern times. Several of these mixed castes 
of Manu, however, evidently represent original tribes, as is shown 
in several cases by the very names, as the Magadhas, Vaidehas, and 
Dravidas; or others mentioned in the later Vedic literature, as the 
Nisadas and Kiratas ; or by the evidence of Buddhist Pali works, as 
the Mallas, Lichavis, and Chandalas. These tribes were probably 
brought into the caste system by processes similar to those which we 
have already seen to be going on at the present day. Other so-called 
mixed castes, such as the Sutas, or charioteers, are occupational in 

'-Ibid., III. 16, 17. 



236 A. A. Macdonell 

origin, as we know from the early Vedic and epic literature. This 
theory of mixed castes, which contains many grotesque and absurd 
details, is thus evidently an attempt to explain as due to a single 
cause what is the result of several. 

Now, though Manu's theory of the origin of the "mixed" castes 
is clearly erroneous, his theory of the four main original castes is 
not necessarily also erroneous. It is true that, if regarded without 
reference to earlier conditions, the theory of the four castes appears 
inadequate to explain the already complex social system existing in 
the period of the law-books. It has accordingly been by some re- 
garded as an invention of the Brahmins. Thus Risley speaks of the 
"myth of the four castes" and has conjectured that the compara- 
tively late law-books became acquainted with and borrowed the idea 
of four castes from the Iranian division of society, with its assertion 
of priestly supremacy, into four classes. Again, M. Senart regards 
the theory as a fiction, which superimposed the ancient classes of 
Aryan society on the caste system with which those classes had orig- 
inally nothing to do. This view also can be shown to be erroneous, 
because it ignores the evidence supplied by Pali literature, which is 
independent of that of the Brahmins. Is it in itself likely that the 
Brahmins, averse though they were to inductive methods, should 
have invented a theory which at the time broke down at every point 
in view of the facts of actual life? Is it not much more likely that 
it was based on a tradition which reflected simpler conditions once 
actually existing, and which was now stretched to explain the much 
more complex system of a later period ? That this was the case can 
I think be shown from the evidence supplied by the Vedic literature 
which is anterior to the law-books, and by the independent Pali 
literature of the Buddhists. 

What do we learn about the castes in the later Vedic literature ? 
We already find here a developed caste system of which the charac- 
teristics are heredity, common occupation, and restriction on inter- 
marriage. But although there are clear distinctions made between 
the castes, there is as yet little trace of impurity communicated by 
the touch of or contact with members of inferior castes; nor is there 
as yet any evidence showing that to take food from an inferior caste 
was forbidden as destroying purity. Although there were already 
many other castes, the four constantly appear as fundamental and 
dominating the social organization. They are expressly spoken of as 
four in number in the Brahmanas. Their individual names are men- 
tioned in the later Vedas and the Brahmanas as Brahmana, Rajanya 
or Ksatriya, Vaisya, and Sudra. There are occasional variants of the 
names, but these are always meant and their order is the same. The 



History of Caste 237 

Sudra caste is sometimes represented by one of its subdivisions, as 
the Chandala. Often only the three upper castes are mentioned by 
name, again always in the same order. In the later Vedas and the 
Brahmanas, the Vaisyas or peasantry appear as the basis of the 
state, on which the priesthood and the military caste rest ; these two 
are superior to the Vaisya, while all three are superior to the Sudras. 
The Sudra is declared to be incapable of sacrificing; he is not ad- 
mitted to drink soma; he is unfit to be addressed by a consecrated 
person, and is not allowed to milk a cow the milk of which is to be 
used in the milk oblation ; and at a certain rite he is not allowed to 
come in contact with the performers. He is spoken of as the servant 
of another, who can be expelled at will or slain at pleasure; he has 
no rights of property or life against the noble; even if prosperous 
he can only be a servant, his business being " washing the feet ". 
The contrast between the three upper castes is also expressed in the 
later Vedas and two Brahmanas by the "Aryan color" {varna) as 
opposed to the Sudra, and in two Brahmanas the " Sudra color " 
(sandra varna) is mentioned. It is significant that the word varna, 
which is used in this literature as the distinctive term for caste, in 
this context still appears in its primary sense of " color ". 

The Brahmana literature is full of minute distinctions respecting 
the castes. For instance, the Satapatha Brahmana describes the 
different sizes of the funeral mounds for the four castes, and the 
different modes of addressing each of them. It is inconceivable that 
all this should be pure theory at so early a period. Any one who 
examines the abundant evidence of the Brahmanas without prejudice 
cannot avoid being convinced that, without any kind of fiction, we 
are here presented with an authentic account in broad outline of the 
actual social conditions of the time : vis. that the Aryan population, 
still inspired with a lively sense of opposition to the non-Aryan, 
consisted of a double aristocracy exercising respectively a spiritual 
and a temporal dominion, the third position being occupied by the 
Aryan freemen whose normal occupations were pastoral pursuits and 
agriculture. To this threefold Aryan community were added the 
non-Aryan plebeians and slaves; while outside these four groups 
were to be found the aboriginal tribes unaffected by Aryan civiliza- 
tion. Some scholars, in particular M. Senart, have denied that these 
four great categories were ever castes, but regard them only as 
classes of the population. Let us take the Brahmins first. Even 
at this day they are acknowledged in India as one caste, though it is 
the largest, numbering 15,000,000, and more widely distributed over 
the whole country than any other. It is still endogamous in the 
general sense that a Brahmin will marry a Brahmin woman only; 



238 A. A. Macdonell 

but it consists entirely of subdivisions which are specially endog- 
amous. But the ancient literature supplies quite sufficient evidence 
to show that such subdivisions did not exist in the old period. It 
is clear that the Brahmins were endogamous generally, but married 
outside their gotras, representing the great families such as the 
Atris, Vasisthas, and others that dominated the life of Brahmins 
even in the oldest Veda. When the Brahmin, under the pressure of 
economic circumstances, took to occupations other than his tradi- 
tional one, he still remained a Brahmin ; the fractions that followed 
other callings neither were, nor were called, castes. The growing 
differentiation of occupations did not, either here or in the other two 
great castes, obliterate in such occupational fractions the conscious- 
ness that the great groups formed natural divisions to which they 
belonged. Below the four great groups we find the minor division 
of families or clans (gotras), but these are not castes in the modern 
Indian sense. 

But how do matters stand with the other three categories ? The 
Rajputs of the present day, comprising more than 10,000,000 mem- 
bers, and unmistakably the descendants of the ancient military caste 
of the Ksatriyas, are still characteristically one caste inasmuch as 
they are endogamous as a whole and exogamous as regards its clans. 
This affords a strong presumption that the second great social cate- 
gory was a caste in ancient times also. In considering this question 
we can call in the aid of Pali literature, which contains abundant 
material illustrating the social conditions of northern India in the 
centuries following the death of Buddha. It is particularly valuable 
as furnishing evidence independent of the literature of the Brahmins, 
but it has not in this connection been taken into consideration by 
M. Senart. Here we find the term jati, literally " birth ", used to 
express " caste " like the Sanskrit varna. A man is described as a 
Brahmin or a Ksatriya by jati, or to be by jati a Chandala or Nisada, 
etc., as belonging to the despised part of the population. Five castes 
beginning with the Chandalas are stated to be low castes (jati) as 
opposed to the Ksatriyas and Brahmins as the high castes. When 
people are designated by their caste they are spoken of as Brahmins, 
Ksatriyas, Chandalas, etc. In one of the old dialogues of the Pali 
canon, Buddha speaks of a man as being either Ksatriya, a Brah- 
min, a Vaisya, or a Sfidra. In another he upholds the purity of the 
four castes, rejecting the claim of the Brahmins to be the white caste, 
or varna (while they call each of the others a black caste), and the 
only pure caste. In another it is expressly stated that there are four 
varnas, the Ksatriyas, the Brahmins, the Vaisyas, and the Sudras. 
We hear of four kinds of assemblies, of Ksatriyas, Brahmins, Gaha- 



History of Caste 239 

patis, and Samanas : the first three corresponding to the three upper 
castes, the fourth being only the specifically Buddhist order of ascet- 
ics. Further, we read of four kinds of families (kula), those of the 
Ksatriyas, Brahmanas, Vaisyas, and Sudras; or only of three, the 
Ksatriyas, Brahmanas, and Gahapatis, that is, of the four castes or 
of the three upper castes respectively. When questions of purity or 
impurity arise, it is always Ksatriyas, Brahmanas, and Chandalas that 
are concerned. Everywhere in these Pali texts we see that the old 
main divisions have not by any means ceased to dominate real life 
and to represent its conditions adequately. There is as yet no sign 
of the division of the Brahmin caste into sub-castes, and hardly any 
reference to the existence of mixed castes. The castes are still few 
in nurnber, by no means approaching the multiplicity of modern 
times; and the formation of new occupational castes appears only in 
an early stage. Even traders are not mentioned as a caste, but are 
only referred to by the term kamma, " occupation ". Similarly, the 
majority of the artisan classes are not castes, but are only described 
as practising " crafts " (sippa). The minor groups within the castes 
are not small or local castes, but are gotras. Just as various gotras 
(such as the Gautamas, Bharadvajas, etc.) are here regarded as be- 
longing to the Brahmin caste, so members of various families or 
clans, such as the Sakyas and Mallas, are represented as saying, " I, 
too, am a Ksatriya ". All this Pali evidence in corroboration of the 
later Vedic evidence indicates that the four main categories still 
fairly well represented the framework of society and that the two 
highest at any rate were felt to be actual castes. 

The reality of the third caste is not so clear in the Pali texts, and 
Dr. Fick 6 thinks there is no exact sense in which it can be called a 
caste. We have seen that beside the two upper castes there appears 
a third category, the gahapatis, as distinct from them, but of a simi- 
lar character. The frequency with which the term gahapati, which 
is equivalent to Vaisya, is used indicates that it was felt to represent 
a reality. The Vaisya was regarded as practising agricultural or 
pastoral pursuits and trade, but not handicrafts; thus when a dis- 
tinction was made between a Vaisya and a Sudra family, a trader 
would still feel he was a Vaisya. Again, we find the question asked 
about a man whether he is a Ksatriya, a Brahmin, a Vaisya, or a 
Sudra. All this shows that it is not legitimate to regard the Vaisya 
as a theoretical caste from the Pali evidence, but rather that it is an 
old caste in process of dividing into many sub-castes under various 
influences. 

6 In his Sociale Gliederung su Buddha's Zeit. It should be borne in mind 
that the material collected in this work is derived from the Jataka book, a col- 
lection of over 500 stories, which does not represent the oldest period of Buddhism. 



240 



A. A. Macdoncll 



Dr. Fick also denies that the Siidras ever formed one caste. The 
evidence of the Pali texts at all events indicates that though the 
Sudras included infinitely diverse elements, they were nevertheless 
regarded as a single category from the point of view of being a 
social stratum below the three upper castes, so that it might still be 
said of a man, " This is a Sudra ". 7 It may be added that the Pali 
texts show that a number of gilds were in existence, each following 
its own calling, such as that of the gardeners. Though evidently 
not castes, they were approaching the condition of castes, being in 
fact the predecessors of a considerable proportion of the occupa- 
tional castes of to-day. It is not difficult to understand how they 
developed into castes at a period when the thought of the Indian 
population had become imbued with the conception of caste as a 
natural distinction of birth combined with difference of occupation 
and restrictions of association with persons of lower birth with a 
view to avoiding pollution. 

Turning finally to the Rigveda, the oldest literary monument of 
India, we find that the four castes are only mentioned once, in a hymn 8 
which belongs to the latest chronological stratum of that Veda and 
which can be only very slightly older than the other Vedas. In that 
hymn the Brahmana, the Rajanya, the Vaisya, and the Sudra are 
described as having been created from the head, arms, thighs, and 
feet respectively of the primeval male. But in the whole of the rest 
of the Rigveda, the great bulk of which is undoubtedly much older 
than the hymn in question, we find neither mention of any such four- 
fold division nor any indication of the existence of the caste system. 
Now all who have studied Vedic literature closely, as I may claim 
to have done, can discern a continuity of civilization between its 
early and its later period, a steady development from the simple to 
the complex, from the primitive to the elaborate. We may there- 
fore well expect to discover in the early Rigveda the elements from 
which the castes of the later Vedas were evolved. The general 
organization of society here presented is a primitive one, occupations 
being but little differentiated and every man being for the most part 
able to supply his simple wants himself. Certain men were, how- 
ever, already beginning to devote themselves to occupations requir- 
ing special skill, such as those of the chariot-maker and the smith. 
In this comparatively primitive society may be clearly distinguished 
three divisions of the Aryan population, corresponding to the three 



7 It should be remembered in this connection that the eastern countries 
in which Buddhism arose had been imperfectly Brahminized, and that social dis- 
tinctions are therefore likely to have been less definite there than in the more 
highly organized centre of Brahminism farther west. 

8 Rigveda, X. 90. 



History of Caste 241 

upper castes of the later Yedic period and called by names etymo- 
logically related to the designations of those three castes, vis., (1) 
the priests, usually called brahman, less commonly brahmana; (2) 
the ruling or military class, called rajan, the later rajanya; and (3) 
the vis or peasantry, equivalent to the Vaisya. This threefold 
division the Aryans must have brought with them when they entered 
India, for it corresponds to the first three of the four classes into 
which the cognate Persians were divided, the priests, the warriors, 
and the cultivators. These three, collectively designated the arya 
varna or " Aryan color ", are opposed to the dasa varna, or " aborig- 
inal color ". The aborigines, however, were not only known as 
enemies, but were already in part attached to the Aryan community 
as a servile class. For the word dasa not only means " aboriginal 
foe ", but is also clearly used in the sense of " slave " or " servant " 
in the Rigveda (much in the same way as Slav among the Germans). 
The term dasa varna of the Rigveda is equivalent to the later Vedic 
saudra varna or " Sudra color ". The word Sudra does not occur in 
the Rigveda except in the one late hymn already referred to; its 
origin is not known, but it is not improbably the name of some one 
large aboriginal tribe that was enslaved by the Aryans, extended to 
designate the whole servile class. Here we have the word varna 
(later the regular term for caste) used in its primary sense of 
"color" to emphasize racial contrast (which in the Rigveda is also 
expressed by the description "black skin"). Thus we already 
have the basis of the caste system in its earliest form: the three 
Aryan classes corresponding to the three upper castes, and these 
three contrasted racially with the aboriginal black, servile class. 

Now the question arises, how did these classes become castes? 
Several theories have been put forward to explain the transfor- 
mation. 

The Hindu theory in the law-books, of the origin of the castes by 
intermixture, we have already seen to be inadequate. 

Then there is the tribal theory. Tribes have, as we have seen, 
been transformed into castes in modern times; but this has taken 
place only when the tribes have come into close contact with the 
regular caste system and have adopted its characteristic usages from 
religious and social motives. But if left to themselves tribes do 
not ever tend to caste ; for primitive tribes are as a rule exogamous, 
not endogamous. In Europe the development of tribes has been in 
the opposite direction : they have ended in national consolidation, not 
political separatism. 

Nesfield's theory is that the ultimate origin of caste is to be found 
in occupation pure and simple. Mere difference of occupation by 



242 A. A. Macdoneil 

itself has never been known to originate a caste system. The gilds 
of the Middle Ages were never endogamous. In the fifth century 
A. D. all occupations were made hereditary by a law of the Theo- 
dosian Code, every man being obliged to marry within the circle of 
his occupation ; but this system at once collapsed as soon as its legal 
enforcement came to an end. On the other hand, it is certain that, 
when a caste system had once been firmly established, occupation 
became a predominant element in the formation of castes as Indian 
society developed. 

According to M. fimile Senart, the origin of caste is, firstly, to 
be found in the normal development of the ancient Aryan family 
system, in which both a rule of exogamy and one of endogamy was 
practised; and secondly, had nothing to do with the four classes. 
But the parallel he draws between the social organization of the 
Hindus and of the Greeks and Romans appears to go beyond the 
evidence and applies to a later Indian period, but not to the earliest 
Vedic stage. The artificial superimposition of the four classes on an 
already existing caste system, as assumed by him, breaks down in 
view of the historical connection which may be shown to exist be- 
tween the four classes of the earliest Vedic period and the castes of 
the later Vedic period. Nevertheless it appears to me that the in- 
herited Aryan organization was a necessary element in the genesis 
of caste. 

The ultimate determining cause in the transformation of classes 
into the rigid castes of the Indian system appears to be based on the 
distinction of blood between the conquering and the conquered race. 
But this is not enough ; for history shows that such contact between 
two more or less similar races has elsewhere resulted in connubial 
amalgamation. The additional and more deeply dividing difference 
of color was necessary to produce permanent prohibition of inter- 
marriage. But even this would have led no further than to the 
existence in India of two racial endogamous divisions of the popu- 
lation, like the whites and the negroes in the United States, and the 
Boers and Kaffirs in South Africa. But why should the Aryans 
themselves have separated into castes? It was because they were 
divided into classes that already contained the germs of caste. The 
Brahmins, even of the Rigveda, were a hereditary priesthood by 
occupation, laying much stress on purity of descent and not improb- 
ably already endogamous, as the fire-priests of the Persians are 
stated to have been. The exclusiveness of the noble military class, 
practising the hereditary occupation of arms, was analogous. 

The word varna is significant in the history of the development 
of caste : without vania in one sense there would in all probability 



History of Caste 243 

nave been no varna in the other. 9 Contact with the black aborigines 
concentrated the attention of the conquering Aryans on purity of 
race by means of a characteristic that was lacking in the conquests 
of the other branches of the Aryans. This attention emphasized the 
occupational class distinctions already existing among themselves, 
and hardened these distinctions into the original barriers of caste; 
these once fixed led, as types for imitation, to the creation of an 
ever-increasing number of sub-castes largely on an occupational 
basis, but also by other processes still going on in India. Thus the 
two factors of race and occupation, operating in combination, the 
former by dividing the conquerors from the conquered, the latter 
by dividing the conquerors themselves, are required to explain the 
origin of caste. 

In connection with this question I should like to add that the 
direct and unscrupulous action of the Brahmins in developing the 
caste system, as e. g., by the invention of matrimonial taboos, has 
been greatly exaggerated. It is true that the Brahmins have never 
neglected their own interests; but it was by an unconscious gradual 
growth of an elaborate sacrificial ritual for the performance of 
which they became necessary, and which was acquiesced in by the 
rest of the population, that they reached a dominating position never 
attained by any other priesthood. It is thus not by deliberate impo- 
sition, but because they, the sole custodians of the sacred scriptures 
of the Hindus, have been imitated by the people as the highest 
model of racial and ceremonial purity, that they have influenced the 
development of the intricate maze of rules that permeate the caste 
system of to-day. 

As indicated above, some writers, even without invoking the 
artificial intervention of the Brahmins to account for the creation of 
caste, hold that there never were four original castes in the sense of 
hereditary endogamous social groups, but that they were nothing 
more than classes of society. We have already shown that the early 
evidence certainly does not justify this view, at the very least as 
regards the Brahmins. How an ever-increasing number of sub- 
divisions of the four classes should have developed into castes em- 

That the distinction of color remained an important element in the concep- 
tion of caste is often apparent in the later literature. Thus in one of the old 
Pali texts the differences of men by caste (varna) are described as parallel to the 
differences of color (varna) in the same species of animal ; men are spoken of as 
priding themselves and despising others on the ground of this lighter color, the 
Brahmins in particular considering themselves the white varna, and the rest black. 
The natives of India of the present day still regard a fair complexion as a 
criterion of high caste. They even extend this conception to Europeans. Thus 
if the wife of a lieutenant-governor happens not to have a fair complexion they 
think she cannot be of high caste. 



244 A. A. Macdonell 

bracing the whole of Hindu society without the previous existence 
of at least one actual caste as a model of racial and ceremonial 
purity for the rest of the population to imitate, is, to the present 
writer at least, inconceivable. What cause, for instance, could 
account for the Brahmins, acknowledged even at the present day as 
one caste, never having been one endogamous group and yet having 
split up into a number of exclusively endogamous groups? On the 
other hand, such dominant types as" the Brahmins and Ksatriyas 
would naturally have been accepted by the rest of the population as 
patterns for imitation. Their very exclusiveness, especially towards 
the non-Aryan class, would have forced the intermediate third class 
into the position of an endogamous group. Thus it is in itself prob- 
able that all the four classes had become castes before the process 
began of division into sub-castes, which ultimately grew into inde- 
pendent castes. Such a primitive caste system based on occupation 
and gradation of rank — both inherent in the modern ideal of caste — 
would easily have served as a model in the formation of the sub- 
divisions which the growing complexity of society called into being. 
This short sketch has perhaps sufficed to show that by the use of 
all the evidence available it may be possible to attain to greater clear- 
ness and a nearer approximation to the truth in tracing the early 
history of caste in India. 

A. A. Macdonell. 



THE EFFECTS OF NORMAN RULE IN IRELAND, 
1169-1333 1 

There has been a strong tendency among Irish writers to assume 
that nothing but evil resulted to Ireland from the Norman invasion 
of the twelfth century. An independent study of the primary 
sources of the period, however, has led me to think that the results 
which followed the coming of the Normans were on the whole dis- 
tinctly beneficial to Ireland, and I propose to lay before my readers 
the more important of these results, as I conceive them. I confine 
myself to the direct and more immediate consequences of the Nor- 
man domination. To consider indirect and more remote conse- 
quences, while ignoring the proximate causes of these, would serve 
no useful purpose, while an adequate consideration of all contribu- 
tory causes would practically involve the rewriting of the history of 
Ireland. 

When estimating the consequences of Xorman rule in Ireland it 
is necessary to have in our minds an adequate picture of the state 
of Celtic Ireland before the Normans came. I can here only briefly 
summarize some of the impressions left on my mind by a study of 
this pre-Norman period. Historical criticism and archaeological 
research have reduced to comparatively humble proportions the ex- 
aggerated notions of native writers as to the antiquity and the de- 
gree of civilization in early Ireland. Nevertheless, in the centuries 
following the introduction of Christianity to her shores, there was 
what may be called a Golden Age of art and learning in Ireland. 
Amid the welter of the break-up of the Western Empire, Ireland, 
undisturbed by the barbarian inroads, had opportunities of develop- 
ing ideas which she had received mainly through the channel of the 
Church. That she did not neglect her opportunity is attested by the 
remains of her delicate handiwork on vellum, in metal, and in stone; 
by her primitive vernacular literature, in which, through the medium 
of Christianized writers, many of her legendary tales and oral tra- 
ditions have been preserved ; and by the contemporary notices of the 
learning and zeal of her missionary scholars abroad. It may be 
doubted however if this art and learning penetrated to any appre- 
ciable extent beyond the cloister and the immediate patronage of the 
Church, so as to make any permanent impress on the Irish race. 

1 A paper read at the International Congress of Historical Studies, London, 
April, 191 3. 

(245) 



246 G. H. Or pen 

At any rate in the ninth and tenth centuries Ireland, for the first 
time in the historic period, became the prey of barbarian invaders. 
Possibly the picture drawn by the monkish annalists of the devasta- 
tion caused by the Scandinavian raids is exaggerated, while due 
credit has not been given to the Norse settlers for the great advance 
they made in forming seaport towns and in opening up a foreign 
trade, yet it seems clear that the march of civilization in Ireland was 
on the whole arrested, if not turned backward, by the fierce depreda- 
tions of the Viking hordes. The century and a half which elapsed 
between the battle of Clontarf and the coming of the Normans was 
a period of increasing anarchy in Ireland. The Church, which had 
suffered most, had lost much of her early zeal, and though she num- 
bered some saintly men among her prelates, she had become unfitted 
in the altered times for the due fulfilment of her mission. The 
theory that Ireland was politically a pentarchy, with one of the 
pentarchs as ard-ri, or overlord, uniting the whole, was probably 
never quite consonant with the facts. During this period, at any 
rate, the old rules of succession were broken through, the shadowy 
authority of an ard-ri was no longer acknowledged, and even the 
theory of a pentarchy was abandoned. This too was at a time when 
Western Europe was settling down into strong monarchical states 
organized on a feudal basis, and when in most countries the power 
of the crown to keep the disruptive tendencies of feudalism in check 
was on the increase. In particular, under the Normans, England 
had been consolidated into a strong centralized monarchy, and to- 
wards the close of the period a great king by his wise statesmanship 
and far-seeing judicial reforms had established an order and security 
unknown before, and had devised a machinery for carrying on the 
business of government which subsequent ages have done little more 
than extend and develop. 

The relatively backward condition of Ireland during this period 
is manifest. The whole country was divided up into numerous 
shifting groups of tribes often at war with each other, but with no 
group powerful enough to hold the mastery over the rest. Their 
legal conceptions had never been recast in the Roman mould, but 
were primitive and unsuited to a progressive society. There was no 
machinery for making new laws, and the body of archaic customary 
law, expounded by the brehons, had no effective sanction. There 
was nothing but public opinion — the popular " boycott " — to compel 
the civil or criminal offender to submit to the arbitration of a brehon 
or to abide by his award. Agriculture could not thrive in the gen- 
eral insecurity, even had the Celtic land-system offered better induce- 
ment for steady work. Cattle-rearing, then even more exclusively 



Norman Rule in Ireland 247 

than now the main business of the country, was carried on under 
the ever-present peril that the stock of the business might be driven 
off by some hostile tribe-group. There was no Celtic coinage, and 
probably but little inter-tribal commerce. What foreign trade there 
was seems to have been confined almost entirely to the Scandinavian 
seaports. 

Into this disordered and divided land, where there was little sense 
of patriotism, as we understand the word, where each man's country 
was the territory of the tribe or tribe-group to which he belonged, 
and each man's king, to whom alone he was permanently loyal, was 
the chieftain of his tribe, there burst in the latter part of the twelfth 
century a band of Norman adventurers with their retainers, bent on 
seeking sword-land for themselves. 

Events move rapidly now. In 1169 Robert FitzStephen landed 
at Bannow and captured Wexford. Before the close of the next 
year Strongbow was master of Waterford and Dublin and of much 
of Leinster as well. The following year saw the King of England 
receiving the adhesion of the Irish Church and the homage of most 
of the Irish kings. Before his untimely death in 1176 Strongbow 
had occupied and parcelled out into manorial fiefs the greater part 
of Leinster. Hugh de Lacy did the same in Meath then or a little 
later. In 1177 Cork and the neighboring cantreds were occupied by 
Robert FitzStephen and Miles de Cogan, and John de Courcy had 
commenced to carve out for himself a principality in eastern Ulster. 
By the close of the century Limerick was permanently in Xorman 
hands, and Ireland south and east of the Shannon and the Bann was 
dominated by Normans. 

This great change was not brought about by numbers or big bat- 
talions, nor by the might of England. The actual invaders were 
never numerous. The army which Henry brought to Ireland to 
regularize the conquest never, so far as we know, unsheathed a 
sword. A study of the facts shows, I think, that the Norman suc- 
cess was in the first place brought about by the superior arms and 
armor — especially the hauberk and the bow — and the better disci- 
pline and tactics of the scanty Norman bands, but it was only ren- 
dered possible by the utter lack of cohesion among the Irish tribes — 
dum singuli pugnant. universi vincuntnr — nay more, it was actively 
promoted by the assistance which many powerful chieftains gave to 
the invaders on various occasions against their own particular foes. 
The position thus won was maintained for a century and a half — 
nay was extended, though not with the same degree of thoroughness, 
to Connaught and almost all over Ireland — without much military 
assistance from England, and mainly by the energy and instinct for 
organized rule displayed by the resident feudal lords. 



248 G. H. Or pen 

During all this time there was no combined effort made by the 
Irish to throw off the yoke, if indeed they found it galling — not even 
at the death of King John, when England would have been powerless 
to interfere. Once and once only, in the middle of the thirteenth 
century, a proposal was made by O'Neill to form a confederacy of 
the Gael against the English under himself as ard-ri. O'Conor of 
Connaught was induced by a concession to submit to O'Neill for the 
purpose. O'Brien of Thomond approved of the confederacy pro- 
vided the position of ard-ri was assigned to himself, while O'Don- 
nell, next neighbor to O'Neill, absolutely refused to give hostages to 
O'Neill, saying, " Every man should have his own world." In this 
retort the essential spirit of the clans found utterance — a spirit in- 
compatible with political unity. The confederacy resulted in a petty 
raid by O'Neill and O'Conor to Down, where the combined forces 
were defeated and O'Neill slain by the local levies of the town and 
neighboring districts. 

The first serious shock to the power of the Norman settlers in 
Ireland came indeed from one of kindred extraction with themselves. 
Flushed with the victory of Bannockburn, Edward Bruce, in 1315. 
led a force into Ireland, whence men and supplies in large quantities 
had been drawn by England for the war with Scotland. He and his 
brother Robert, king of Scotland, who joined him the next year, sup- 
ported by some of the northern Irish, crushed all forces opposed to 
them, and, though they took none of the larger towns, they ravaged 
with fire and sword English and Gaelic homesteads indiscriminately 
throughout much of the settled districts, so that the ultimate defeat 
and death of Edward Bruce was hailed by the Irish with as much 
joy as by the English. " No better deed", exclaims the Irish annal- 
ist, " for the men of all Erin was performed since the beginning of 
the world — since the Fomorian race was expelled from Erin— than 
this deed, for theft and famine and destruction of men occurred 
throughout Erin during his time for the space of three years and a 
half." 

But though this expedition was a failure it marks the turning- 
point of English influence in Ireland. It disclosed the military 
weakness of the settlers, and the impotence or indifference of Eng- 
land to hold firmly what she had won. The forces of disorder soon 
began to get the upper hand even in feudalized districts, and many an 
Irish chieftain and not a few feudal lords soon became practically 
independent. I have taken the year 1333 as the close of this period. 
In that year the last De Burgh, earl of Ulster, was murdered by his 
own people, and the strong power which maintained some sort of 
order throughout Connaught and Ulster was finally broken. For the 



Norman Rule in Ireland 249 

next two centuries the greater part of Ireland was practically inde- 
pendent of the English crown. 

It is no part of the historian's duty, as I conceive it, to pass a 
moral judgment on the Norman invasion of Ireland. Abstract rights 
have little influence even now on international situations. We can- 
not indeed help regretting that the world missed its last chance of 
seeing how a Celtic community would work out its own salvation, 
and perhaps, in doing so, add something of value to the stock of 
human experience. But as this was not to be, we merely note the 
disappearance of independent Celtic Ireland as one more example 
of the law of the survival of communities, namely, that a weak and 
disordered country, divided against itself, is sure sooner or later to 
be taken in hand by some stronger and more progressive neighbor, 
and we may console ourselves with the philosophic reflection that 
on the whole it is well that this should be so. It makes for the 
progress of humanity. 

But — and this is the point at issue — did the Norman occupation 
make for the progress of Ireland? I answer emphatically "yes", 
so far, at least, and so long as Norman rule was effective. 

Firstly, the most important result of the Norman occupation was 
the establishment of what I have elsewhere ventured to call a " Pax 
Normannica ". 

Some disturbances no doubt took place within the region occupied, 
especially along the marches or borders between 'the land of peace' and 
'the land of war', as the English and Irish districts were sometimes 
respectively called; but they were of small moment in comparison with 
the desolating raids that went on with little rest before the strong hand 
of the Normans stayed them. Above all there were no more inter-pro- 
vincial wars in this region. Neither an O'Brien nor an O'Conor nor an 
O'Rourke came swooping down with his hosts over Leinster or Meath, 
carrying off whatever booty he could lay hands on. Nor was the lord- 
ship of Ulster subject any longer to periodical devastation at the hands 
of the Cinel Owen. Only in those districts where the Normans were not 
supreme did the turmoil of the past continue — a turmoil now caused 
partly, but not exclusively, by the efforts of the new-comers to extend 
their domination. 2 

Feudalism indeed, as introduced into Ireland, had a distinctly 
integrating effect. Wherever it prevailed it made the country one, 
in a sense unknown before. Some quarrels and consequent dis- 
turbances arose among the Anglo-Irish lords, but they were trivial as 
compared with the devastating conflicts of former Irish chiefs, or 
with the discords and risings of their English compeers. On the 

2 Ireland under the Normans, II. 324. 
AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 17. 



250 G. H. Orfren 

whole the barons of Ireland stood by each other, and were conspic- 
uous for their loyalty to the crown. 

Sir John Davies, indeed, among " the errors of the civil polity 
which hindered the perfection of the conquest ", mentions the large 
fiefs which were granted to the first adventurers, and the liberties 
and royalties which they obtained therein. But in this and in some 
other respects King James's attorney-general has, I think, misread 
history. In the absence of the monarch, the presence of powerful 
barons was necessary to hold what had been won. Moreover it was 
precisely in the larger fiefs that order and progress best prevailed. 
Strongbow's great fief of Leinster, so long especially as it remained 
undivided in the hands of Earl William Marshal and his sons, made 
rapid strides; and so did the earldom of Ulster, so long as it was 
held by a resident lord; while the stability of Hugh de Lacy's sub- 
infeudation of Meath is shown by the remarkable fact that in very 
many cases the descendants of the original feudatories held, even up 
to the middle of the seventeenth century, the very lands which had 
been granted to their ancestors in the twelfth century. 

Secondly, this freedom from the peril of external raids brought 
with it for the first time the possibility of social advance, and in par- 
ticular gave security to the cattle-rearer and to the tiller of the soil. 
Here I may remark that though such Irish chiefs as did not submit 
were no doubt deprived of their mensal lands and in many cases their 
rule was henceforth confined to a restricted portion of the former 
tribal territory, there is no indication of any general clearance of the 
mass of the Irish population. To the Norman settlers land without 
men to work it was valueless, and we have many proofs of their 
desire — nay of their exercise of pressure — to keep Irishmen from 
migrating from their lands. Hence we find that in the thirteenth 
century the larger manors usually included a class of Irishmen called 
betaghs, or small farmers, who owed to the lord certain customary 
agricultural services or money equivalents. There is indeed ample 
proof ■that the Norman occupation led to a great increase in the area 
of agriculture and to greatly improved methods of husbandry. This 
was largely due to the fashion of " landlord cultivation " then in 
vogue in England. Each manor had extensive demesne lands which 
were worked as a home farm, partly by the labor of the villeins in 
return for small holdings of their own, and partly by hired labor. 
There were thus only two economic classes concerned in the culture 
of these demesnes, and the produce formed the principal part of the 
lord's income. There are still extant several early thirteenth-century 
farming manuals written originally in Anglo-Norman French, such 
as Le Bite de Hosebondrie of Walter of Henley, and Lcs Rentes 



Norman Rule in Ireland 251 

Seynt Roberd of Bishop Grosseteste. These are practical treatises 
embodying the wisdom of the time concerning rural economy, the 
keeping of estate accounts, the duties of the various estate officers, 
and the management of the household. Walter of Henley's work 
retained its pre-eminence for upwards of two hundred years, and 
even now may be read with benefit by the modern " gentleman- 
farmer ". The Rules of Bishop Grosseteste were written for Mar- 
garet, countess of Lincoln, who in 1242 married Walter Marshal, 
earl of Pembroke, and the rules were no doubt well known and acted 
on in her husband's fief of Leinster. At any rate from the accounts 
of the ministers of Roger Bigod, earl of Norfolk and lord of the 
liberty of Carlow, we have full information as to the way in which 
a great estate was managed in Ireland in the latter part of the 
thirteenth century. A seneschal of knightly rank, with a salary of 
£100 a year, presided over the court of the liberty of Carlow. He 
was head of the executive and had under him the constables of five 
castles. The treasurer held a mimic Court of Exchequer at Carlow, 
where the receivers, sergeants, and provosts of the various manors 
and burghs of the lordship rendered their accounts. The farm 
accounts, written in Latin, are a model for any modern farmer or 
land-steward. They include a full profit and loss account, showing 
in detail every item sold and the amount realized for each. Then 
follow the expenses — the cost of labor, building, repairs, materials, 
etc. — in detail, so that we can tell exactly the price of all kinds of 
farm produce and the wages of the different sorts of labor. Besides 
this there is a stock-taking account, showing precisely how every 
animal and every crannock of grain was dealt with in the year. The 
income of the lordship averaged about £750 a year, and the cost of 
management about £250. 

Thirdly, another remarkable step in advance, directly due to the 
Norman occupation, was the growth of towns throughout the feudal- 
ized districts. Not only were the Scandinavian seaport towns en- 
larged, strengthened, and given a new impetus under royal charters 
to an expanding trade, but wherever the principal settlers built their 
castles and established their manorial seats, a small town generally 
grew up under their protection. The nucleus would be formed by 
the castle, the church — either an ancient one restored or one built 
anew — the mill, and the houses of the officials, artisans, and retain- 
ers, whose services would be required. If the surrounding settle- 
ment attained any importance a weekly market and an annual fair 
would be established by patent, and the town would receive a charter 
from the lord giving it many valuable rights and immunities, and thus 
further attracting merchants and traders. Burgage-land would be 



252 G. H. Or pen 

set apart for the townspeople, who usually paid the small fixed 
rent of one shilling per annum for their burgages. In the course of 
time several of these towns were walled or otherwise enclosed. They 
were inhabited largely by men of English, as opposed to Norman, 
blood. Where they received a charter, the burgesses usually elected 
their own mayors or provosts and officers, held their own courts, 
established trade-gilds, and, while paying their burgage-rents and 
certain small dues to the lord, were practically exempt from feudal 
burdens and feudal control. Such were the royal cities of Dublin, 
Waterford, Cork, and Limerick, and the royal boroughs of Athlone, 
Drogheda, Louth, and Dungarvan. But besides these towns situ- 
ated in the king's demesnes, towns grew up at all the more important 
manorial seats of the tenants-in-chief and of their principal feuda- 
tories. I have made a tentative and incomplete list of upwards of 
seventy. Indeed it is not too much to say that nearly all the existing 
towns in about three-fourths of Ireland — as well as some others that 
have since disappeared — owe their origin to the Norman settlement. 
I do not assert that all these towns received charters of incorpora- 
tion, though a great many did. Others might perhaps more properly 
be described as thriving manorial villages possessing franchises of 
varying degrees of importance. 

It may be said that many of these towns were insignificant. 
Well, everything in Ireland is on a humble scale. I do not of course 
compare these towns to the great communes of Lombardy, which 
never quite lost the traditions of the Roman municipia, nor, with one 
or two exceptions, to the cities and towns of contemporary England. 
They never attained the liberty, and were free from the license, of 
foreign communes, and hence we do not read of the riots and revolts 
and private wars of Irish towns. But in their small way they 
formed centres of industry and of free, orderly government, even 
when the surrounding country had become subject to a disorderly 
form of feudalism, or lay at the mercy of predatory Irish tribes. 

Fourthly, pari passu with the growth of towns proceeded the 
growth of trade, inland and foreign. There are many indications 
of this, but one illustration must here suffice. New Ross, situated 
on the tide-way of the united Nore and Barrow, was founded by the 
great William Marshal early in the thirteenth century as a port for 
his Leinster fief, and was connected by a bridge with the road leading 
to his principal seat at Kilkenny. The remains of a beautiful Early 
English church attest its progress in architecture. The town was 
enclosed in the year 1265, and a contemporary poem in Anglo- 
Norman French shows that many trade-gilds were then in existence. 
A few years later, when we get numerous authentic details, there 



Norman Rule in Ireland 253 

were upwards of five hundred burgages in the town. Now in the 
year 1275 the magnates of Ireland granted to the king a custom, 
consisting of half a mark on each sack of wool, half a mark for each 
sack of three hundred sheepskins with the wool on, and one mark 
for each last of hides (twelve dozen) exported from certain ports. 
In five years this custom yielded from the port of New Ross no less 
a sum than £2630, and this sum must be multiplied by at least fifteen 
to get its equivalent in present currency. About the same time large 
quantities of wheat, cheese, and other supplies were sent from the 
same port to the Earl Marshal for the army in Wales. To the Nor- 
mans indeed was due the introduction into general use of a coinage, 
without which trade cannot advance very far. The Norsemen, it is 
true, had minted silver coin, but their coinage does not seem to have 
been widely current, and the Irish kings had no mint of their own. 

Fifthly, under the new regime the Church was brought into closer 
conformity with that of Western Europe and into more intimate 
relations with the papal see; its wealth was greatly increased, its 
status raised, and important immunities were granted to the clergy. 
The improved position of the Church and the reformation of morals 
were among Henry's professed objects in entering Ireland, and 
were, no doubt, those which the papal see had most at heart in the 
powerful support which it gave to Henry's undertaking. The Irish 
clergy too were not slow to recognize the advantages held out to 
them, and at once accepted Henry as their lord. One of Henry's 
first acts was to summon a synod of the clergy at Cashel, where the 
following amongst other decrees were promulgated: (1) that the 
faithful should pay tithes of cattle, corn, and other produce, to their 
parish churches; (2) that church property should be free from all 
secular exactions, and in particular that no one should henceforth 
exact refection and make visitations in church lands; (3) that when 
laymen compound for homicide, clerics, though of kin to the perpe- 
trator, should pay no part of the fine. The payment of tithes had 
indeed been ordered before, but the order appears to have been gener- 
ally neglected, and at any rate there can be little doubt that tithes were 
much more regularly paid henceforth — at least in the feudalized 
districts. The other regulations quoted would appear to have been 
important new immunities from customary burdens. 

But the Norman settlers did much more for the Church and re- 
ligion. At the close of the twelfth and in the thirteenth century 
many splendid monastic establishments were founded and hand- 
somely endowed by them. Judging by such monastic registers and 
charters as have survived it would seem that there were few settlers 
who did not devote some portion of their lands toward the endow- 



254 G. H. Or pen 

ment of some religious house. The healthier movement too of em- 
ploying secular clergy as opposed to regulars or monks for the ordi- 
nary services of the churches received a decided impetus from the 
Norman ecclesiastics. A great advance too was made in ecclesias- 
tical architecture. New and more spacious and more splendid fanes 
were now erected in the Transitional or, a little later, in the Early 
English style; such as the cathedrals of Dublin, Downpatrick, Kil- 
dare, Kilkenny, Ferns, Waterford, and Limerick; and many fine 
parish churches, such as may still in part be seen at Youghal, New 
Ross, Gowran, and other places. 

Sixthly, among the results making for progress that followed 
from the Anglo-Norman occupation I reckon the undermining, so 
far as it went, of Celtic tribalism. Like the conquest it was only 
partial, and even in districts dominated generally by the Normans 
there were large patches where the Irish were allowed to remain 
under their old chieftains, with their antiquated organization, and 
subject to their archaic system of law. I cannot fully argue the 
•question here, but I think that national unity was impossible in a 
loose political organization which involved rivalries, leading to vio- 
lence, in the succession to each chieftainship ; jealousies, leading to 
war, between tribe and tribe ; and insubordination, leading to govern- 
mental weakness, between every link in the chain that led up to the 
nominal ard-ri. I further think that economic progress was impos- 
sible under a system of land tenure where the hereditary principle 
was not established, and where the land of the sept was subject to 
chronic redistribution ; and finally that safety to life and limb could 
not be secured under a juridical system which merely aimed at im- 
posing a fine on the family of the evil-doer — a system which failed to 
prevent the carrying on of blood-feuds from one generation to 
another. What progress Ireland would have made under her tribal 
system if the Normans had never settled there may perhaps not un- 
fairly be estimated by the almost stationary condition of the more 
purely Celtic districts in the North. Between the upper reaches of 
the Shannon and the Bann, up to the age of Elizabeth, there was 
hardly a place deserving the name of town. 

Seventhly, the connection with England brought Ireland into 
closer contact with the art and thought and life of Western Europe, 
and opened a channel by which she might obtain more readily a share 
in the intellectual heritage of all the ages. We have noted her gain 
as regards architecture and trade and ecclesiastical organization, but 
it was not less manifest in the whole scheme of civil government, 
executive, legislative, and judicial. Norman rule in Ireland marks 



Norman Rule in Ireland 255 

in particular the introduction into a country which had never been 
subject to Roman dominion, of ideas in the governance and organiza- 
tion of both Church and State which humanity owes ultimately to 
imperial Rome. 

Nevertheless it must be admitted that what is sometimes called 
by its votaries " Irish Ireland " went on very much in its old way, 
little influenced by contact with new habits of thought and new 
modes of life. It seems indeed to be one of the most marked char- 
acteristics of the Celtic temperament in its native land to be ever 
looking backward to the past and paying little heed to the actual 
conditions of the life of the day. But in the lapse of time this purely 
Celtic temperament has become modified through the mingling of the 
races — for, in spite of impotent statutes, they have to a considerable 
extent intermingled. There is on the other hand much exaggeration 
in the view embodied in the telling phrase Hibernis ipsis hiberniores. 
That many descendants of Normans who intermarried with, and 
whose children were reared among, the Irish became as turbulent as 
the Irish themselves, may be true enough. Such turbulence will 
arise in any community where the central government is feeble and 
fails in the primary duty of keeping order. But the Anglo-Irish as 
a body never lost that energy of character, that power of initiative, 
and that capacity for leading and controlling men which they either 
inherited from their Norman ancestors or imbibed from the Norman 
tradition. Hence perhaps it is that so many great generals and 
eminent proconsuls of the British Empire have sprung from an 
Anglo-Irish stock, and that, with very few exceptions, even the great 
leaders of the Irish national movements, from the time of James II. 
to the present day, have been of Anglo-Irish descent. 

I have now touched upon the most important results of early Nor- 
man rule in Ireland. They seem to me to constitute a great and 
rapid advance on the lines of medieval progress. That this early 
progress did not continue at the same rate — nay, that there was posi- 
tive retrogression in some respects — was due to a variety of causes ; 
contempt by the dominant for the subject race, and a short-sighted 
disregard of their welfare; inability of the Irish to face the facts, 
shake off old customs, and accommodate themselves to the larger 
life opening before them; a narrow, selfish, and nerveless policy on 
the part of the central authority, etc., etc. But above and beyond 
all such causes, the two systems of Normal feudalism, held in imper- 
fect restraint, and Celtic tribalism, in a condition of arrested devel- 
opment, could not long exist side by side. One or other must give 
way. The weakness and neglect of a distant and preoccupied gov- 
ernment decided which it was to be, and for upwards of two cen- 



256 G. H. Orpen 

turies tribalism, which now extended to some of English descent, 
regained much of its former sway. Then at a time when feudalism, 
in the proper sense of the term, was a thing of the past, the inevi- 
table task of the supersession of tribalism had to be undertaken by 
England in very self-defense at the cost of much pain and hardship 
to Ireland. 

Goddard H. Orpen. 



HISTORICAL INVESTIGATION AND THE COMMERCIAL 
HISTORY OF THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 

The military, diplomatic, and political history of the Napoleonic 
era has exercised an apparently irresistible charm over the historian 
for an entire century now. Literally thousands of volumes — the 
latest bibliography on Napoleonic history speaks of 200,000 titles 1 — 
have been written on some phase or other of the history of this 
period. Yet among all this mass of historical writing, it is difficult 
to find any books of consequence that approach the subject from the 
economic standpoint, and comparatively few are found that deal 
with commercial history save in an incidental way. Indeed not 
more than the merest beginnings in this important field of history 
have been made. I say important, because rarely, if ever, have the 
interests and vicissitudes of commerce been so intimately and vitally 
related to the history of a period. Throughout the revolutionary 
and Napoleonic era, commercial interests were not only dynamic 
factors in shaping history, but dynamic factors of much more than 
usual power and influence. 

It was commerce and the interests arising in connection with 
trade, industries, and colonies that underlay the wars, and again 
and again determined the policy of the belligerents. Schlegel was 
largely right when he wrote : " Cette guerre — la posterite le croira-t- 
elle? — s'annonca au monde comme une croisade contre le sucre et 
le cafe, contre les percales et les mousselines". 2 As early as 1794, 
Benjamin Constant declared in his pamphlet On the Strength of the 
Present Government in France that the intervention of England in 
behalf of the exiled monarchy was only a pretext to cover her 
efforts to keep down a growing rival, and was undertaken only 
because she (England) was determined to maintain her political 
and industrial supremacy. In the great debates in the Convention, 
we have constant references to the proud nation of traders, to the 
new Carthaginians, etc., whose commercial tyranny and greed would 
some day compel the nations of the Continent to unite for her undo- 
ing. Pitt understood the real character of the war when he de- 
clared that the new France " must be separated from the com- 
mercial world ... be blockaded by land and sea ", or, as the Danish 

1 Writing four years ago Kircheisen assured his readers that he had over 
70,000 independent titles, and, if translations and editions were considered, over 
200,000. Kircheisen, Bibliographie du Temps de Napoleon (Paris, 1908), p. viii. 

2 Schlegel, Essais (Bonn, 1847). 

(257) 



258 W. E. Lingelbach 

minister put it, be " strangled ", " starved " into submission. 3 And 
in pursuance of this policy he brought about a whole series of com- 
mercial treaties against France. Thus in the third article of the 
convention with Russia in 1793, the two powers engage to " shut all 
their ports against French ships, not to permit the exportation, in 
any case, from their said ports for France, of any military or naval 
stores, or corn, grain, salt, meat or other provisions; and to take 
all other measures in their power for injuring the commerce of 
France, and for bringing her by such means, to just conditions of 
peace". 4 Against this threatened economic isolation the men of the 
Convention and of the Directory inveighed with much bitterness. 
In an impassioned speech Barere demanded a national navigation 
act against the arrogance of the nation of shopkeepers, while an 
article in the official journal declared, " Our policy must be directed 
solely to the ruin of the commerce of England ... by shutting her 
out of the Continent." 5 And so effective were the new measures 
that Mallet du Pan could write with much truth, " Voila les ports de 
l'Ocean et de la Mediterranee fermes au commerce anglais; on est 
oblige de batir des magasins a Londres pour des montagnes des 
marchandises invendues." 6 

By no one was the real economic basis of this struggle more 
clearly recognized and understood than by Bonaparte himself. 
"J'aurais change la route du commerce et la face de l'industrie ". 
he said at St. Helena. Under his direction, the intense protectionist 
policy of the Terror and of the Directory, with its idea of defense, 
became one of rigid exclusion and offense. 7 He rejected the 
demands of the English for commercial concessions during the 
negotiations for the peace of Amiens, and the loud complaints of 
the English trade element that followed the publication of the terms 
of that peace are excellent testimony to his penetrating insight into 
the real nature of the conflict. Napoleon saw clearly that by in- 
tensifying his prohibitive tariff he could exclude British manu- 
factures and colonial products from France and her allied states, 
while by special regulations he could force trade into French 
bottoms. This he actually did. The commercial warfare was " not 
even nominally discontinued " during the year of peace, and what is 

3 Annual Register, 1793, "State Papers", p. 181. 

* Parliamentary History, XXX. 1033, et passim. It should also be noted that 
the same policy underlay that part of Jay's ill-fated treaty which the Senate 
rejected. 

t> Redacteur, October- 29. 1796. 

r. Mallet du Pan, Mi-moires et Corrcspondance (Paris, 1851), II. 276. 

' Bonaparte's return from Italy is marked by the wholesale confiscation of 
British goods. The law of 1796 was rigorously enforced and the First Consul's 
system of " thorough " inaugurated. 



Commercial History in the Napoleonic Era 259 

more, the fight threatened to be waged with much greater effective- 
ness for France under the new conditions. 8 Sooner or later the 
rupture of the peace of Amiens was inevitable, even if Switzerland 
and Malta had not hastened it. From this time on the driving 
force of all Napoleon's efforts was to destroy British trade and 
thus indirectly ruin her industry. Unable to attack her directly, he 
bent all his energies to accomplishing the destruction of the hated 
rival by intercepting her trade routes and shutting her out from the 
markets of the Continent. For he believed implicitly in the idea, 
reformulated with such telling effect at this time by Montgaillard, 
that " to destroy British commerce is to strike England to the 
heart ". 9 In carrying this idea into effect, he became involved, as is 
well known, first, in the extension of his system of exclusion over 
the conquered lands, and secondly, in the conquest of further terri- 
tory in order to bring it too under the system. 10 Political domina- 
tion, with Napoleon, in accordance with a widely accepted theory 
of the period, meant absolute control of trade, and it is this ulterior 
purpose that again and again determined his political and military 
policy. 11 His dealings with Tuscany, Naples, Prussia, Holland, and 
Russia all find an important part of their explanation in this 
condition. 

But in addition to the manifest and intimate relationship of the 
history of commerce to the general history of the period, there are 
other and even more important reasons that call for a careful study 
of the commercial history of these years. As has been intimated 
above, these lie mainly in the fact that so many of the great move- 
ments of the nineteenth century have their origins in the economic 
conditions of this epoch. Here we have the explanation of the lead 
gained by England in industry and commerce over her Continental 
rivals. She was fortunate in entering upon her industrial revolu- 
tion early, and still more fortunate in being able to afford the new 
forces an opportunity for development, free from those violent 
interruptions through war and invasion which stifled the embryonic 
industrial revolution on the Continent. For as Grenville well said 
in defending England's policy of subsidizing her allies, it is " more 
politic to pay foreign troops, than to take our own youth from the 
plough and the loom ". 12 This together with the effective applica- 

8 Upon the signing of the peace, British merchants sent their ships to France 
only to be refused admission. During the year the government developed a new 
and stringent tariff law which passed on April 2S, 1S03. Two weeks later England 
resumed hostilities. 

9 Montgaillard, Memoires Diplomatiqnes. i8o;-i8iq (Paris, 1896), p. 72. 

10 Moniteur, January 30, 1S03. 

11 Cf. Fichte, Der Geschlossene Handelsstaat (Vienna, 1801), p. 109. 

12 Parliamentary History, XXXI. 452. 



260 W. E. Lingelbach 

tion of inventions and machinery increased her power of produc- 
tion over that of her rivals to such an extent thalt for more than half 
a century after peace had been restored she was able to under- 
sell them in their own markets. 

Similarly we find in the conditions imposed by this commercial 
struggle the beginnings of the industrial revolution in many sections 
of the Continent. Sweeping changes and modifications in the manu- 
factures and trade of particular regions occurred. The progress of 
certain areas was for the time being entirely arrested, while in 
others it was fostered and grew by leaps and bounds. Side by side 
with new industrial areas, new routes of trade and novel methods 
of exchange were created. Even in the United States the vicissi- 
tudes of commerce during the Napoleonic era had a widely ex- 
tended influence quite apart from the struggle for the establishment 
of the rights of neutrals and the freedom of the sea. The Embargo, 
Non-Intercourse, and other acts of the restrictive period have a 
vital relationship to the beginnings of American industry that well 
repay careful study. 

More specific evidence of the significance and the many-sided- 
ness of the subject will appear below in a discussion of the rich, and 
practically unexploited, archival material, and in the consideration of 
those phases of the economic history of the period which seem 
especially in need of serious study. Before entering upon a dis- 
cussion of these two problems, however, it will be of interest to 
examine briefly the work already done. 13 

Of the studies in English those by Professor J. Holland Rose 14 
and Admiral Mahan 15 stand out conspicuously above the rest. By 
Mr. Rose, we have the Life of Napoleon, Napoleonic Studies, and a 
number of articles, two of which are expressly on the economic 
history of the period. One is the chapter on the Continental System 
in the Cambridge Modern History, 1 " another an article on " Napoleon 
and English Commerce ", which appeared in 1893. 17 To Mr. Rose 
we owe some very happy suggestions as well as much original 
work. He points out clearly the economic factors behind the policies 
of France and England, and the striking continuity and consistency 

13 On the historical work in this field since 1900 there appeared last year an 
able article by M. Marcel Dunan, entitled, " Le Systeme Continental : Bulletin 
d'Histoire ficonomique, 1900-1911 ", Revue des Etudes Napolconicnncs, III. 115- 
145 (January, 1913). 

14 Rose, Life of Napoleon I. (London and New York, fourth ed., 1910) ; 
Napoleonic Studies (London, second ed., 1906). 

is Mahan, The Influence of Sea Power upon the French Revolution and Em- 
pire, 1793-1812 (2 vols., London and Boston, 1893). 
10 Cambridge Modem History, IX. 361-389. 
17 English Historical Review, VIII. 704-725 (1893). 



Commercial History in the Napoleonic Era 261 

from the revolutionary period, through the coast system, to the 
decrees and orders of the later period. Mr. Rose makes use of the 
archives, but he does not carry his use of them far enough. Much 
of his work is based upon a few selected sources instead of upon 
a patient use of the extensive collections so easily within his reach. 
The interest of Admiral Mahan is pre-eminently that of the naval 
officer, but he possesses an unusually fine sense for historic values, 
and this, coupled with a thorough mastery of the sources in print, 
is the basis for a work, which, from its interpretative value, is of 
the very highest order. It is moreover much more a commercial 
history of the period than would at first thought appear. Com- 
merce, its promotion and destruction, becomes the principal concern 
of the sea power after Trafalgar and it is therefore inevitable that 
Mahan's volumes should contain much valuable material on the sub- 
ject even though it is secondary to the author's main thesis. The 
article by Professor Sloane on " The Continental System of Na- 
poleon" is an excellent survey based upon Mahan, Lumbroso, 
Rocke, and others, but not in any sense an original contribution. 18 
Of the French historians, Sorel devoted the first part of his 
seventh volume, which he calls " Le Blocus Continental ", to this 
phase of the subject, but the author's interest is too largely political 
and diplomatic to admit of an adequate treatment of the economic 
aspects of the situation. 19 The same holds true to an even greater 
degree of Coquelle's biased Napoleon et I'Angleterre, 1803-1813. 20 
Bertin's doctoral dissertation, entitled Le Blocus Continental, em- 
phasizes the legal aspects of the subject. 21 Of the scholarly volumes 
by Lanzac de Laborie on Paris under Napoleon mention is made 
below. At least two deal with economic questions. Lumbroso's Na- 
poleone e I'Inghilterra: Saggio sulla Origine del Blocco Continentale 
e sulle sue Consequenze Economiche 22 lacks method and thoughtful 
presentation. While avowedly devoting itself to the economic history 
of the period, it is suggestive rather than adequate, and contributes 
little that is new. Much more incisive and up-to-date is the re- 
cent study by Audrey Cunningham, British Credit in the last Na- 
poleonic War. 23 Considering the fact that the work is based entirely 
on printed material, it presents a remarkably clear expose of forces 
and motives, but it lacks finality because of its narrow range of 

is Sloane, " The Continental System of Napoleon ", Political Science Quar- 
terly, XIII. 213-231 (1898). 

is Sorel, L'Europe et la Revolution Francaise, 1780-1815 (8 vols., Paris. 
1 885-1904). 

20 Paris, 1904. 

21 Bertin, Le Blocus Continental (Paris. 1902). 

22 Rome, 1897. 

2 3 Cambridge. 1910. 



262 W. E. Lingelbach 

authorities. Of Drottboom's laudable effort to show the influence 
of geography upon Napoleonic history, in his little pamphlet of one 
hundred pages, only a mention need be made. 24 A work of an 
earlier period is Die Kontinentalsperre in ihrer Oekonomisch- 
Politischen Bedeutung: ein Beitrag zur Handelsgeschichte, by 
Kiesselbach, published at Stuttgart in 1850. It is a little volume of 
about 160 pages and was for a long time the only good study of the 
Continental System in its economic aspects. The author shows a 
remarkable appreciation of Napoleon's economic policies, and fur- 
nishes the suggestions for most of the later works on the subject. 
In view of its date, it is a work of such superior merit that the 
monograph by Rocke, Die Kontinentalsperre und ihre Einwirkungen 
auf die Franzosische Industrie, 25 scarcely merits a mention. Eng- 
land's Vorherrschaft aus der Zeit der Kontinentalsperre, by Peer 
and Dehn, which appeared recently, is likewise unscholarly but less 
reprehensible because it is a " Tendenzschrift " and for the most 
part the work of journalists who had thought seriously on economic 
history, and who, without any appreciation of the best sources, set 
out with naive frankness to tell " what others have failed to say ". 
The work has a distinct value, but the serious historical student will 
find in Paul Darmstadter's " Studien zur Napoleonischen Wirt- 
schaftspolitik ", the first real advance over Kiesselbach, and much 
the best work that has been done on the subject. 26 The reason for 
this lies largely in the fact that Darmstadter went directly to the 
archival sources for his material. As a result, his work, so far as it 
goes, has a degree of finality that is entirely absent from the others 
thus far mentioned. Indeed only in a few of the best " regional 
studies ", which are discussed on page 271 below, is this quality to be 
found. 

Turning from the survey of the secondary histories in this field 
to a consideration of the historical sources upon which such works, 
if they are to stand, must be based, it is evident that for English 
commercial history for these years, the sources are to be found 
mainly in the great collections of historical material, especially in 
the Board of Trade Papers and the Admiralty Records, at the 
Public Record Office in London. The records of the proceedings of 
the Committee on Trade, together with the great mass of its cor- 
respondence and reports, are all accessible. Among the latter the 

24 Drottboom, Wirtschaftsgeographische Betrachtungcn fiber die IVirkungen 
der Napoleonischen Kontinentalsperre auf Industrie und Handel (Bonn, 1906). 

25 Naumburg, 1854. 

26 Darmstadter, " Studien zur Napoleonischen Wirtschaftspolitik ", Viertel- 
jahrschrift fiir Sosial- u. Wirtschaftsgeschichte, II. 559-615, III. 112-141 (Berlin. 
1904-1905). 



Commercial History in the Napoleonic Era 263 

" In-Letters " are of particular value, for they reveal with unusual 
vividness the conditions and movements of trade and commerce 
in every part of the world. As an illustration of the material in the 
Admiralty Records, the volumes of Miscellanea for 1802-1815 
may be cited. 27 They are crammed full of miscellaneous informa- 
tion on convoys, passes, licenses, etc. The sources at the British 
Museum are naturally more fragmentary, though often of ex- 
ceptional value, as the presence of the volumes containing the 
Admiralty letters to Lord Nelson shows. 2S They are scattered in 
the different manuscript collections, no effort to bring them together 
or to make a guide to the material having been made. Then there 
are the Privy Council Registers and other records, among which a 
large pile of uncatalogued bundles in the basement of Whitehall 
should not be overlooked, for it is precisely among these, even 
though they are worthless in the main, that the scanty records of 
the council's proceedings can sometimes be supplemented. Indeed, 
when one comes upon rough drafts of minutes or Orders in Council 
much worked over and corrected in a familiar hand, others with 
marginal comments of the opinions of members, as for example, 
" Bathurst present ", " Bathurst thinks ", etc., the desire for the 
opportunity to follow up these suggestive leads as to the men who 
shaped British policy becomes very strong. The Bathurst Papers 
must contain a wealth of information on the origin of the Orders in 
Council as well as on the administrative policy associated with them 
at different times. 29 

And this suggests the possibility of a more thorough use of the 
published papers of men like Canning, Castlereagh, Pitt, and others; 
of the Parliamentary papers ; of the correspondence of British 
agents and diplomats; and especially of the published decisions of 
the High Court of Admiralty, which have been almost entirely 
neglected. 30 That the books and registers of the customs must be 
a source of peculiar value is evident. Unfortunately, however, 
those relating to this period suffered particularly in the fire of 

27 Admiralty, Secretary, Miscellanea; also Board Room Journals (1802-1815). 

28 Add. MSS. 34,935-34,936, British Museum. 

29 For a statement on the Bathurst Papers and transcripts accessible in 
America, see Report of Canadian Archives for 1910, pp. 84-90. 

3° The decisions in particular cases by the admiralty judges, notably those of 
Sir William Scott, are often accompanied by remarkably clear and forceful re- 
views of the British maritime law and practice of the time, and for this reason 
the proceedings constitute a unique source for the study of the commercial history 
of the period. The published reports of particular importance here are Reports 
of Cases argued and determined in the High Court of Admiralty, commencing 
with the Judgments of the Right Hon. Sir William Scott, Michaelmas Term, 1798 
(6 vols., London, 1799-1808). 



264 W. E. LingelbacJi 

1814 which destroyed so much that would be of great value to the 
student of commercial history. 31 

Into the French sources it is impossible here to go in detail. In 
general, however, I am satisfied that the material is not only richer, 
but very much more definite and positive in character than that 
found in England. Not only has much of the material from the 
departmental archives of the period relating to the subject found its 
way to Paris, but under Napoleon's highly centralized government 
the story of the entire system is focused to a remarkable degree in 
the records of a number of governmental bodies, the minutes of 
whose proceedings are accessible. To obtain an idea of the value 
and bulk of this, one need only consult the very excellent Inventaires 
of the Archives Nationales by M. Schmidt. 32 

Yet it is a fact that of the scores upon scores of volumes and 
cartons on the commercial history of this period by far the largest 
part has not been utilized. 33 To pass in review here the mass of 
material at the Archives Nationales, the ministries of marine, 
colonies, and foreign affairs, would be futile; a few suggestive 
illustrations will suffice to indicate the character and the richness of 
the material. Napoleon was insatiable in his demands for informa- 
tion; scores of orders calling for special investigations are scattered 
through the records. Thus on July 30, 1807, he orders : 

The Ministers of the Interior and of Finance will each give me their 
opinion upon the advantages and disadvantages of a general measure 
inhibiting all vessels laden with tobacco, sugar, coffee, cotton and other 
things of this sort from entering France under a foreign flag save on 
the condition of exporting manufactures of France or the products of 
French soil equal in value to the cargo imported. . . . They will answer 
the following questions. 34 

As a result of orders of this kind, we have frequent and very full 
reports by the different ministers respecting the conditions in their 

si About 600 ( ?) volumes were destroyed according to the testimony of Mr. 
Irving before the Committee on Trade soon after the fire. Among the lots speci- 
fied are such items as the following : " American Ledgers containing the accounts 
of that part of the trade of the British Dominions which is not carried on by 
direct intercourse with Great Britain . . . from their origin in 1787 to 1812. 
... In all 26 volumes. The whole are destroyed." B. T., 5/23, 158. P. R. O. 

3 2 For a brief summary of these consult Cambridge Modern History, IX. 
787-788. 

33 The fullest use of this material of which I am aware has been made by 
Dr. Frank E. Melvin in his investigation of the French and British license sys- 
tem. A portion of the results of this research he has embodied in his study 
entitled " Napoleon's Navigation Policy with Special Reference to the Licence 
System" (University of Pennsylvania dissertation, 19 1 3). I am indebted to him 
for a number of references to characteristic material on this subject cited below. 

34 Correspondanee de Napoleon I., XV. 455. 



Commercial History in the Napoleonic Era 265 

respective jurisdictions: by Cretet and Montalivet, Napoleon's able 
ministers of the interior, by Decres, the minister of marine, by 
Gaudin and Mollien, of finance and the treasury, by Collin, director- 
general of customs, by Champagny, minister of foreign affairs, by 
Fouche, minister of police, and by many others. 

In general the reports in reply to these were based upon pre- 
liminary and individual reports by the staff or bureau within the 
particular department of the government concerned. Indeed Na- 
poleon's ministers were as exacting as the master himself. In most 
of the bureaus reports were made with great regularity, 35 and to 
these were, of course, added the special reports made necessary by 
Napoleon's imperative demands for information on particular occa- 
sions. Thus, as a result of a special order, we have a remarkable 
report in 181 1 by Rovigo embodying investigations by the govern- 
ment's officials in every department of the empire on the effect of 
the Continental System and the public attitude toward it. 36 For 
relations with foreign powers the reports by Champagny afford a 
remarkable review of foreign policy at different times. In the 
early part of 181 1, for example, we have one of unusual value for 
the diplomatic or international phases of the Continental System. 
It is a summary of the correspondence with the powers concerning 
their adoption of the Trianon Tariff, and takes up the emperor's 
policy in its relation to each of the European states. 37 

Indeed the reports of the emperor's ambassadors, agents, and 
special representatives are of much more than ordinary importance 
because the diplomacy of the period was still without those rapid 
means of communication which make of national representatives 
abroad the marionettes of the ministry at home. Their instructions 
therefore much more nearly embodied the policies of the govern- 
ment they represented, and their correspondence in turn naturally 
aimed at as full an account as possible of the conditions with which 
the representative had to deal. Then there are the reports on trade 
in different countries by special agents. They were usually made 
by experts chosen from the membership of this or that chamber of 
commerce and may well serve as a point of departure for a study 
of the commercial history of particular regions and trade centres, 

35 Cf. for example, an order by Montalivet, almost immediately on his being 
made minister of the interior, to the prefects, calling for periodical reports on 
the working of the license system. Archives Nationales, series F12. 2033. 

36 Archives Nationales, series AF IV. 1062. These reports by Rovigo in the 
early part of January of 1S11 cover many pages and form a unique source for the 
effect of the Continental System on France. 

3T Archives Nationales, series AF IV. 1318. 
AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 18. 



266 W. E. Lingelbach 

like Frankfort, Leipzig, the Baltic, Switzerland, etc. 38 They pave 
the way for the use of material in the local archives, some of which, 
like the official reports by the Saxon Commission of Commerce, 
Industry, etc., on the great Leipzig Fairs, are of much more than 
local importance. 39 In the same way, reports from the emperor's 
agents and from representative banking and commercial houses on 
the policy and practice of England furnish an interesting light from 
an altogether novel angle upon that side of the history of the 
period. 40 

More important and of inestimable value for the later years are 
the Proces Verbaux of the Conseil du Commerce created by Na- 
poleon in 1810 for the particular purpose of dealing with this phase 
of imperial interests. 41 Unlike the English Privy Council and more 
like the Committee on Trade, this body kept a very careful record 
of its proceedings, and the official minutes of the weekly meetings 
constitute the most important source in existence for the economic 
history of these years of the Napoleonic era. 42 It is impossible to 
give an adequate idea of the variety and importance of subjects dis- 
cussed and acted upon, from the advisability of allowing permits for 
the export of grain, wine, brandies, etc., in exchange for British 
goods, to the latest report on trade from Hamburg or the policy to 
be adopted toward America. Nor is this all; nowhere is the man 
Napoleon brought so near to us. Here we find him in scores of 
short, precise orders and instructions, in criticisms and comments 
dictated to his secretaries or scrawled over his own signature — 
usually the familiar and vigorous initial " N " in the margin. It is 
precisely in records of this sort, rather than in the diplomatic cor- 
respondence, that we find the real motives and purposes of Na- 
poleon, and I am convinced that a thorough study of these will 
force us to modify considerably the accepted view of the emperor's 
dealings with America, based upon the conclusions of Henry Adams 

38 By way of illustration see the " Compte Rendu de la Mission du Com- 
missaire aux foires de Frankfort et Leipsick ", laid before the emperor in the 
Conseil du Commerce on November 19, 1S10. Archives Nationales, series AF 
IV. 1242, and AF IV. 1061, where the report is also to be found. The person 
charged with the mission was M. Mottes, secretary of the Chamber of Commerce 
at Lyons. Other examples are " Compte rendu de la Mission a Hamburg ", etc. 

30 Kgl. Sachs. H.S.A., Loc. 2235, etc. " Acta der Landes- Oekonomie- Manu- 
factur- und Commercien-Deputation, Mess-Relationes ". 

40 As an example of this kind of material the letters of the firm of Van 
Aken et fils, Ghent, may be cited. Archives Nationales, series F12. 2164. 

41 Cf. instructions in relation to the creation of the Conseil du Commerce by 
Napoleon. AF IV. 1241. 

« The proceedings are found ibid., 1241 ff. Besides the Proces Verbaux, 
there are the Annexes, consisting of reports, correspondence, etc., upon the ques- 
tions taken up by the Conseil. These are often very numerous, sometimes over 
a hundred for a single session. 



Commercial History in the Napoleonic Era 267 

and Armstrong. The letters, reports, etc., upon which ministers 
and emperor made their decisions, the abrupt, trenchant orders 
dictated by the latter, give us, as it were, the naked facts, unadorned 
and unobscured by the dress of diplomatic phraseology in which 
Talleyrand or Champagny arrayed them. 43 

But the American student is fortunate in having primary sources 
of his own nearer at home for preliminary work at least. Indeed 
it is surprising how largely the story of the commercial history of 
the period is to be found in the American State Papers. I refer 
of course to the manuscripts of the State Department at Wash- 
ington, for as is well known, only a small portion of the correspond- 
ence even of the regular envoys is in print. 44 Of the Consular 
Letters, the importance of which Professor Jameson pointed out 
some years ago, almost none have been printed, and yet it is pre- 
cisely in these that the commercial history of the period is most 
directly reflected. 45 The American consular agents were often 
very well informed on European affairs, but even when they were 
blissfully unconscious of the real causes behind the sudden shifting 
of the currents of trade, the very naivete of their comments is often 
the best proof of the reliability of their reports on trade conditions. 

Mr. Appleton, writing from Leghorn in February of 1806, when 
the exclusion of British commerce from certain coast areas was 
driving trade in to the few ports still open, says : 

You will perceive Sir, by the former letter how considerably our 
commerce has increased with Leghorn, when compared with any pre- 
ceding year, but your astonishment will rise still higher, when you are 
informed that on my arrival here in 1798 there had been until then only 
21 American vessels from the period of independence of the United 
States. 46 

In a letter some months later accompanying a list of American 
vessels that had cleared from Leghorn during the preceding six 
months, he says, " You will observe Sir, that in this space of time, 
the commerce with the United States has something more than 
doubled that of any former period." Notwithstanding impending 

43 In Archives Nationales, series AF IV. 1061, there is for example a sug- 
gestive annexe entitled: " Rapport et Projet de decret tendant a revoquer les Lois 
du Blocus vis a vis des Americains ", etc., and in F12. 612, "Observations sur la 
Situation actuelle de nos Relations Commerciales avec les Americains ". October 
3°, 1809. 

«* McLaughlin, Report on the Diplomatic Archives of the Department of 
State (Washington, 1904), pp. 10-19. Of the numerous communications by John 
Quincy Adams from St. Petersburg during the critical years 1809-1813 only three 
are printed in the American State Papers, Foreign Relations. 

■*5 American Historical Review, XVI. 64-66 (1910). 

« Letter of February 27, 1806. Consular Letters, Leghorn, 1795-1806, State 
Department. 



268 W. E. Lingelbach 

political changes and the "prohibition of the entrance of all mer- 
chandise, the growth or manufacture of Great Britain, nevertheless 
the vessels of neutrals are suffered by the British cruisers to enter 
freely the port ". 47 " The impending political changes " here alluded 
to descended quickly; Leghorn was closed and we hear nothing 
further from the consul. 

But at the same time with the silencing of Mr. Appleton, we 
have Mr. Riggin, consul at Trieste, reporting joyfully a great in- 
crease in the shipping at his port. He writes : 

This country continues to maintain its neutrality which has hitherto 
been respected by the belligerent powers, the order for the exclusion of 
English and Russian vessels from Austrian ports remains in force, but 
these governments do not appear to resent it, and although the ports in 
the Adriatic gulf not subject to Austria are strictly blockaded by the 
squadrons of those powers, yet the trade of this port communicating with 
places not interdicted has never been molested, and our ships in par- 
ticular have been treated respectfully by all parties. 48 

Six months later, however, he tells a different story, for the British 
admirals had received orders to stop the coastwise trade by neutrals. 

This Port and its dependencies continuing shut to British and Russian 
ships, the commerce of it has been much interrupted the last six months 
in consequence of the British Edict of the 7th of January, which subjects 
neutral vessels to capture bound from one port to another, both which 
ports British ships are prevented trading at; the whole commerce be- 
tween this port, Spain, France and its dependencies is consequently in- 
terdicted, together with the whole trade of Turkey, which as well as 
being prohibited by the British Edict, the Russian Admiral commanding 
in the Archipelago has declared the whole Turkish dominions in a state 
of blockade. 49 

The significance of this to American commerce is, of course, evident 
at once when it is remembered that nearly all American vessels in- 
dulged very largely in this kind of trade in order to dispose of and 
secure cargoes to advantage. 50 

In a few instances I have found discrepancies between the ac- 
cepted views of even the most recent historians and these consular 
letters, that point to the necessity of a revision of our ideas on the 
subject. A case in point relates to the French license trade. Mr. 
Lee, writing from Bordeaux in June, 1809, sends home a copy of a 

47 Letter of July 14, 1S06. Ibid. 

48 Letter of January 1, 1807. Consular Letters, Trieste, 1800-1832, State De- 
partment. Evidence of this kind is of particular value when taken in connection 
with the long and troubled negotiations between Napoleon and Austria concerning 
the closing of the Adriatic ports. Cf. Correspondancc de Napoleon I., vols. 11-15, 
and the Moniteur for 1805-1S07. 

49 Letter of June 30, 1807. Ibid. 

so Cf. voyage of the Hck'clius, Stephen Girard Papers. 



Commercial History in the Napoleonic Era 269 

license to export certain French products, notably grain, executed 
at the Tuileries on the first of April, 1809, and signed by Napoleon, 
Maret, and Cretet. Along with this sample or copy of Napoleon's 
first licenses are some suggestive comments by Mr. Lee on the 
conditions under which the licenses were granted. 51 But it is gen- 
erally held that Napoleon did not inaugurate his license trade, so 
early. 52 Indeed Mr. Rose bases one of his brilliant discussions of 
Napoleon's reasons for violating his Continental System by the 
inauguration of a license system upon conditions prevalent in 1810, 
apparently overlooking the facts which Mr. Lee so clearly brings 
out that the policy and the practice are of earlier date. On the 
operation of this system, as finally established, Mr. Lee writes, three 
years later, " Most of the vessels expedited to England have re- 
turned to the port loaded with West India produce. From forty to 
sixty pounds sterling per ton freight has been given by the English 
merchant to get his goods into France." 53 

On the subject of the abuse of the American flag and the tempta- 
tions of the consuls, he writes: 

I have already mentioned to you the delicate situation I am frequently 
placed in by refusing to grant consular certificates to vessels purchased 
here by Americans on French account. The merchants of the city 
really believe that they render a great service to our commerce when 
they find means of putting their ships under the flag of the United 
States. They even-tell me that it is my duty, and the wish of my govern- 
ment that I assist them in this particular, and when they find persuasions 
will not answer they generally finish by offering me from one thousand 
to five thousand francs according to the magnitude of the object. 54 

In 1805 he reported: 

Upon a moderate calculation there are out of this and neighboring 
ports of France and Spain one hundred and twenty, perhaps one hundred 
and fifty, sail of vessels under American colours of which two-thirds are 
owned by foreigners. Some of the consuls at this port get two and a 
half and five per cent for neutralizing (as it is called) French ships, 
whether this goes into their own pockets or is accounted for with their 
respective governments I cannot say. 55 

Four years later he wrote, " The English . . . send shoals of 

si Letter of June n, 1809. Consular Letters, Bordeaux, 1804-1S09, State 
Department. 

52 Rose, Life of Napoleon, II. 203-206; Cambridge Modem History, IX. 372, 
375 ; cf. also Cunningham, British Credit in the last Napoleonic War, p. 60. 

53 Letter of October 2, 1812. Consular Letters, Bordeaux, 1S10-1815, State 
Department. This should be compared with reports to the Conseil du Commerce 
found in series AF IV. 1241, 1242, and 1243. 

64 Letter of November 29, 1S04. Consular Letters, Bordeaux, 1804-1809. 
55 Letter of April 25, 1805. Ibid. 



270 W. E. Lingelbach 

American vessels from their ports, who never saw America, and 
whose papers were manufactured in London." 00 Among the most 
valuable of the consular reports at Washington in this field are those 
of Mr. Harris from St. Petersburg, supplemented after 1809 by the 
diplomatic correspondence of John Quincy Adams, for they deal 
not only with Russian conditions but with the Baltic trade as well. 

These few examples from the Consular Letters will serve to 
indicate the value of the evidence. Practically all the important 
phases of the history of commerce of the time : the policy of the 
belligerents; the position of neutral trade; the sequestration of 
American ships and cargoes; the frauds of the neutral flag, par- 
ticularly the enormous trade under the Stars and Stripes, so large 
a part of which was manifestly fraudulent; these and other interest- 
ing topics all find graphic description in the accounts of actual cases 
arising in the jurisdiction of the different consuls. In other words, 
it is evidence on the operation of the commercial legislation of the 
period, as well as on the trade itself, that we have here. 

To family and private papers relating to the commercial history 
of this period, I can refer only in passing. That they constitute a 
source which the economic historian can ill afford to neglect is evi- 
dent. The hest body of material of this kind at present accessible 
is the large collection of mercantile records of the firm of Ellis and 
Allen, etc., of Richmond, Virginia. Along with these should be men- 
tioned for this period the Taylor and the Sylvanus Bourne papers. 57 
By way of illustration of their character and value, I quote below 
(pp. 280-281 ) from the papers of America's great merchant prince 
of those years, Mr. Stephen Girard of Philadelphia. 

With this we can leave our review of existing works and sources 
on the commercial history of the Napoleonic era and proceed to a 
consideration of those phases of the subject which have not yet been 
satisfactorily treated but for which abundant material exists. Of 
these the first in point of time is the inception and development of 
Napoleon's coast system. For long before the Berlin Decree, which 
is often erroneously regarded as marking the inception of the Con- 
tinental System, a policy of coast closure — a coast system — had been 
developed with remarkable energy and forethought by Napoleon. 
As evidence of this we have the emperor's treaties with the maritime 
states, his instructions to his generals and diplomats, and more 
especially, records of the actual movement of commerce. That this 

50 Letter of November i, 180S. Ibid. Cf. also American Stale PaPers, 
Foreign Relations, III. 341, et passim. 

bt Division of Manuscripts, Library of Congress. Here also is found the 
interesting log book of the merchant ship Lexington for 1S07-1S0S, ami the papers 
of the United States Custom-House of Savannah, Georgia. 



Commercial History in the Napoleonic Era 2 7 1 

coast closure, to which Professor Rose first gave the name, has 
received little or no attention from students is only less surprising 
than the fact that the corresponding British policy, begun somewhat 
earlier, and also developed through treaties, remains as to its incep- 
tion and origin, likewise quite obscure. On the French side M. 
Schmidt of the Archives Nationales has announced a volume on the 
subject. By way of a beginning we need a thorough investigation 
of the treaties, correspondence, instructions, and bulletins, to be 
followed by an investigation of the material in the local archives and 
a study of the trade returns so far as they exist. 

On the origin of the British policy a number of studies exist for 
the earlier period, but we need a study starting with the rule of 
1756 and tracing the British Navigation Acts and policy through 
Pitt's last administration and the isolation treaties, if I may so call 
them, against France, to the Orders in Council. We must know 
more of the men and more of the interests behind the men who 
shaped the policy. In the years of the Orders in Council, 
Brougham, Stephens, Perceval, Rose, and above all Bathurst were 
leaders, and they and their particular relation to the commercial 
interests need study. 

Upon the actual operation of the gigantic system of economic 
warfare established by the belligerents, good work has been done 
for certain regions. This is particularly true of the Germans, whose 
etudes regionales, as the French call them, have the merit of being 
based upon a careful use of the regional records coupled in a few 
cases with a limited use of the French archives. 58 The field is large 

58 As an illustration of work along this line the excellent study by Ch. 
Schmidt, Le Grand-Duche de Berg, 1S06-1813: £tude stir la Domination Fran- 
caise en Allemagne sous Napoleon I er (Paris, 1905), deserves special mention. A 
work of equal scholarship, though not showing the same grasp of the subject, is by 
Albin Konig, Die Saehsisclie Baumwollenindustrie am Ende des vorigen Jahr- 
hunderts und wdhrend der Kontinentalsperre (Leipzig. 1899). Differing somewhat 
as to its conclusions from the work by Darmstadter, mentioned below, is Anton 
Schmitter's Die Wirkungen der Kontinentalsperre auf Frankfurt am Main (Frank- 
fort-on-the-Main, 1910). Cerenville's Le Systeme Continental et la Suisse, 1S03- 
1813 (Lausanne, 1906) is a work in which the author seeks to bring together 
the results of the more detailed studies by different writers on particular cantons. 
As a corrective of M. de Cerenville's hostile attitude toward Napoleon, we have 
" Napoleon et les Cantons Suisses ", by Dunan, Revue des Etudes Napoleoniennes 
(September, 191 2). Besides these, there are a dozen or so of minor works and a 
score of articles dealing with local phases of the commercial history of Germany 
during the Napoleonic period. Among the former the histories of the different 
chambers of commerce, as for example Darmstadter's monumental Geschichte der 
Hande/skammer su Frankfurt a. M. (1908), are often of much merit and value. 
Less learned but very suggestive is the work by Richard Zeyss on the creation of 
the various chambers of commerce and industry in the region of the Lower 
Rhine during French occupation. His chapter on " L'Influence douanier 
Francaise " is an excellent illustration of the opportunities in this field. 



272 



W. E. Linp-elbach 



and important. Indeed as there was scarcely a country that did 
not at one time or another during the great commercial struggle 
have its usual economic life rudely forced into new and unnatural 
channels, so there is scarcely a region where local studies will not 
well repay the effort. 

There is need of a study of the relationship of Napoleon's 
system to the subsidiary states on the one hand and to the allied 
states on the other ; of the way in which the latter were made tribu- 
tary to the interests of France by carefully planned tariffs and other 
regulations ; of a study of the effect of Napoleon's system upon the 
industrial development of the different areas in central Europe, for, 
as has been pointed out, the effects differed greatly in different 
areas. 59 For example, we find the industries of Belgium and the 
left bank of the Rhine as far as Alsace progressing by leaps and 
bounds while those of Westphalia, of Saxony, etc., decline and 
languish. 60 The economic unity of the Rhine valley was first inter- 
rupted by the application of the French tariff system to the left 
bank of the river in July, 1798, and then completely destroyed by the 
high protective tariff of Napoleon in April of 1806, which inter- 
rupted legal intercourse between the east and west banks of the 
river as effectively as if this great natural highway had been a 
mountain chain. There is need of special studies of the new 
channels into which commerce was forced for the time when the 
old ones were dammed up, and of the results thus produced upon 
different regions, especially upon the great trade centres like Leipzig 
and Frankfort. With these as a starting-point, there should be a 
study of the more permanent effects upon the commercial and in- 
dustrial development. We need, to specify further, a good disserta- 
tion on the Baltic trade from 1807 to 1812, when the defection of 
Russia from the French alliance led to the invasion of Russia and 

59 The efforts of Napoleon to secure the markets of the Continent for French 
industry receive especial attention in Darmstadter's " Studien zur Napoleonischen 
Wirtschaftsgeschichte ", the case of Italy being developed with considerable care. 
The subject comes up for discussion constantly before the Conseil du Commerce, 
etc., the session of June 11, 1810, affording an interesting illustration. The 
minutes record the following, " Question de S.M. avant la tenue de ce conseil ", 
" Quelles sont les entraves que nos manufactures eprouvent en Italie, en Espagne, 
dans le nord et en Allemagne? Que faut-il faire pour lever ces entraves et pour 
favoriser le debit des marchandises fabriquees en France? " Archives Nationales, 
F12. 2033. 

60 Mahaim's article, Les Debuts de I'Stablissement John Cockerill d Seraing, 
(1905), affords an interesting example of the creation of separate industries in the 
Netherlands at this time. On January 7, 1S11, the minutes of the Council speak 
of a report on a " Demande de fabriquer de Fusils par la Westphalie ". Archives 
Nationales, series AF IV. 1242. 



Commercial History in the Napoleonic Era 273 

the disastrous retreat from Moscow. 61 For the influence of grain, 
hemp, herrings, sugar, cotton, ginghams, and muslins upon the 
events that brought on this great military tragedy is as yet only 
guessed. For similar reasons, a study of the grain supply for the 
period would, I am convinced, reveal conditions and forces quite 
unknown at present. The extent to which Napoleon had the 
interests of the agriculturist at heart is well known and it is not at 
all surprising that the appeal of the farmers of Brittany brought 
about a serious modification of his great system. 62 

The extent to which English wares and colonial products found 
their way to the marts of Europe despite Napoleon's restrictions, 
the actual increase in cost, if any, to the consumer, and the sound- 
ness of the claim that the discontent thus caused by the Continental 
System underlay the popular uprising against Napoleon require 
special study. Of the effect of the system in France, Levasseur 63 
and others have given us a fair appreciation. 64 It is a matter of 
interest, however, to the prospective student of the subject, that the 
whole mass of manuscript material from the departments and even 
the records of the chambers of commerce, most of which are to 
be found in Paris, have not been utilized, save here and there, so that 
even in its relation to French industry and commerce the field 
presents comparatively virgin soil. 65 

But perhaps the most surprising thing of all in the study of this 
field is the neglect of the systematic modifications or ameliorations 
of the decrees and orders of the belligerents through administrative 
measures. No study of either the English or the French license 
system on scientific lines has been published notwithstanding the posi- 
tive character of the sources in the archives of Paris and London, 
particularly in the former. 66 That contemporaries recognized its full 

61 1 am aware of the merit of Vandal's Napoleon et Alexandre I. and of the 
little work by Voienski in 191 1 on Les Causes de la Guerre de 18 is. But the 
former makes the economic question entirely secondary, and with the conclusions 
of the latter, I cannot agree. 

62 Cf. note 33 above. 

63 Levasseur, Histoire des Classes Ouvrieres et de VIndustrie en France de 
1789 a 1870 (2 vols., new ed., Paris, 1903) and Histoire du Commerce de la 
France, vol. II. (Paris, 1912). 

64 The editors of the Revue des £tudes Napoleoniennes announce a biblio- 
graphical bulletin by Ch. Schmidt on this phase of the work in the near future. 

65 The sixth volume of Lanzac de Laborie's work on Paris sous Napoleon 
gives us under the title of Le Monde des Affaires et du Travail (Paris, 1910) 
a study of industry, commerce, and finance. He makes good use of Mollien's 
reports but slights the others, which are not only of exceptional value but are 
absolutely essential for an adequate study of the effect of Napoleon's system on 
France. 

66 Dr. Melvin has in hand as a companion study to his dissertation on 
" Napoleon's Navigation Policy ", a presentation of the British scheme of attack- 
on the Continental System. 



274 W. E. Lingelbach 

significance is evident from the extent to which the subject figured 
in Parliament, the Privy Council, the Board of Trade, the admi- 
ralty courts, the Council of State, the Conseil du Commerce, and 
newspapers and pamphlets of the time. 67 After 1809 the maritime 
trade of the world had to be conducted under licenses, developed 
into a regular system by the two powerful belligerents. " It is a 
notorious fact", said the judge of the High Court of Admiralty in 
1 8 10, " that we are carrying on the trade of the whole world under 
simulated and disguised papers." 68 Admiral Sir James Saumarez, 
commanding the Baltic fleet, writes that his principal duty lay in the 
protection of the license trade. In view of this, and of the addi- 
tional fact that Napoleon, as we have seen, developed a parallel 
system, is it not surprising that no effort at a history of the license 
trade has been made? 

Closely associated with the trade by license, which pertains of 
course to commerce by sea, are the more or less thoroughly developed 
methods of evasion both by sea and land. Of all the chapters in 
the commercial history of this period, one of the most dramatic is 
that of the smuggling trade. Not only persons of high rank and 
position, but governments themselves engaged in this trade which 
brought with it such exceptionally high returns. Thus as an ally of 
Napoleon, Prussia was supposedly enforcing the Continental 
blockade against English goods, but that did not prevent her govern- 
ment from smuggling on a gigantic scale and with enormous 
profits. 69 Even if the account books of Hardenberg had not escaped 
the carefully planned scheme to destroy all records of the trans- 
actions, there is evidence enough, in reports to Napoleon and in the 
results of the investigation connected with the arrest of different 
agents, to prove conclusively that the Prussian government not only 
engaged extensively on its own account in the smuggling trade, but 
systematically furnished Prussian certificates of origin for the 
smuggled goods. 

How British goods were brought into the Continent is too little 
known. Regular trade areas developed, with local or strategic points 
where all commerce of the region converged. For the North Sea, 
Heligoland was seized as an emporium for British goods; for the 

f Cf. the remarkable work of ioo pages by Joseph Phillimore, Reflections on 
the Nature and Extent of the License Trade (London, 1811). 

08 Phillimore, p. 32, note; in the case of the Eolus, Aspaper, the court giving 
judgment, August 8, 1810, said, "These disguises we ourselves are under the 
necessity of employing, with simulation and dissimulation ". Phillimore, p. 33, 
note. 

60 Hoeniger, Die Kontinentalsperre und Hire Einwirkungen auf Dcutschland 
(Berlin, 1905). Also Corr. Pol. Hamburg, vol. 121, fols. 413 ff., Ministere des 
Affaires Etrangeres. 



Commercial History in the Napoleonic Era 275 

Baltic, Liibeck, Elbing, and Rtigen ; for the Mediterranean, Sicily 
and Malta served. 70 From these strategic points trade was pro- 
jected into the enemy's country at opportune times and at unguarded 
spots, to be thence transported by the safest routes to the trade 
centres of the interior. If a particular route became dangerous, 
others had to be sought, and special agents, commercial scouts as it 
were, were constantly on the lookout for new possibilities. The 
report of one of these among the letters of the Board of Trade 
may not be without interest. It is by J. M. Johnson, writing from 
Palermo in August, 1812, at a time, it should be noted, when the 
Napoleonic system had about reached its breaking point, and reads 
in part: 

In the last five years British trade and the trade in British wares and 
colonial products has been successively driven from Holland, from the 
Illyrian coast, and from the shores of the North and the Baltic Seas, the 
British merchant has been obliged to look out for some new channel by 
which his goods may be conveyed into the interior of the continent 
without being subject to the rapacity of the French commissioners or to 
the despotic influence of the so-called Continental System. 71 

Turkey alone remained open, Salonica and Scutari therefore 
deserving special attention. 

They are [says Mr. Johnson] already frequented by merchants from 
the principal commercial towns in Germany and Switzerland, merchant 
vessels arrive at the former port in considerable numbers from Malta 
and from England direct. Six thousand horses are employed for con- 
veying goods from thence to Bosnia and Sarai, and the trade is carried 
on in every respect with that activity and vigor which the circumstances 
of the time have imparted to commercial undertakings. 

Austria, he points out, was the distributing centre for the goods 
from Turkey, and the government, especially the Emperor Francis, 
in spite of considerable timidity, encouraged it. There was, how- 
ever, considerable risk connected with all the ventures via Austria 
because Austria was as much in Napoleon's power as Prussia was 

'0 On Heligoland see Laughton, The Naval Miscellany, I. 375-379 (Navy 
Records Society, London, 1902). As evidence of the material for the history of 
one of these focal points, we have eleven volumes of correspondence and official 
records in regard to the activities at Heligoland during the period from its seizure 
in 1809 to 1817. Mr. Nicholas, writing on the seizure of the island, incidentally 
reveals British methods of trade. He says, June 14, 1808, "There is not a doubt, 
but British capital and industry added to the continental want of raw articles will 
enable the British manufacturer to maintain his superiority, the difficulty is 
therefore to furnish them a safe depot near the continent with a coast easy of 
access, surrounded by large rivers to which the voyage may be made in a tide. 
The continental manufacturer would then be obliged to turn the smuggler of the 
British, as they are in Austria and Brabant." C. O. Heligoland, vol. I., P. R. O. 

•iB.T., 1/70, U, 9, P. R. O. 



276 IV. E. Lingelbach 

in 1810 when the confiscation of vast quantities of British property 
in her ports occurred. It would be safer, therefore, to make 
Hungary the place of deposit. There the emperor could not proceed 
against British trade without the consent of the estates, and the 
British could establish warehouses safely at a distance of twenty 
miles from Vienna just inside of the Hungarian line. The Austrian 
government would connive at the illicit importations so long as Na- 
poleon did not coerce her, and Vienna would continue the centre 
from which the greater part of Europe would be supplied. Goods 
via Turkey, Slavonia, and Hungary yielded a good profit in spite 
of transit charges. On the prices current at Vienna, which Mr. 
Johnson quotes, coffee and sugar yielded thirty-five to fifty per cent. ; 
indigo, cochineal, bark, medicines in general, from one hundred to 
one hundred and thirty per cent. 72 

Other routes lying right in the enemies' country existed and are 
fully described by British and French agents in reports to their 
respective governments. The first leg of the voyage overland in 
the Elbe country is graphically pictured in a letter to the French 
Foreign Office written by Bourrienne. 73 

The Danes openly favor British trade and pay no attention to your 
Majesty's Decrees on the blockade of the British Isles. . . . The accumu- 
lation at Altona of so vast a quantity of goods, the difference in price, 
the proximity of the two cities, their population and the wretched con- 
dition into which the lack of employment and the stagnation of trade 
have cast the working men of Hamburg are so greatly in favor of the 
new kind of traffic [smuggling] that the dispositions of the customs are 
no longer sufficient to overcome it. . . . Hamburg is 200 toises from 
Altona. It has a population of 125,000; Altona nearly 30,000, and the 
closest intercourse exists between them. On Sundays it is estimated 
that 30,000 go and come through the gates. There is a difference of 12 
sols (French) in the price of coffee per pound. The colporteurs are 
paid 4 sous a trip which is good pay, and many leave their shops and 
regular occupation to do it, not being themselves subject to confisca- 
tion. 74 It is easy for them to pass back and forth ten times a day. 

The Director of the Customs assured him (Bourrienne) that 
10,000 persons were engaged in the business of colporteur. Crowds 
assembled out of curiosity, and it was almost impossible to get 
through the gates. The customs officials, police, and the Senate had 
tried to stop the trade by arresting the carriers, but " 60 pass while 
one or two are arrested ". 

72 He also speaks of the fact that in the trade via Turkey the British were 
in the habit of selling to the Continental merchant, who then assumed the risks 
of transport. 

73 Letter of October 3, 1809. Corr. Pol. Hamburg, vol. 120, fols. 284-286, 
Ministere des Affaires Etrangercs. 

7* A reference to the fact that the customs officials confiscated wagons, oxen, 
or horses of those caught in this trade. 



Commercial History in the Napoleonic Era 277 

When the measures to stop the traffic finally became sufficiently 
effective trade simply moved to the Baltic. The same agent reports : 
"Commerce is not easily discouraged. If one channel is closed to 
it, it seeks another. The more rare certain goods become, the dearer 
they become and the greater the profit to bring them in ... . Ships 
excluded from the Weser and the Elbe double the cape, pass the 
Sound and come up the Treve." 75 From Mr. Harris, the Ameri- 
can consul at St. Petersburg, we hear in 1810: "Almost all the 
north and a greater part of the south of Europe are still likely to 
receive their supplies from the shores of the Baltic ". 7G 

Switzerland, particularly Geneva, became at an early date a dis- 
tributing centre for English and colonial wares. A decree of the 
Directory of December 7, 1797, rebukes the city for constantly 
affording an entrepot for English merchandise, furthering its im- 
portation even into France. 77 The lake afforded excellent oppor- 
tunities for smuggling, so gunboats or rather revenue cutters were 
installed, and under the empire the customs department appointed 
a secret police to spy upon its own agents. Many commission 
houses, says Chapuisat, were engaged in the business of transporting 
and delivering goods. They had business relations with all parts of 
Europe, especially with Frankfort, Leipzig, Paris, Lyons, Marseilles, 
the kingdom of Italy, etc. 78 

Opposed to the various systems of evasions were, of course, the 
enforcement measures, administrative or judicial, adopted by the 
belligerents. On the French side, we have the regulations of the 
police, and of the customs, the decisions and rulings of the prize 
courts, and, after June, 1810, the measures and proceedings of the 
Conseil du Commerce. On the British side, we have the advance 
agents and commission or banking houses, the provisions for convoy 
and the many schemes to break through the Continental closure at 
the different strategic points, together with the activity of the navy 
in seizing enemies and neutral commerce, and the work of the 
admiralty courts not only in adjudicating the cases but in interpret- 
ing the law. 

For the student of the economic history of the United States, 
the subject is of vital interest and importance. The neutrals formed 

75 Letter of October 27, 1807. Corr. Pol. Hamburg, vol. 119, fol. 422, Min- 
istere des Affaires Etrangeres. 

76 Letters of Mr. Harris of September 13-25, 1810. Consular Letters, Russia, 
1810-1830, State Department. 

" On the contraband trade into France at a later date along the frontier of 
Geneva to Strassburg, see Report to the Minister of the Interior, Bern, June 2, 
1811. Archives Nationales, F12. 535. 

78 Chapuisat, Le Commerce et /'Industrie a Geneve pendant la Domination 
Frangaise, 1798-1813 (Geneva, 1908), pp. 203, 207, et passim. 



278 W. E. Lingelbach 

an integral part of both the British and the Napoleonic systems, 
and the United States as the great neutral carrier of the period was 
most intimately associated therefore with the various aspects of the 
European conflict. Of the transfer of capital from commerce, made 
unprofitable by the acts of the belligerents or the measures of our 
own government, to infant industries, internal improvements, or 
frontier enterprises, all too little is known. 79 The stimulus given to 
American manufacturers by the scarcity and high cost of European 
wares, particularly British, is guessed but not satisfactorily under- 
stood. 80 

79 The emphasis upon the diplomatic side of American history in Henry 
Adams's History of the United States of America during the Administrations of 
Jefferson and Madison (1SS9-1891) has often been pointed out. There is a great 
deal relating to commerce but it is incidental, as appears not only from the treat- 
ment itself but from the sources upon which it is based. We have for example a 
thorough exploitation of the French official correspondence, and of the letters, 
memoirs, etc., of the foreign office, but no use is made of the material of those 
of the department of the interior, of customs, or of the Conseil du Commerce. 
And yet it is precisely here that the real basis of Napoleon's policy toward Amer- 
ica is to be found. Similarly the Diplomatic Correspondence at Washington is 
used, but not the Consular Letters. In McMaster's History of the People of the 
United States (New York, 1885-1913), vols. II. and III., the approach is much 
more from the standpoint of the economic historian and we have a suggestive, 
clear-sighted study of the period. It is not, however, based upon archival but 
entirely on printed sources. Then there is the very able account by Channing, The 
Jeffersonian System, 1801-1811 (New York and London, 1906), the division in 
the Critical Essay on Authorities entitled " International Relations " deserving 
especial notice here. 

80 There is evidence on all sides in the contemporary records on this impor- 
tant factor connected with the beginnings of American industrialism. A few 
typical ones may be cited. Thus the Aurora of July 1, 1S11, has the following 
suggestive message from Livingston : " The quantity of fine wool that has been 
imported, in consequence of the present state of things in Europe, and the num- 
ber of merinos, cannot fail very shortly to establish our manufactories. No less 
than 100 weavers have arrived at New York in one ship from Ireland . . . and all 
were directly engaged in our cotton manufactories. I do not doubt that you will, 
ere long, find an advantage in turning a part of your tobacco plantations into 
sheep walks and thus be freed from that dependence upon Europe which the 
culture of tobacco must necessarily create." 

The arrival of the Irish weavers here noted is typical of the immigration 
from Great Britain during the years of the depression caused by the Napoleonic 
wars. The records of the Board of Trade, the newspapers, etc., are replete with 
suggestive references to the subject. Thus in a despatch of January, 1812, to the 
Committee on Trade relative to the progress of American manufactures, Mr. 
Foster speaks of the arrival in America of workmen from the western part of 
England (B.T., 5/22, Minutes, October 13, 1812). A letter from the principal 
officer of customs at Liverpool speaks of " the Departure of Sundry persons 
employed in the cotton manufacture of the kingdom for America ", and a minute 
of the board refers to a " report of Customs on application of Lucas and Com- 
pany respecting the attempt made by agents of glass works in America to seduce 
the working glassmen of the country to emigrate" (B.T., 5/22, May 3, 1813). Yet 
in spite of the paramount importance of the subject, there exists, so far as I am 
aware, no serious study of it. 



Commercial History in the A T apoleonic Era 279 

We need an investigation of the actual movement of trade during 
this period; for in America, as in Europe, the artificial restrictions 
forced commerce out of the old channels into new ones; it did not 
stop it. Commerce continued, though prohibited by law. Native 
manufactures were few; they were insufficient to satisfy the need 
of the merchant, the farmer, and the planter. British goods con- 
tinued to come in, while American raw stuffs continued — under 
difficulties it is true — to go out. As in Europe, a new and novel 
trade was developed. We know something of the interesting 
smuggling via Lake Champlain to the Canadian frontier. Less is 
known of the picturesque Ox and Horse Marine, so dramatically 
described in the Federalist papers, the flagrantly open way in which 
large consignments of goods found their way from New England 
southward and westward on huge "wagon ships" that never suf- 
fered shipwreck, and rarely seizure and confiscation. A monograph 
on the actual movements of trade, of its origin, transportation 
across the Atlantic, mode of entry, distribution, and ultimate sale 
would be well worth while. What were the methods employed to get 
the goods in in spite of the Embargo and the Non-Intercourse acts? 
What evidence have we on the use of the Swedish and other flags; 
of Deer Island, Eastport, Amelia Island, St. Mary's River, Pensa- 
cola, or Halifax, as strategic centres for a wholesale smuggling 
trade, or as convenient points where goods of British manufacture 
might be left in order that they might be drawn into the current of 
the coastwise commerce of the nation? Did Halifax, St. Kitts, etc., 
in the practical operation of the British trade system, become the 
Heligoland or the Malta of America? 

We know that the lieutenant governor in his proclamation of 
June 23, 1808, opened certain ports of Nova Scotia to neutral ships, 81 
and then wrote to the Secretary of State in August, that the measure 
had " had all the effect that could be expected from it " 82 for, as he 
said in a speech to the provincial legislature "the project [em- 
bargo] has totally failed ", means having been found to circumvent 
it. 83 Along with this we have in the complaint of the Halifax 
merchants, that " unless some steps are taken to prevent the smug- 
gling trade from the United States we shall soon be without a 
customer for the principal part of the articles we deal in ". 84 

si Public Records of Nova Scotia (at Halifax), vol. 192, Minutes in Council, 
p. 257. As a basis for this see the interesting acts of 47 Geo. III. c. 38, and 49 
Geo. III. c. 49. 

82 Ibid., vol. 58, Despatches of the Governor of Nova Scotia to the Secretary 
of State, letter 29. 

83 Nova Scotia Gazette, November 29, 1808. 

s* Public Records of Nova Scotia, vol. 62, Original Despatches of the Secre- 
tary of State to the Lieutenant-Governors, 1807-1810, no. 11. 



2 So W. E. Lingelbach 

Equally valuable is the light thrown on the history of the 
commerce of the period by private papers, many of which are now 
becoming accessible. The material on commerce bulks large in the 
voluminous papers of Philadelphia's merchant prince of a century 
ago. The voyages of his "philosophers", as he fondly called his 
ships, afford concrete illustration of the effect of European condi- 
tions on commerce. Thus in the year of peace after Amiens in 
1803, as a result of an unfortunate experience with the Rousseau 
and a cargo of Virginia tobacco, which proved very difficult to sell 
because of the heavy duties imposed by Napoleon on tobacco im- 
ported in foreign bottoms, Stephen Girard made arrangements to 
carry on his profitable tobacco trade under the French flag. Two 
ships were to be transferred to this trade, but the renewal of the 
war prevented it. The incident is of significance as an illustration 
not only of Napoleon's use of the peace to secure trade for France, 
and build up a French merchant marine, but also of the well- 
founded fear among British commercial interests of losing the carry- 
ing trade. 

Practically every phase of the French and English commercial 
systems is illustrated in some one or other of the vicissitudes of Mr. 
Girard's " philosophers " ; there is room for only one more. It is 
the case of the Good Friends, captured by a Norwegian privateer 
and carried to Farsund where she was condemned on a long list of 
frivolous charges — one, upon which great stress was laid, being 
based on the mistranslation of an item in her papers which gave her 
fast ballast of " pig iron " as " iron pikes ". Appeal was taken from 
the decision and the ship was finally released after a twelve months' 
detention, by unloading to furnish ocular proof against the charge of 
carrying " iron pikes ". Six months after her return to Phila- 
delphia, in January of 181 1, she sailed for Lisbon with a cargo of 
flour to be exchanged for bills on London, to which port she was to 
proceed to take in " such goods ", say the instructions, " as will be 
delivered you by Mr. William Adgate ". Rather vague instructions, 
but not so surprising when it is recalled that the Non-Intercourse 
Act still made intercourse with Great Britain illegal. The " goods 
delivered " to the captain by Mr. Adgate consisted of British cottons 
and woollen goods purchased for the incredibly small sum of £60,- 
000 because of the distress in the manufacturing districts of Eng- 
land. Having taken in her cargo the Good Friends sailed for 
Amelia Island, Florida, to await the repeal of the Non-Intercourse 
Act, Mr. Girard writing to his supercargo that the cargo was of so 
great a value that he was willing, if necessary, to pay one thousand 
dollars per month in douceurs (hush money) to the Spanish officials 



Commercial History in the Napoleonic Era 281 

at Amelia Island to avoid payment of duties and unloading, in order 
to have the ship ready to proceed to Philadelphia at a moment's 
notice. The timely seizure of East Florida in March, by General 
Mathews, brought the vessel under the flag of the United States, and 
she cleared for Philadelphia, where, after considerable difficulties 
with the customs officials her cargo, was sold at a large profit. 

Most of the ventures during the later years of the Continental 
System did not, however, turn out so well, and the experience of the 
Good Friends with the Norwegian officials is sufficient illustration 
of the effect of the conditions that drove American capital into new 
lines. Even with so stubborn and successful a trader as Mr. Girard, 
these influences told, and while still keeping up a moderate interest 
in his "philosophers", he turned his surplus capital into Lehigh 
County coal lands and the Second Bank of the United States. That 
other private, as well as public, papers afford ample evidence of the 
transfer of idle capital to manufactures and industry, is a common- 
place to the student of American history; nevertheless much of 
importance on the beginnings of this new era in American history is 
still to be brought out by the exploitation of private papers, diplo- 
matic and consular correspondence, customs records, newspapers, 
and other sources. 

W. E. LlNGELBACH. 



AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 19. 



SOME ECONOMIC ORIGINS OF JEFFERSONIAN 
DEMOCRACY 

Thomas Jefferson, in the course of certain general reflections 
on the causes of party divisions, attributed the antagonism between 
Federalists and Republicans to divergences in theories of state. 
" Fear and distrust " of the people was the principle which domi- 
nated the former, while the latter rested their cause on " the cherish- 
ment of the people". 1 This explanation of that party antagonism 
was cordially received in nearly every quarter, particularly after the 
downfall of Federalism, and it is still accepted with a whole heart 
wherever the magic of Jefferson's name remains undiminished. In 
wide circles it is an approved axiom, possessing a validity not unlike 
that assigned by the mathematicians to the multiplication table. 

It should be noted, however, that Jefferson himself, while ap- 
parently ascribing the origins of the two parties to differences over 
" the cherishment of the people ", firmly believed that his opponents 
were deeply, grossly, and even corruptly interested in the first great 
measures of Congress over which the split occurred. Indeed, he 
put on record his conviction that not a single one of the great 
Federalist fiscal measures, which rent the country in twain, would 
have passed if it had not been for the fact that greedy Federalists 
in Congress put private interests above public service. Writing in 
the Anas on Hamilton's financial system, he said, 

It had two objects, ist, as a puzzle, to exclude popular understanding 
and inquiry. 2dly, as a machine for the corruption of the legislature; 
for he [Hamilton] avowed the opinion that man could be governed by 
one of two motives only, force or interest: force, he observed, in this 
country, was out of the question; and the interests therefore of the mem- 
bers must be laid hold of, to keep the legislature in unison with the 
Executive. And with grief and shame it must be acknowledged that his 
machine was not without effect. That even in this, the birth of our 
government, some members were found sordid enough to bend their duty 

to their interests, and to look after personal, rather than public good 

In the bill for funding and paying these [old securities], Hamilton made 
no difference between the original holders, and the fraudulent purchasers 
of this paper. Great and just repugnance arose at putting these two 
classes of creditors on the same footing, and great exertions were used 
to pay to the former the full value, and to the latter the price only which 
he had paid, with interest. But this would have prevented the game 

i Writings (Ford ed.), X. 227, note. • 

(2S2) 



Economic Origins ofjeffersonian Democracy 283 

which was to be played, and for which the minds of greedy members 
were already tutored and prepared. 2 

In fact, Jefferson believed that Hamilton's 'fiscal measures would 
never have been carried had it not been for " a corrupt squadron of 
stock jobbers" in Congress. On February 4, 1791, he wrote to 
George Mason: 

What is said in our country of the fiscal arrangements now going on? 
I really fear their effect when I consider the present temper of the 
Southern states. Whether these measures be right or wrong abstract- 
edly, more attention should be paid to the general opinion. . . . The only 
corrective of what is corrupt in our present form of government will be 
the augmentation of the numbers in the lower house, so as to get a more 
agricultural representation, which may put that interest above that of the 
stock-jobbers. 3 

A year later Jefferson became more specific. He declared that 
the great outlines of Hamilton's system had been carried " by the 
votes of the very persons who, having swallowed his bait, were laying 
themselves out to profit by his plans " ; and he added that 

had these persons withdrawn, as those interested in a question ever 
should, the vote of the disinterested majority was clearly the reverse of 
what they made it. These were no longer the votes then of the repre- 
sentatives of the people. . . and it was impossible to consider their 
decisions, which had nothing in view but to enrich themselves, as the 
measures of the fair majority, which ought always to be respected. 4 

It seems that as Jefferson watched the progress of Hamilton's 
measures in Congress, he became more and more convinced that the 
members who supported them represented their own personal in- 
terests rather than the mass of the voters — particularly, the agrarian 
interests. At all events, he took the trouble to compile a roll of 
the " paper men " in Congress in March, 1793, and this list he in- 
corporated in the Anas. This list of stock-holders in the Bank 

2 Jefferson, Writings (Ford ed.), I. 160-161. Ford charges Jefferson with 
being mistaken in separating the funding and assumption acts and supposing the 
former to have been over before his arrival, in New York. The fact is that Ford 
is himself in error although technically correct. Jefferson is correct in saying 
that the proposition to pay all holders at face value had been carried before his 
arrival. Madison's proposition to discriminate between original holders and 
speculators was defeated on February 22, 1790 (Annals of Congress. II. 1344), 
which was for practical purposes equivalent to saying that the debt would be 
funded at face value. That was settled when Jefferson arrived in March, 1790, 
although it is true the funding bill did not finally pass until August, 1790. The 
edition of the Annals referred to throughout this article is the one in which 
volume I. ends with page 1321, volume II. with page 2418. 

3 Writings (Ford ed.1, V. 275. 

* Ibid., VI. 102-103. For this and several other references, I am indebted to 
Professor Max Farrand. 



284 C. A. Beard 

embraces the following men who were in the first Congress : Gilman, 
Gerry, Sedgwick, Ames, Goodhue, Trumbull, Wadsworth, Benson, 
Lawrence, Boudinot, Fitzsimons, Heister, Williamson, W. L. Smith, 
Sherman, Ellsworth, King, Robert Morris, W. S. Johnson, and 
Izard. After this enumeration of the paper men, Jefferson places 
a table showing the composition of Congress at that time : 

H.-Repr. Senate 

Stock-holders (Bank) 16 5 

Other paper 3 2 

19" 7 

Suspected 2 4 

It is not apparent how Jefferson secured this information, but it 
■would seem from the foot-notes which he adds that he derived it 
from personal inquiry and through the inquiries of his friends. 
Whether he had access to the Treasury and Bank books through a 
clerk or a partizan is a matter for conjecture. 5 

Jefferson was not alone in characterizing the Federalist party in 
Congress as a group held together by private economic interests. 
All through Maclay's querulous sketches of the debates in the first 
Senate there runs a plaint that some of his colleagues were busily 
engrossed in augmenting their personal fortunes as the prices of 
securities mounted upward during the battle over the funding 
process. Maclay even went so far as to say that the whole funding 
scheme was simply a speculator's device. "Pay the debt", he de- 
clared, "or even put it in a train of payment, and you no longer 
furnish food for speculation. The great object is by funding, and 
so forth, to raise the certificates to par; thus the speculators, who 
now have them nearly all engrossed, will clear above three hundred 
per cent." 6 Maclay not only charged many of his colleagues with 
speculation, but denounced the whole funding process as a gambler's 
device. He reported rumors to the effect that Vining of Delaware 
was offered a thousand guineas for his vote in favor of the as- 
sumption of state debts; but he confessed that he does not know 
whether pecuniary influence was actually used although he was " cer- 
tain that every other kind of management has been practiced and 
every tool at work that could be thought of ". 7 

Madison also discovered the weight of personal interest in the 
Congress when he sought to bring about a discrimination between 
the original holders of public paper and the speculators and pur- 
chasers, and was defeated by a vote of thirteen to thirty-six. Writ- 

6 Writings (Ford ed.), I. 223. 

"Maclay, Journal of William Maclay (1890), pp. 199-201. 

t Ibid., p. 209. 



Economic Origins of [effersonian Democracy 285 

ing a year later to Jefferson, he described the subscriptions to the 
Bank as nothing but a scramble for public plunder and added that 
"of all the shameful circumstances of this business, it is among 
the greatest to see the members of the Legislature who were most 
active in pushing this job openly grasping its emoluments ". 8 

It was not only Anti-Federalists who discovered the origin of 
the party antagonism in the conflict over the financial propositions 
of the new government. That profound student of politics and 
acute observer of public affairs, John Marshall, laconically stated 
that the first regular and systematic organization of the opposition 
party " originated " in the conflict over the fiscal measures of the 
Federalists. 9 And at another point, when speaking of the Bank 
bill, he says, " This measure made a deep impression on many mem- 
bers of the legislature; and contributed, not inconsiderably, to the 
complete organization of those distinct and visible parties, which, in 
their long and dubious conflict for power, have since shaken the 
United States to their centre." 10 

It would seem, therefore, that the first outward and visible signs 
of the Federalist-Republican antagonism should be sought in the 
votes of the first Congress on the fiscal measures advanced by 
Hamilton. If an examination of these votes and their geographical 
distribution shows no correspondence with the individual interests 
of the senators and representatives or with the economic interests 
of their respective constituents, we may accept the " cherishment- 
of-the-people" theory as to the origin of the two parties. If, on the 
other hand, we find in these votes a fairly definite correspondence 
with economic interests, we may seriously discount the traditional 
explanation of the first party antagonism, particularly when we 
remember that these votes were cast before the formal organiza- 
tion of the parties and before any formulation of principles oc- 
curred. Im Anfang war die That. 

Obviously, however, it would be impossible within the limits of 
this article to solve the problem here presented, 11 but a beginning 
may be made with an examination of the vote on the assumption of 
the state debts and the security-holding interests in the first Con- 
gress. As everyone knows, it was the purpose of the Federalists 
to underwrite the new government by drawing to it all of the 
financial interests in the country, state as well as national; and the 
assumption of state debts was simply one part of the larger scheme. 

8 Letters and other Writings (Philadelphia, 1865), I. 538. 
* Life of Washington (Philadelphia, 1832), II. 181. 
10 Ibid., II. 206-207. 

H The larger problem will be considered in my forthcoming Economic Inter- 
pretation of leffersonian Democracy. 



286 C. A. Beard 

All security holders were to benefit from this arrangement, and of 
course state paper, after the funding into federal stocks, appreciated 
along with the latter. 

In taking up here the vote on the assumption of state debts, 
we are considering no isolated phenomenon, but an integral part 
of the larger problem above stated. Jefferson was, therefore, speak- 
ing of assumption as well as the Bank and other measures when 
he wrote, 

I confirmed him [Washington] in the fact of the great discontents 
to the South, that they were grounded on seeing that their judgmts and 
interests were sacrificed to those of the Eastern states on every occn. 
and their belief that it was the effect of a corrupt squadron of voters 
in Congress at the command of the Treasury, and they see that if the 
votes of those members who had an interest distinct from and contrary 
to the general interest of their constts. had been withdrawn, as in 
decency and honesty they should have been, the laws would have been 
the reverse of what they are in all the great questions. 12 

From Jefferson's day to this, students of history have wondered 
how much credence should be given to the rumors of Maclay and 
the allegations of Jefferson and his partizans concerning the " paper 
men ". Writers have given weight to them or discounted them ac- 
cording to their predilections, but no one seems to have taken the 
trouble to attempt a verification or refutation of them from the 
records of the Treasury Department, where, for nearly a hundred 
years, the books of the early fiscal administration have lain covered 
with accumulating dust. 

As everyone knows, under the funding system set up by the new 
government, nearly all holders of old paper brought their securities 
to the Treasury or to the loan offices of their respective states to be 
transformed into new certificates of indebtedness. If the Treasury 
records at Washington were complete (unfortunately they are not) 
it would be possible to discover the names of all those who funded 
public securities under the law of August 4, 1790, except perhaps 
those represented by attorneys. 

The incompleteness of the records makes it impossible, however, 
to discover positively what members of Congress did not have 
securities ; but the mass of materials which remains enables us to 
find a large number who did hold public paper at the time of the 
funding of the debt. The exact number cannot be ascertained ; but 
the evidence concerning those who did hold securities is indisputable, 
unless we are to assume that the members of Congress who appear 
on the ledgers were attorneys for other parties. 

^Writings (Ford ed.), I. 215. 



Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy 287 

The method of search by which the data below were secured was 
as follows. The names of all the senators and representatives of 
the first Congress were taken in alphabetical order and a search for 
each name was made among all the old books in the Treasury De- 
partment. When the search was finished, the names of all security 
holders were starred. Not until this was done was an inquiry made 
into the zvay in which the several members voted on Hamilton's fiscal 
measures. Thus an attempt was made to eliminate all bias which 
might have led to oversights in particular cases. When a member 
of Congress is put down as not holding securities, it is to be under- 
stood, therefore, that this may be an error due to the incomplete- 
ness of the records or to an oversight by the present writer. 

That the percentage of error is not high, however, seems to be 
probable, in view of the geographical distribution of the members 
not holding securities. They appear principally from the South, 
where, it can be shown from the Treasury Books, the amount of 
public securities in the hands of residents was far smaller than in 
the Northern and Eastern states. 

The amount held by each member who appears on the books is 
not set down here and the assumption is not made that all security 
holders in Congress were at the same time speculators. A number 
of them, particularly the senators, were vigorous speculators, but 
that is not the point. The question at issue is the number of 
members of Congress who were " disinterested " parties in the 
contest over the fiscal measures of the new government and the 
nature of their "constituency pressures ". 

The proposition to assume the state debts was taken up in the 
House of Representatives in February, 1790, immediately after 
the defeat of Madison's scheme for discriminating between original 
holders and purchasers. 13 In March, it was carried in the com- 
mittee of the whole house. Maclay thus records the event : 

Officers of Government, clergy, citizens, (Order of) Cincinnati, and 
every person under the influence of the Treasury; Bland and Huger 
carried to the chamber of Representatives — the one lame, the other sick ; 
Clymer stopped from going away, though he had leave, and at length 
they risked the question, and carried it, thirty-one votes to twenty-six. 
And all this after having tampered with the members since the 22d of 
last month (February), and this only in committee, with many doubts 
that some will fly off and great fears that the North Carolina members 
will be in before a bill can be matured or the report gone through. 14 

As Maclay predicted, the North Carolina members soon put in 
their appearance, and on April 12 the assumption plan was defeated 
in the House by a vote of thirty-one to twenty-nine. Maclay was 

13 Annals of Congress, II. 1355. 

1 4 Op. cit., p. 209. 



288 C. A. Beard 

in great glee over the outcome of the struggle, and he recites how 
Fitzsimons " endeavored to rally the discomfited and disheartened 
heroes " and expressed the belief that reconsideration and adoption 
were not yet out of the question. At this, says the Pennsylvania 
senator, " the Secretary's group pricked up their ears and Specula- 
tion wiped the tear from either eye. Goddess of description, paint 
the gallery; here's the paper, find fancy quills, or crayons your- 
self." 15 

Those whose tears were wiped away set to work to bring over 
enough Southern representatives to carry the assumption measure, 
in spite of the gloomy outlook. The way in which the " innocent " 
Jefferson was undone by the " wily " Hamilton and unwittingly used 
to bring about the exchange of the capital for the assumption of 
state debts, on July 7, has often been told, and needs no retelling 
here. 16 Jefferson informs us that " two of the Potomac members 
(White and Lee, but White with a revulsion of stomach almost con- 
vulsive) agreed to change their votes and Hamilton undertook to 
carry the other point." Daniel Carroll, a large property holder in 
the region where the new capital was to be located, also considerately 
changed his vote. Thus the bargain whereby the capital was located 
on the Potomac and the debts of the states were assumed by the 
federal government was brought to a conclusion at a private dinner 
given by Jefferson. The funding bill with the assumption amend- 
ment was carried in the Senate on July 21, where the Treasury had 
its most dependable vote. 17 Three days later the motion of Jackson, 
of Georgia, to disagree with the Senate amendment, was defeated 
by a vote of thirty-two to twenty-nine. 18 It is this vote which is 
analyzed below. 

The vote on the bill as passed by the Senate, 19 in its amended 
form, on July 21 was as follows : 

Yeas: Langdon, New Hampshire Nays: Wingate, New Hampshire 

Strong and Dalton, Massachu- Foster and Stanton, Rhode Island 

setts Bassett, Delaware 

Ellsworth and Johnson, Con- Maclay, Pennsylvania 

necticut Henry, Maryland 

King and Schuyler, New York Johnston and Hawkins, North 

Paterson and Elmer, New Jersey Carolina 

Read, Delaware Lee and Walker, Virginia 

Morris, Pennsylvania Few and Gunn, Georgia [12] 
Carroll, Maryland 
Butler and Izard, South Caro- 
lina [14] 

15 Op. cit., pp. 237-238. The reporter of the debates over the public credit 
notes that "the galleries were unusually crowded" on January 28, 1790, and 
doubtless there was a crowd on April 12. 

i« Writings (Ford ed.), I. 161 ff. 

17 Annals of Congress, I. 1055. 

is/b.rf., II. 1753. 

w Annals of Congress, I. 1054-1055. 



Economic Origins ofjeffersonian Democracy 289 

Of the fourteen senators who voted in favor of the funding 
bill, with the assumption amendment, on July 21, 1790, at least ten, 
Langdon, Strong, Ellsworth, Johnson, King, Schuyler, Read, 
Morris, Charles Carroll, and Izard, appear upon the Treasury 
records as holders of public securities at the time of the funding 
process. 20 To this list Pierce Butler doubtless should be added. 21 
Those not found on the records are Dalton, of Massachusetts, and 
Elmer and Paterson, of New Jersey. 22 

Of the twelve who voted against the funding bill on July 21, 
1790, at least five, Maclay, Bassett, Johnston, Few, and R. H. Lee, 
were holders of public debt, but the holdings of Maclay, Bassett, 
and Few were trivial in amount. 23 The names of seven senators 
who voted against funding, Wingate, Stanton, Foster, Henry, 
Hawkins, Walker, and Gunn, were not found on the Treasury 
records. 

A table built upon this data would run as follows : 

Security holders Non-bolders 

For the funding bill 1 1 3 

Against the bill 5 7 

Total, 26 16" io~ 

A study of the Treasury records shows that the senators who 
held securities and voted for the funding bill, were with one or two 
exceptions, among the large holders of public papers, and that the 
senators of the same class who voted against the bill (with the 
possible exception of Johnston of North Carolina) were among the 
minor holders. 

Even a superficial examination of the vote in the Senate is 
interesting in view of the party divisions which soon ensued. The 
" Eastern " states were almost solid for the bill. New Hampshire 
was divided; but Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, and New 
Jersey were unanimous. The financial centres of Portsmouth, 
Boston, Hartford, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston were 
correctly represented. 

20 For the holdings of Langdon, Strong, Ellsworth, King, Johnson, Schuyler, 
Read, Morris, and Carroll, see Beard, Economic Interpretation of the Constitution, 
chap. V.; for Izard, see "Loan Office: S. C, 1790", p. 17. 

21 Economic Interpretation, p. 82. After the publication of this work I found 
Pierce Butler's name on the " Index to the Registered Debt ", which I believe 
was the debt at the Treasury itself, the records of which are largely missing. 

22 The name of William Paterson appears on the New Jersey records for a 
small amount, but it is not possible to identify this security holder with the 
senator. 

23 For Few and Bassett, see Economic Interpretation, chap. V. ; R. H. Lee, 
"Virginia: Index to Loans"; Maclay, "Loan Office: Penna., 1790-1791 ", pp. 117, 
118; Johnston, "Loan Office: N. C, 1791-1797 ", pp. 1, 40. 



290 C. A. Beard 

Equally significant is the vote against the bill. Seven of the 
twelve votes in opposition came from Southern states. Virginia, 
North Carolina, and Georgia were solid against it. These were 
the states (particularly Georgia and North Carolina) in which the 
debt had been so largely bought up by speculators. 24 Only one of 
the votes against the bill came from north of Pennsylvania : Wingate 
of New Hampshire refused to join his colleague, Langdon, in sup- 
port of the measure. 

The vote in the House of Representatives, on July 24, on the 
proposition to disagree with the Senate amendment to the funding 
bill providing for the assumption of state debts stood twenty-nine 
to thirty-two. A study of this vote in the light of the Treasury 
records is informing and it seems best to take members up seriatim, 
beginning with New Hampshire. 

The delegation of Nezv Hampshire was divided on assumption. 
Nicholas Gilman and Samuel Livermore were against it, and Foster 
(of Rockingham County) voted in favor of it. As measured by the 
interest disbursements in 1795, 25 New Hampshire stood tenth in the 
amount of federal securities held by her citizens, and there was a 
strong opposition to assumption in that commonwealth. Livermore, 
in voting against it, said that he would only approve the proposition 
in case it was agreed merely " to assume the balances found to be 
due to the creditor States, upon the final adjustment and liquidation 
of the accounts between the United States and the individual 
States ", 26 Of the three New Hampshire representatives, one, 
Nicholas Gilman, 27 was found among the holders of public paper, 
and he voted against assumption. 

The eight representatives of Massachusetts in the House voted 
solidly in favor of assumption. Of these, Ames, Gerry, Grout, 
Leonard, Partridge, and Sedgwick, at least six, appear as security 
holders on the loan office books of Massachusetts. 28 As measured 
by the interest disbursements of 1795, that state stood second in the 
amount of securities held by her citizens, and the weight of the 
state debt which was transferred to the federal government was so 
great that Massachusetts tax-payers, as well as security holders, felt 
a great relief when the burden was shifted. Mr. Sedgwick doubt- 
s'! See below, p. 294-295. 

2 5 An Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of the United States for 
the Year 1795, p. 65. 

26 Annals of Congress, II. 1412. 

- 7 Beard, Economic Interpretation, p. 93. 

2 8 Consult indexes to the 6 per cent, deferred stock and the 3 per cent, stocks 
in Massachusetts collection in the Treasury Department ; for Gerry, see Eco- 
nomic Interpretation, p. 95. 



Economic Origins of Jcffersonian Democracy 291 

less expressed the sentiments of all his colleagues when he said, on 
February 24, that assumption " will terminate in the suppression of 
direct taxes ; it will abolish invidious distinctions between States and 
their citizens ; it will fix the value of State securities, and bring them 
into operation as a circulating medium ". 29 

Connecticut cast her five votes solidly in favor of assumption. 
Of her five members in the House, at least four, Sherman, Sturges, 
Trumbull, and Wadsworth, appear among the holders of public 
securities on the loan office books of Connecticut. 30 That state, 
though reckoned among the smaller commonwealths, stood fifth in 
the amount of securities held by her citizens, as measured by the 
interest disbursements of 1795. Not only was the amount of the 
state debt considerable; but it was widely distributed among the 
various towns. This fact is proved by the records in the Treasury 
Department. 31 Moreover, Sherman confirms this, for during the 
debates in the House on March 1, he said: 

The circulation of the revenue would be very agreeable to the greater 
proportion of the inhabitants; because the evidences of the State debts 
were generally in the hands of the original holders. He had made par- 
ticular inquiry into this circumstance, and so far as it respected Con- 
necticut, he was led to believe it was true of nineteen-twentieths. There 
were one hundred thousand dollars in specie in the hands of the original 
holders in the very town in which he lived. He believed very little 
besides the army debt had been transferred in that State ; and even of 
the army debt, it was only that portion which fell into the hands of the 
soldiers. 32 

New York was evenly divided on assumption. Benson and 
Lawrence, who " ably represented the southern districts of New 
York", 33 voted in favor of the proposition, and to their votes was 
added the vote of an up-state representative, Peter Sylvester. Of 
the three, Lawrence was a security holder, and among the large 
operators in public stocks in New York. 34 He was also deeply 
interested in the first United States Bank and was on the first board 
of directors. 35 Jefferson records Benson in his list of paper men on 
hearsay 36 but an examination of the records in the Treasury De- 
partment failed to reveal his name. Sylvester does not seem to 

2» Annals of Congress, II. 1386. 

so Consult Indexes to the Loan Office Books of Connecticut in the Treasury 
Department. For Sherman, see Economic Interpretation, p. 143. 
3i See map in Economic Interpretation, p. 265. 
32 Annals of Congress, II. 1440-1441. 
33Hildreth, History of the United States (second series), I. 43. 

34 New York Loan Office Booths in the Treasury Department, and State 
Papers, Finance, I. 165. 

35 Dunlap's Daily Advertiser, October 22, 1791. 

36 Writings (Ford ed.), I. 223, note 1. 



292 C. A. Beard 

have been interested in public paper on his own account. Of the 
three New York representatives who voted against assumption, two, 
Floyd and Hathorn, were not found among the security holders; 
but Van Rensselaer appears on the New York loan office records. 37 
New Jersey had four representatives in the House and all of 
them voted in favor of assumption. Of this group, at least three, 
Boudinot, Schureman, and Sinnickson, were security holders. 38 
Boudinot seems to have been the spokesman of the New Jersey 
delegation, but he did not participate extensively in the debate on 
assumption. He was warmly moved by Madison's proposition to 
discriminate between original holders and speculators and pleaded 
with his fellow-members to come to the support of the public credit 
in the following passionate strain: 

Humanity, as well as justice, makes this demand upon you; the com- 
plaints of ruined widows, and the cries of fatherless children, whose 
whole support has been placed in your hands, and melted away, have 
doubtless reached you. Rouse, therefore; strive who shall do most for 
his country; rekindle that flame of patriotism which, at the mention of 
disgrace and slavery, blazed throughout America, and animated all her 
citizens. 39 

The single vote of Delazvare is recorded in favor of assumption.; 
but Representative Vining does not seem to have been a security 
holder and citizens of that state held only a small amount of paper 
from the local loan office. Maclay records, as we have seen, among 
his rumors a statement to the effect that Senator Butler heard a 
man say that he would give Vining one thousand guineas for his 
vote on assumption, but such rumors, unsubstantiated by other evi- 
dence, deserve little or no credence. 40 

Three members of the House from Pennsylvania, George 
Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimons, and Henry Wynkoop, voted in favor 
of assumption, and the first two were among the largest speculators 
and operators in securities in Philadelphia. 41 Wynkoop was not 
found among the security holders, and he seems to have hesitated 
awhile before casting his vote with the Philadelphia members. 
Maclay records, April 1, 1790: 

37 "Loan Office: New York, Ledger" (no. 32), fol. 104. 

38 For Boudinot, see " Penna. Loan Office, 6% Stock, Ledger A ", fol. 24 and 
Jefferson, Writings (Ford ed.), I. 223. For Schureman, " N. J. Loan Office, 3% 
Stock, Ledger C ", fols. S4, 122; for Sinnickson, ibid., fol. 91; Rebecca Cad- 
walader appears on ibid., fols. 83, 127. 

39 Annals of Congress, I. 11 76. 

40 The collection of the Delaware Loan Office in the Treasury is meagre 
indeed. Maclay, Journal, p. 209 (date of March 9, 1790). 

41 Economic Interpretation, pp. 83, 91. 



Economic Origins ofjeffersonian Democracy 293 

I took an opportunity of speaking to Mr. Wynkoop. I was pointing 
out some inconveniences of the assumption. I found he seemed much 
embarrassed. Lawrence and Benson 42 had got him away from his usual 
seat to near where they commonly sat. He paused a little ; got up rather 
hastily ; said, " God bless you ! " went out of the chamber, and actually 
took his wife and proceeded home to Philadelphia. 43 

He returned in time however to cast his vote with Benson and 
Lawrence for assumption. 

Four Pennsylvania representatives voted against assumption. 
Hartley, Heister, Peter Muhlenberg, and Thomas Scott — the last 
being " from the settlements beyond the Alleghanies ". Of this 
group, Daniel Heister appears to be the only security holder on the 
books.. 44 

As we move southward we find the opposition to assumption and 
the funding system steadily increasing (if we except South Carolina, 
where the security operations were considerable, particularly among 
the Charleston Federalists). The Maryland delegation was seri- 
ously divided. Only two representatives from that state voted in 
favor of assumption when the test vote was taken on July 24 — 
Daniel Carroll and George Gale, both of whom were security 
holders. 45 Carroll voted against assumption at first, but was induced 
to change his view during the negotiations over the location of the 
capital. 46 He was of the inner circle which traded assumption for 
the capital ; he was somewhat interested in public paper ; and he had 
the satisfaction of helping to engineer the laying out of the city of 
Washington in such a manner as to give an immense appreciation to 
the value of his farm lands in the vicinity. 47 

Of the four Maryland representatives who voted against as- 
sumption, Stone and William Smith appear among the security 
holders, 43 but Seney and Contee were not found. 

The weight of the Virginia delegation in Congress was thrown 
against assumption from the beginning of the contest, and apparently 
the vote would have been solid against it at the end had it not been 
for the famous bargain whereby Alexander White and Richard 
Bland Lee changed their votes and bought the capital at the cost 
of assumption. 49 The " Index to the Virginia Loans ", preserved 

42 See above, p. 291. 

4 3 Journal, p. 228. 

44 " Index to Pa. Loan Office Books, Loan of 1790". 

« Economic Interpretation, p. 82 ; " Alphabet Dividend Book " in the Loan 
Office records of Maryland in the Treasury Department. 

4 6 Jefferson, Writings (Ford ed.), I. 164, note 1. 

47 H. Crew, History of Washington, p. 108. 

*s " Alphabet Dividend Book ", as above cited. 

« Jefferson, Writings (Ford ed.), I. 164. Theodorick Bland, of the Vir- 
ginia delegation, is not recorded as voting. 



294 C A. Beard 

in the Treasury Department shows only John Brown of Richmond 
among the security holders, and Brown was among the seven Vir- 
ginia representatives who voted against assumption. The two mem- 
bers who at last gave their reluctant consent to the scheme do not 
seem to have been holders of public paper. 

As measured by interest disbursements in 1795 Virginia, in pro- 
portion to her population, stood surprisingly low in the amount of 
securities held by her citizens. Massachusetts citizens received from 
the federal government in that year $309,500 and Virginia citizens 
received only $62,300. In fact, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New 
York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and South Carolina stood above 
Virginia in the list. The " Loan Office: Register of Subscriptions" 
(for 1791) now in the Treasury Department shows that of the total 
£500,307 15$. \od. worth of Virginia certificates presented for fund- 
ing only a small amount was in the hands of the original holders. 
The major portion had been bought up by brokers and speculators 
in Virginia towns and in Baltimore, New York, Philadelphia, and 
other financial centres. Among the larger operators in Virginia 
paper were Thomas Willing (the partner and agent for Robert 
Morris and first president of the First United States Bank) and 
LeRoy and Bayard of New York City. This large folio volume 
would repay detailed examination by anyone attempting to pene- 
trate into the origins of high finance in the United States. 

The entire delegation from North Carolina in the House of 
Representatives voted against assumption. Maclay informs us that 
on March 26 the Pennsylvania group had induced Williamson and 
Ashe from North Carolina to change their minds, 50 but for some 
reason or another they reverted to their first view. Of the five 
members from that state on record against assumption, only one, 
Williamson, seems to be entered among the security holders. 51 It 
would appear that he was inclined to support assumption, but yielded 
to the great pressure of his constituents and colleagues. 

North Carolina stood third from the bottom of the list in the 
amount of securities held by her citizens, as measured by the interest 
disbursements of 1795 ($3,200). The books of the North Carolina 
loan office preserved in the Treasury Department explain how this 
result had been brought about. Speculators from Northern cities 
appear on nearly every page of the ledgers as purchasers of the 
certificates from original holders. Thus it happened that North 
Carolina paper was not only taken out of the hands of widely 
scattered holders, who might otherwise have given their weight to 

so Journal, p. 224. 

61 Economic Interpretation, p. 146. 



Economic Origins ofjeffersonian Democracy 295 

the funding system, but it was concentrated in the hands of brokers 
in cities in other states. 52 

In fact, it was the action of Northern brokers (particularly from 
New York city) in buying up the securities of North Carolina, as 
well as those of Georgia and South Carolina, which made many 
Southern opponents of assumption so bitter in their denunciation of 
Hamilton's proposals. Very early in the debate on the report of the 
Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Jackson, of Georgia, exclaimed with 
evident feeling: 

Since this report has been read in this House, a spirit of havoc, 
speculation, and ruin, has arisen, and been cherished by people who had 
an access to the information the report contained, that would have made 
a Hastings blush to have been connected with, though long inured to 
preying on the vitals of his fellow men. Three vessels, sir, have sailed 
within a fortnight, from this port, freighted for speculation; they are 
intended to purchase up the State and other securities in the hands of 
the uninformed, though honest citizens of North Carolina, South Caro- 
lina, and Georgia. My soul rises indignant at the avaricious and im- 
moral turpitude which so vile a conduct displays. 53 

One of the features of the federal Constitution which the North 
Carolina delegates to the Philadelphia Convention of 1787 had 
pointed out as an inducement to their fellow-citizens to ratify that 
instrument was the provision requiring the apportionment of land 
and capitation taxes which that state, whose wealth was in real 
property and slaves rather than personalty in general, had reason 
to fear. And this very danger of a direct tax, which the assumption 
process might involve, caused a leading representative from that 
commonwealth, Mr. Williamson, to speak of that matter in the 
House while the assumption was under discussion. 

He observed that his fellow-citizens in North Carolina were not in 
general rich, few of them so provident as to lay up money ; for this 
reason, while he was entrusted with their concerns, he should oppose 
every measure that looked towards direct taxation. He wished never 
to see the day, when to satisfy a land tax, or a capitation tax, a poor 
man's cow or horse might be taken from him, on which he depended for 
the support of helpless children. Let the State debts be once assumed 
and you must proceed, if your calculations are bad . . . and the impost 
and excise does not come up to your expectations, the national honor 
must be preserved . . . People would not readily be reconciled to the 
new creed, " that the debts lately paid are State debts, but all the debts 
not paid are National debts," especially as this discovery is made after 

52 See particularly the " Journal of Assumed Debt ". Richard Piatt, of New 
York, for example, had $192,723.14 worth. Among the other speculators from 
that city were Thomas Randall, Pascal N. Smith, Gilbert Aspinwall, Edward 
Livingston, Leonard Cutting, William Duer, and Walter Livingston. 

53 Annals of Congress, I. 1132. 



296 C. A. Beard 

most of the certificates have changed their original holders, and have 
passed for a trifle into the hands of moneyed men. . . . One obvious 
benefit will arise from this sudden adoption [of assumption]. A few 
men who chanced to be near the seat of Government, and first possessed 
of the scheme, flew to Carolina, and there bought up securities at 3^. in 
the pound; those men will be liberally rewarded, while his [their] unfor- 
tunate fellow-citizens are left to pay a second tax for the same object, 
and to complain of the injustice of Government. 54 

South Carolina was divided on assumption. For it voted Burke, 
William Smith, and Tucker, all of whom appear on the records 
of the loan office of that state as holders of public paper. 55 Only 
Thomas Sumter voted against assumption, according to the Annals 
of Congress; the name of Huger, the other South Carolina member, 
does not appear there. A search in the Treasury records fails to 
reveal either Sumter or Huger among the holders of public paper. 
South Carolina stood third from the top of the list in the amount 
of federal debt held by her citizens, with only New York and 
Massachusetts ahead. 

The Georgia representatives went solidly against assumption. 
Of the three members composing the delegation, Baldwin, Jackson, 
and Matthews, only the first appears to have been a holder of public 
paper. A part of Baldwin's holdings was in the state paper of 
Connecticut, and it seems that he also held some continental paper. 58 

The amount of public paper held in Georgia by original owners 
was almost negligible. Mr. Jackson, in one of his vehement speeches 
against assumption, declared, 

I do not believe that there are twenty original holders in Georgia ; 
the original holders received no interest, nor did they expect any; they 
parted with the certificates as they stood, without interest; the specu- 
lators now hold them, and contrary to the tenor of the certificates, the 
intention of the State, and the contract they made, they will be allowed 
interest. 57 

In the interest disbursements of 1795 Georgia received only 
$6,800 as contrasted with $367,600 for New York. The Treasury 
records of the Georgia loan office also show that Jackson's state- 
ment was fairly accurate. 

54 Annals of Congress, II. 1539 ff. " Italics mine. 

&5 For Burke, see Treasury Department, "Loan Office, S. C, 1791-1797", p. 
266; for Smith, ibid., p. 45 ($11,910.70 worth) ; and for Tucker, ibid., volume for 
1790, p. 167. Jefferson wrote in the margin of the Anas (but struck it out later), 
" I do not know any member from South Carolina engaged in this infamous busi- 
ness, except William Smith, whom I think it a duty to name therefore, to relieve 
the others from the imputation." Writings (Ford ed.), I. 162, note. 

50 Economic Interpretation, p. 75. 

67 Annals of Congress, II. 1751. 



Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy 297 

A collective view of the data here presented yields the following 
table : 58 



States 


Number of 
members in 
the House 


For assump- 


Against as- 
sumption 


Security 
holders for 
assumption 


Security-hold- 
assumption 


New Hampshire 

Massachusetts 


3 

5 
6 

8 
6 
10 
5 

3 


I 
8 
5 
3 
4 
1 
3 
2 
2 

3 


2 
3 

4 

7 
5 

3 


6 
4 

3 

2 
2 

3 


1 




j 










Pennsylvania 


1 


Virginia 

North Carolina. ...... 

South Carolina 

Georgia 


" 




64 


32 


29 


21 


8 



The temptation to draw too many conclusions from the data 
here presented and from the above table should be resisted. The 
one conclusion which is indisputable, however, is that almost one- 
half of the members of the first Congress were security holders. 
This may account partially for the defeat which overwhelmed 
Madison's proposal to discriminate between original holders and the 
speculative purchasers — thirty-six to thirteen. 59 This certainly 
justifies Jefferson's assertion that had those actually interested in 
the outcome of the funding process withdrawn from voting on 
Hamilton's proposals not a single one of them would have been 
carried. 

But it should be observed that had the security holders abstained 
from voting on assumption, the decision of the matter would have 
been left to what Jefferson called " the agricultural representation ", 
speaking for the taxpayers on whom the burden of taxation for the 
support of public credit principally fell. The great financial centres 
would have been left without any representation. Whether this 
would have been entrusting the delicate matter of public credit to 
purely "disinterested" representatives may be left to the imagina- 
tion of the reader. 

Finally, it should be noted that quite a number of security 
holders voted against assumption and contrary to their personai 
interest; and an examination of the vote with reference to the 



58 The Constitution made pro 
resentatives. Sixty-one votes were 



for 65 members of the He 



f Rep- 

ption proposition. The four 
not recorded were Speaker Muhlenberg, Bland, of Virginia. Huger, of South 
Carolina, and the Rhode Island representative. 

5» Annals of Congress, II. 1344. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX.— 20. 



298 C. A. Beard 

geographical distribution of the public securities would seem to 
show beyond question that nearly all of the members, security 
holders and non-security holders alike, represented the dominant 
economic interests of their respective constituencies rather than 
their personal interests. In many instances there was, it is evident, 
a singular coincidence between public service, as the members con- 
ceived it, and private advantage ; but the charge of mere corruption 
must fall to the ground. It was a clear case of a collision of eco- 
nomic interests : fluid capital versus agrarianism. The representa- 
tion of one interest was as legitimate as the other, and there is no 
more ground for denouncing the members of Congress who held 
securities and voted to sustain the public credit than there is for 
denouncing the slave-owners who voted against the Quaker 
memorials against slavery on March 23, 1790. 60 

By way of conclusion, one is moved to conjecture what kind of 
government could have been established under the Constitution, if 
there had been excluded from voting on the great fiscal measures 
all " interested " representatives, and the decision of such moment- 
ous issues had been left to those highly etherealized persons whc 
" cherished the people " — and nothing more. 

Charles A. Beard. 

so Annals of Congress, II. 1323. 



DOCUMENTS 

Journal of Jean Baptiste Truteau on the Upper Missouri, " Premiere 
Partie" ', June 7, 1794-March 26, 1795 

The following document, important to the history of explora- 
tion of the Upper Missouri, was recently discovered by Mr. Roscoe 
R. Hill, in the Archives of the Indies at Seville, while engaged in 
the preparation of a descriptive list of the materials for United 
States history in the section of that archive called " Papeles pro- 
cedentes de la Isla de Cuba ". It was found in legajo 187 of that 
section, in the form of a document of forty-seven pages, legal size, 
somewhat closely written, and somewhat damaged as to the first 
page. 

The interest of the discovery lies largely in the fact that Part II. 
of the same document has long been known and that Part I. has been 
industriously sought for, even in the Archives of the Indies. Part II. 
is a faded manuscript of forty-four pages, preserved in the Bureau 
of Rolls and Library, Department of State, Washington (" Claiborne 
Correspondence", IV.). It extends from May 24 to July 20, 1795, 
two months during which the narrator sojourned in one of the 
villages of the Arikara, and is occupied with the narration of events 
there and with a description of that tribe. A translation of it was 
printed in 1912 in the Missouri Historical Society Collections, IV. 
21-48, with a valuable introduction. The document no doubt came 
to the Department of State from President Jefferson, who possessed 
it before November 16, 1803, as is shown by his letter of that date 
to Meriwether Lewis (Jefferson MSS., Library of Congress), but 
how it came into Jefferson's hands is not known. 

Nothing is at present known concerning any journal of the 
period from March 25 to May 24, in which we may presume that the 
second journey up the river from the Ponca to the Arikara was 
described, though the letter just cited bears evidence, in appended 
extracts, that Jefferson had more of Truteau's journal than is now 
at the Department of State. Mr. Frederick J. Teggart, in the 
Annual Report of the American Historical Association for 1908, I. 
190, cites a letter of Zenon Trudeau to Carondelet, July 15, 1795, 
with which the lieutenant-governor at St. Louis forwards to his 
superior " the continuation of Juan Bta Truteau's diary ", and a 
letter of Carondelet mentioning it, December 10. This " continua- 
(299) 



300 Doctcments 

tion ", if ever found, will probably bridge the gap, since the docu- 
ment at the Department of State is called " Seconde Partie ". The 
present installment seems (Houck, Spanish Regime, II. 176) to 
have been in the hands of Jacques Clamorgan and his company 
before July 8, 1795. 

Of the doings of the expedition after July 20, 1795, no record is 
known. In January, 1796 (Houck, ibid., II. 192), James Mackav 
supposed its conductor to be among the Arikara or Mandan. His 
engagement was for only three years. 

Jean Baptiste Truteau, the author of the journal, was born in 
Montreal in 1748, and was a distant cousin of Don Zenon Trudeau, 
lieutenant-governor at St. Louis 1 792-1 799. He seems to have 
usually spelled his name Truteau, though in one of the two photo- 
graphs of his signature in the hands of the editor the spelling seems 
to be Trudeau. Coming to St. Louis in 1774, he became the first 
schoolmaster of the village. In 1821 he was still teaching. He died 
in 1829. Details concerning his life may be seen in Missouri His- 
torical Society Collections, IV. 14-17. 

The Commercial Company for the Discovery of the Nations of 
the Upper Missouri was organized at St. Louis in 1793 and 1794, 
the articles of association being dated May 12, 1794. Accounts of 
its history may be found in the article last mentioned and in that 
of Mr. Teggart referred to above. Wishing to put their first ex- 
pedition under the command of an educated person, the associates 
of the company requested the schoolmaster to take charge of it. It 
was to proceed up the river as far as the Mandan villages, with 
merchandise to the amount of 20,000 pesos. The instructions given 
to Truteau by the heads of the company, dated June 30, 1794, are 
printed in Houck, Spanish Regime, II. 164-172. Paragraph 42 re- 
quires him to keep a daily record of all occurrences and observa- 
tions, to send a copy each year to the director (Jacques Clamorgan), 
and to retain a duplicate. The result, in the instance before us, is a 
contribution, of considerable value, to our knowledge of the explora- 
tion of the Upper Missouri, and of its tribes in 1794-1795. For the 
existing state of knowledge, reference may be had to the lamented 
Dr. Thwaites's edition of the Original Journals of Lezvis and Clark, 
to Perrin du Lac's Voyage dans les deux Louisianes (Paris. 1805), 
to chapter IX. of Chittenden's The American Fur Trade of the Far 
West (New York, 1902), and to the writings already mentioned. 

Schoolmaster though he was, and better educated than most such 
explorers in that region and period, Truteau leaves something to be 
desired in the matter of spelling and accents, and much in that of 
punctuation. Punctuation-marks, indeed, figure little in the manu- 



Journal of Jean Baptiste Truteau 301 

script, are seldom used to indicate the end of the sentence, almost 
constantly so used as to conceal it. Since the construction intended 
by the author is usually discoverable, and the editor is not disposed 
to hold sacred a punctuation that merely obscures the sense, he has 
inserted stops where they were needed, and has otherwise altered 
the strange punctuation of the author when it seemed strictly neces- 
sary so to do. He has separated words which the writer ran 
together, and has modernized the use of i and ;'. Even so, the 
peculiarities of the author's practice will still, it is to be feared, make 
hard reading of his text; his indifference as to -ant and -cnt, his 
habit of using -er, -ez, -es, -ees, to indicate the same (vowel) sound, 
regardless of grammar, call for a special warning to the reader. 

Cordial thanks are tendered to Hon. Walter B. Douglas of the 
Missouri Historical Society, Miss Louise Phelps Kellogg of the 
Wisconsin State Historical Society, and Mr. Frederick J. Teggart of 
the Academy of Pacific Coast History, all expertly acquainted with 
the subject-matter, who have been so kind as to look over the text 
and the editor's annotations and to make valuable additions to the 
latter. 

Cette premiere partie de mon journal [vous infjormera avec verite 
de tout ce qui mest arrives depuis mon de[part] des illinois jusqu'a celui 
des poncas pour me rendre aux nations p[lu]s haute, j'y ai marque ma 
route avec exactitude, la quantite de rivieres remarquables depuis lem- 
bouchure du missouri jusqu'a la nation ricaras et leur distance, au lieu 
dy voire un commencem[ent] heureux et favorable a votre entreprise, 
vous n'y trouverez que des dese[nchant]ement et des circonstances au 
detriment de la compagnie. 

la perte d'une partie de vos marchandises par la main des poncas, 
et des scioux, les [insultjes et les violances que jai essuy de la part 
des chef [majhas et poncas, la depense excessive que jay ete oblige de 
faire pour la nour[riture] de neuf hommes parmi une nation la plus dure 
de tout cette [riviere (?) apjportent un domage considerable au interest, 
jay joint a la fin de ce journal l'etat des [peleteries, ] et 

ustanciles que je vous envoye. 

vous [aurez un (?) jojurnal ecri[t incor]recteme[nt], et malpropre. 
accable [par les ( ?)] sauvages tout lhivers [q]ui se tiennent en foule, du 
matin [au soir (?)], dans notre cavane, je [ne puis (?)] ecrire que la 
nuit ou je n'[ ] s[ ]tte. 

il [vous] sera fa[cile] de juger, messieur, [ ] project 

concertes, et [ ] et en surete des ordres et instructions du 

conduct donnes pour leur [ ] plus facile a dieter sur le 
[project] qu'a executer. 

Journal de Vagen de la compagnie du haute missouri 
dans sa route pour se rendre chez la nation mendane. 

jembarquai le septieme du mois de ju[in] mil sept cent quatre vingt 



302 



Documents 



quatorse, a la ville de St Louis des illinois, dans une pirogue armee de huit 
hommes rameur, pour me rendre a la nation mendanne, 1 situee sur le haut 
du missouri, y faire un establissement, propice pour le comerce des pel- 
leteries, avec toutes les nations, que pourrois decouvrir au [dela] de la 
nation poncas, charge des interests de la compagnie du haut missouri, 
representer par Mr clamorgan son directeur, 2 avec permission de mon- 
sieur don Zenon trudeau, lieutenan gouverneur des illinois. 3 

le huitieme je suis arrives a St Charles sur le missouri. quelques 
affaire nous y ont retardes le lendemain la journee entierre. le dixieme 
jai partis et ai campe a quelques lieux plus haut. le onze douse treise et 
quatorsieme, peu de route par les vents contraires et les pluyes. 

le quinsieme du mois jai campe a la riviere de la gasconnade.* 

le seize a cinq lieux plus haut. le dixsept a la riviere lours. 5 nous 
y avons etes arretes le dixhuit par la plui et le vent, le dixneuf, campe a 
quelques lieux plus haut que la riviere des grands osages. 6 

le eaux commencerent a montees avec rapiditee. je ne ferais point 
mention icy de la route de chaque journee jusqu'a l'entree de la riviere 
des cansas. jai si souvent ete arrete, par la force des eaux et les pluies 
continuelles, que le detail en seroit trop long. 

je ne marquerai simplement que le nom des rivieres remarquables et 
leur distance depuis l'entree du missourie jusqu'a l'entree de la riviere des 
[canjsas. 

on trou[ve] a trente lieux la riviere de la gasconnade, a quarante celle 
des grands osages, a vingt lieux plus haut se declare la rivierre a la mine; 7 
tous trois a la gauche en montant. on trouve a cinq lieux plus haut les 

i The Mandan, to whom the first recorded visit of white men was that of the 
La Verendryes in 1738, were at this time reduced to two villages on the Upper 
Missouri, a little below the Knife River, in what is now North Dakota. There 
they were visited in 1804 by Lewis and Clark. 

- Jacques Clamorgan is said to have come to St. Louis from Guadeloupe (see 
the Journal of Andre Michaux, under date of December n, 1795). His name 
first appears in the St. Louis archives in 1784. He was a man of some education, 
wrote good French, and was active, bold, and enterprising. In 1794 he was 
sindico of the Board of Trade of St. Louis, took a leading part in the organiza- 
tion of the Compagnie du Haut Missouri, and was made its director. As such 
he attempted, in conjunction with Andrew Todd, to control the trade of the 
Upper Mississippi and Missouri rivers, but was not successful. After the trans- 
fer of Upper Louisiana to the United States, he was appointed one of the judges 
of the court of quarter sessions. He died about November 1, 1814, leaving a 
family of mulatto children. He had large grants of land from the Spanish govern- 
ment, which gave rise to much subsequent litigation. See Reports U. S. Supreme 
Court. 11 Otto 822. 

3 Lieutenant-colonel Don Zenon Trudeau, a distant cousin of the writer, 
born at New Orleans in 1748, was lieutenant-governor of the Spanish possessions 
on the Upper Mississippi from 1792 to July 28, 1799. He died in Louisiana 
about 181 1. 

* Gasconade River. 

5 Bear Creek. It has also borne, by corruption of the French name, Riviere 
de l'Ours, the designation Loose Creek ; and there is now a post-office of that 
name in the county (Osage). 

Osage River. The name here given comes from the Great Osage, a division 
of the Osage tribe dwelling here. 

' Mine or Lamine River. 



Jotirnal of Jean Baptiste Truteau 303 

deux rivierres charatour, 8 et a neuf lieux de celle cy la grand rivierre. 9 
a la droite du missouri a six lieu plus haut habitoient il y'a [quel]ques 
annees les nations des missourie, et des petits osages. les [prem]iers ont 
presqu' entierremen etes detruits par les nations situees sur le missipy. 10 
les deuxieme se sont refugies sur le haut de la riviere des grands osages. 
a ving lieux plus haut a la gauche, on decouvre une vaste prairie, nominee 
la prairie du feu, qui est estimee a cent lieux de l'embouchure du missouri. 
a dix lieux de la se decharge la riviere des cansas. 11 du meme cote cette 
Rivierre, dans la saison du praintams, est navigable, jusqu'a plus de cent 
lieux de son embouchur. elle est abondante en castor, loutres, et autres 
betes fauvres. a quatrevingt lieux de l'entree, est situe le village des 
canses; 12 bons chasseurs et bons guerriers. 

a dix lieux plus haut sort [ ] la quelle habitant les panis 

republicans. 13 

je passai la riviere canses le dousieme de juillette. Ie tresieme j'ai 
campe a la petite riviere platte, cing lieux plus haut a la droite du mis- 
souri. 14 le quatorze, campe au pare. 15 le quinse au premier village encien 
des canses, a douze lieux de l'entree de leur rivierre. 16 

le sieze, dix sept, et dix huitieme arrete au meme lieux par une grosse 
pluye, qui n'at cesse que le dixneuf au matin, je croyois perir cette fois 
par l'eau. je passai cette journee a faire secher nos peaux de couverture, 
deja bien endommagees par les pluyes et les chauleurs excescives que 
nous essuyont. 

je dirai en passant, que toutes personnes qui s'embarquent pour des 
longs voyages, dans la saison d'ete, doivent de precautionner de bons pre- 
lats" pour couvrir leurs effets, et non pas des peaux de cerfe ou de beuf, 
qui malgre tout le soin possible et le temps que l'on perd a les faire secher, 
pourissent promptement dans les chaleurs de let.ee et exposent le marchan- 
dises a estre endommages par les injures du terns, ce a quoi Mr le direc- 
teur de la compagnie n'avoit pas bien pourvu, mayant fait partir avec de 
mechantes peaux a demy gatees et de vieux petits prelats dechires. 

le vingt jai fait partis de ce lieu, et jai fait route la journe entierre. 
le vingt et un jai campe au deuxeme villages encien des canses a Douze 
lieu du premiers. 18 les eaux montant touts les jours avec force, etant 
venues a demy ecorres, mes rameurs sont accables de lassitude, etant 

8 Chariton. 

» Grand River, on the north side of the Missouri. 

1° Early in the eighteenth century the village of the Missouri had been on 
the north bank- of the river, some miles below the Grand River. Here, some years 
before this time, they had been almost annihilated by the Sauk and Foxes. The 
survivors crossed the Missouri and established their village near the present 
town of Malta Bend, Missouri ; but before the date of this journal they had 
removed to the villages of their kinsmen the Oto, on the Platte River. 

"Kansas River. 

12 Map no. 2 in the atlas to Dr. Thwaites's Lewis and Clark, a map probably 
nearly contemporary with our journal, shows the Kansas villages just below the 
junction of the Blue River with the Kansas. 

13 From the reference to the Republican Pawnee, it is to be presumed that 
the blank is to be filled with the name of the Republican River. 

1* The diarist refers to the Platte River of Missouri, but camped opposite to 
it, on the Kansas side of the Missouri. 

is Isles des Parques, nearly opposite Leavenworth, Kansas. 

16 The first old village of the Kansas was a little above Kickapoo Island. 

i" Prelarts (tarpaulins). 

is At what Lewis and Clark called Independence Creek. 



304 Documents 

contraint, du matin au soir, de ramee de toutes forces, sans aucun delai. 
le vingt deux, campe au grand detour. 19 le vingt trois, arrete par le 
pluye. le vingt quatre, vingt cinq, et vingt six jai fait route, le vingt 
sept terns de pluye. le vingt huit, vingt neuf et trente en marche. le 
trente et un jai Decouvert un campement de chasse d'etee, le long du 
missouris, de la nation otoctatas, 20 nouvellement abandonne. 

je craignois fort de les Rencontree sur ma route car il est certain 
qu'ils m'ouroit arrete. 

leur grand chef, nomme le sac de medecine, etant alle au illinois et 
n'etant pas encore de retour, ses gens m'auroient retenu jusqu'a son 
arrivee. 

ce chef m'auroit absolument empeche daller plus loin car jai squ depuis 
qu'a son retour il avoit envoye des .couriers au mahas 21 et ceux cy aux 
poncas, pour me faire poursuivre, les exhortant de ne point me laisser 
parvenir ches les nations du haut de missouri. les retardements que les 
pluys et la force des eaux m'ont occasionne dans la route, m'ont fait eviter 
de tomber entre leurs mains, car ils avoient passes les mois de juin et 
juillette sur les Bords du missouri. 

le premier d'aoust, voulent laisser eloigne les sauvages, que je craig- 
nois de rencontree, et mes gens ayant plusieur rames de rompues, nous 
passames ce jour la au meme endroit a faire de rames. le deux, trois 
et quatrieme du mois jai fait route, le cinq arrete par la pluie. le 
sixeme jai fait secher nos peaux de couvertures. ce jour la le Sr Jacques 
d'eglise 2 - at arrive a nous, venant des illinois. il mat remis le paroles de 
Mr le commandant des Illinois composees de quatre letres pour deux chef 
des ricaras, un chef scioux et un chef chaquienne, 23 trois medailles, un 

19 Presumably the great bend at St. Joseph. 

20 Oto. 

21 Omaha. 

22 Jacques d'Eglise was the first person to reach the Mandan from St. Louis 
by way of the Missouri. In August, 1790, he obtained a permit from Manuel 
Perez, the lieutenant-governor at St. Louis, to go hunting on the Missouri. The 
trade with all the known Indians having been prohibited, Eglise made his way to 
the upper part of the river, where he encountered the Mandan. He returned to 
St. Louis in October, 1792, and the following year set out on a second voyage, 
taking with him, probably as partner, Joseph Garreau (see post, note 46). The 
trip was not a success, as the Arikara would not allow him to proceed further up 
the river. Garreau, whose " espiritu turvulento y livertino " did much to ruin 
the enterprise, preferred to remain among the Indians rather than face his 
creditors in St. Louis. Glamorgan's instructions to Truteau of June 30, 1794 
(Houck, Spanish Regime, II. 168, 169), refer to the two as having injured the 
" Mahas " in passing their village in 1793. and enjoin Truteau to stop them from 
trading if he finds them among the Mandan. In the second part of the journal, 
Truteau mentions the departure of Eglise from the village of the Arikara, for 
St. Louis, on May 24, 1795 (Missouri Historical Society Collections, IV. 21, 27, 
28). In July of that year, after Carondelet had offered a reward of $3,000 to 
the first person who should reach the Pacific overland, Zenon Trudeau speaks of 
Eglise as about to leave in a few days, " full of spirit and ambition ", with the 
intention of crossing the Rocky Mountains to the sea. Under the name Santiago 
d'Eglisse he is spoken of in 1804 as still occupied with trading on the Upper 
Missouri. In official Spanish documents his name is also found in the forms 
Santiago de la Iglesia and Jacobo L'Iglisse. 

23 Arikara, Sioux, Cheyenne. The " commandant des Illinois " is the lieu- 
tenant-governor of St. Louis, Don Zenon Trudeau. 



Journal of Jean Baptiste Truteaii 305 

pavilion, quatre carottes 24 tabac, un baril de poudre, et les Balles pour 
joindre aux trois pavilions, et une medailk dont jetois deja charge. 

il ma remis aussi le lettres et les nouyelle instructions que Mes. les 
directeur de la compagnie m'evoyoient, dans les quelles il m'etoit enjoint 
de remettre au Sr quenneville, 25 a l'entree de la rivierre des cansas, les 
vingt six fusil de traitte dont jetois charge, je ne pouvois le faire, etant 
Eloigne de pres de cent lieux de lui. je les ai offert au Sr jean muniers 26 
ainsi qu'il m'etoit mende; il n'en a point voulu. je proposai au Sr Jacques 
d'eglises de faire Route de compagnie. il me repondit que la saison etant 
avancee il ne pouvoit souffrir aucun retardement sans se faire un grand 
tort; qu'il setoit munis de quatres homines, luy cinquieme, petitte voiture 
peu chargee, pour se rendre promptement dans les endroits de chasse aux 
castors ; qu'etant pourvous de bons prelats pour couvertures, il pouvoit 
marcher terns de pluyes, ce que je ne pouvois faire, qu'avec sa petitte 
pirogue il passeroit facilement et meme de nuit les villages, et les mauvais 
passages qui sont sur la route, qu'enfin il m'etoit impossible de pouvoir la 
suivre et a lui de mattendre, que lors qu'ils seroit arrive au villages des 
ricaras, ou il sattendoit bien destre retenu jusqu'a mon arrivee, il enver- 
roit des franqais et des sauvages, avec des vivres, au devant de moy. 
le lendemain septieme du mois nous fimes route ensemble, il retardat sa 
marche ce jour [la] pour moy. je vis bien, par la legeretee de sa voiture, 
pouvent eviter les grands detours que jetois oblige de pratiquer, que je 
ne pourroit le suivre. je le priai sur les trois heure appres my d'arreter 
meditant les moyens que pourrois sauver mes fusil des mai[n]s soit des 
autos, 27 mahas, ou poncas. le mois d'aoust est le mois ordinaire [ou] ces 
nations reviennent a Ieur villages apres la chasse detee. 

je doutois fort que je pusse les passee avant leur retour. ainsi la 
prisse des fusils soit par les uns soit par les autres etoit inevitable, le 
Sr Jacques d'eglise avoit beaucoup plus d'esperence que moi de les eviter. 
je le consultait a ce sujet. je luy demandai sil vouloit les embarques 
jusques aux ricaras dans sa voitures, qu'il me les remettrais a la primiere 
entrevue. le Sr Jacques d'eglise me dit, que pour rendre service a la 
compagnie il les prendroit volontiers, mais sans encourir aucun risque ; 
qui[l] les porteroit au vilages des ricaras et plus haut sil etoit necessaire, 
sans exiger aucuns payement pour son port et service ; que sil les rendoit 
heuresement quil les vendroit pour le compte de la compagnie; cancas 

2 * " Tobacco ... in Upper Louisiana ... is cured and made into carrots 
for the Indian trade, and in this way it becomes an article of commerce." Amos 
Stoddard, Sketches Historical and Descriptive of Louisiana (Philadelphia, 1S12), 
p. 227. Carottes of tobacco are still made by the French of Missouri and 
Louisiana. The leaves, after the large stem has been removed, are laid together 
lengthwise and compressed ; then the bundle is covered with a cloth and tightly 
wrapped from end to end with a cord, making the tobacco into an almost solid 
mass from twelve to eighteen inches long and tapering almost to a point at 
each end. 

25 Quenneville is a well-known Canadian family, but the person here indi- 
cated has not been identified. 

26 Jean Baptiste Monier (or Juan Meunier) of St. Louis, son of Joseph 
Monier and Marie Anne Prevost of Vercheres in Canada, came to St. Louis in 
1789 or earlier. He was a trader who in 1789 discovered the Ponca tribe, four 
hundred leagues up the river from St. Louis. Carondelet granted him the ex- 
clusive trade of that tribe for the term of four years, beginning in January, 1794. 
Houck, Spanish Regime in Missouri, II. 1-3. 

=7 Oto. 



306 Documents 

[qu'en cas] que je ne pus me rendre cette automne soit aux ricaras ou 
aux mandanes, et quil m'en remettron le produit a la premierre viie, 
mayant dit que les fusils n'etoient pas de grand valeur, cher [chez] 
les nations du haut du missouri. je luy ai recommande de ne pas les 
vendre a moins de dix grand castors, ou loutres ; ce qu'il m'at promis. 

ainsi, messieurs, jai cru bien faire par toutes les raisons que jay 
citee plus haut, de deposer ces fusils entre les mains dun hommes dont 
vous aves vous meme reconnu le merite. 

le huitieme jour d aoust nous avons fait route, jai ete campe a 
l'entree de la riviere platte. le Sr Jacques d'eglise nous a laisse, je ne 
lai plus revu. 

la riviere platte se decharge dans le missouris a deux cent lieux des 
illinois. de la rivierre des canses a cette rivierre on en trouve trois autres 
qui ne sont navigables que le printems, a la fonte des nieges, et peu loin 
de leur embouchure. 

la premierre, nomme le grand nimahas, 28 se trouve a cinquante lieux 
plus haut que la riverre des canses ; a dix lieux de celle cy le petit nima- 
has ; toutes deux, a la gauche en montant. a quinze lieux plus haut a 
la droite, se decharge une rivierre nomme nichenanbatonnois. 29 

la riverre platte se decharge dans le [Missouri (?)] a la gauche en 
montans; est fort large, peu profond. elle coule avec rapiditee; son 
fond est rempli des sables roul[a]nts; elle n'est navigable qu'avec des 
forts petits canots de chasse. 

a douse lieux de son embouchur, habite la nation des otactatas, bons 
guerriers et bons chasseurs, a vingt cinq lieux plus haut est situe la 
village des grands panis, laches et peu chasseurs; a trente lieux de la, sur 
une rivierre que se decharge dans la rivierre platte, habitent les panis 
mahas; 30 bons guerries et non chasseurs, les traiteurs qui font le trocque 
des pelteries avec ces nations panis, sont oblige de faire transporter leur 
marchandises sur des chevaux depuis l'entree de la rivierre jusqu'a leur 
village et de descendre les peltries, quil en retirent au printems, dans des 
canots de peaux de beuf jusqu'au missouris, ou ils ont ordinairement des 
pirogues de reserve. 

les pelteries Ion a d'eux en echange des marchandises sont des peaux 
de castor, de loutre, de loups, renards et chats, des robes et des peaux de 
vaches passes en quantitee. 

le neuf, dix, et onsieme, jai fait route, le treise gros vent, peu de 
chemin. le quatorze, quinze et seize, en marche par un beau temps, le 
dix septieme arrete par la pluie. le dix huit jai campe a la petitte rivierre 
des sioux 31 a cinquante lieux plus haut que la rivierre platte. nous 
trouvons ici les eaux plus basses, et les courants moins fort, le dix neuf, 
en marche jusqu'a mydy ; quelques orages, jointes au vent contraires, nous 
ont arrete de la journee. jai fait route le vingt et vingt et un. le vingt 
deux et vingt trois vent contraires, peu de chemin. le vingt quatre jai 
approche le village des mahas 32 avec precaution, craignant destre decou- 
vert par quelq'un de cette nation; qui mauroit infailliblement empeche 
d'aller plus loin, la politique des sauvages de cette rivierre, est d'em- 
pecher la communication entre nous et les nations du haut du missouri, 

=8 Nemaha, in Nebraska. 

=o Nishnabotna, in Iowa. 

30 Oto, Grand Pawnee, Panimahas (or Pawnee Loups). 

si The Little Sioux. 

32 The Omaha village stood near the present site of Dakota City, Nebraska. 



Journal of Jean Baptiste Truteau 307 

les priv[a]nt des munitions de guerre, et autres secours qu'ils recevroient 
De nous si nous y parvenions facilement. ils tiennent ces peuples Eloig- 
ned dans une crainte continuelle de leur armes a feu. 

de sorte, qu'il les tuent, les massacrent sans aucune cause, les rendent 
esclaves, les chassent de leur propre territoire, sans qu'ils osent a peine 
se deffendre, nayant que la fuitte pour ressource ; tant ils craynent les 
nations qui sont munis darmes a feu. avantage dont les premiers sqa- 
vent tres bien prof iter, et conserve, en nous ferm[a]nt les chemins autant 
qu'il peuvent. 

jai done passe ce village au commencement de la nuit, jai campe envi- 
ron deux lieux plus haut ; l'obscuritee m'enpechant Daller plus loin. 

nous vimes sur le rivage des deux cotes de la rivierre quantitee de 
pistes d'hommes qui avoit traverses quelques jour auparavant. jay scu 
depuis que cetoient des sacques 33 qui-y-etoient venu en parole. 

le vilage des mahas, est situe dans une belle prairie a environ une 
lieux de distance du missouris et a deux cent quatre vingt lieux des Illi- 
nois, depuis la riviere platte jusqu'a ce village les eaux du missouris 
coulant avec moint de rapiditee, que dans le bas de cette rivierre. les 
detour sont longs et frequents, de sorte qu'un hommes de pied peut dans 
une journee faire le chemin, par terre, qu'une pirogue bien armee ne 
pouroit faire en quatre et cinq jours par eau. 

il n'y a aucune rivierres considerables depuis la rivierre platte, 
jusqu'au villages des mahas. Ie vingt cing jembarquai a l'aube du jour 
et je fus campe a la grand riviere des scioux 34 a la droite du missourie 
[s]ix lieux plus haut que le villages des mahas. 

cette rivierre ne peut porter que des canots de chasse. nous avons 
trouves cette journe la de forts courants, et plusieurs mauvais passages 
par les Battures coupees. le vingt six, terns de pluye, peu de chemin. 

Ie vingt sept jai campe plus haut que le grand detour 35 estime a douse 
lieux des mahas. 

le vingt huit jai marche jusqu'a midy. la pluye nous at arrete le 
reste du jour; et a continue toute la nuit. le lendemain, vingt neuf, nous 
avons fait secher nos couvertures, une partie de la journee. le trente, 
trente et un d'aoust et le premiers de septembre en marche par un beau 
temps, le deuxieme, et le trois temps de pluye, peu de route; jay em- 
barque et campe trois fois la meme journee. le quatre au matin notre 
chasseur, noel charron, tua un cerfe a l'entree de la rivierre, a la droite du 
missourie, a Jacques, 36 que Ion trouve a quarante cinq lieux plus haut que 
le village des mahas. cette rivierre n'est naviguable qu'avec des petits 
canots. 

jai employe une partie de cette journee, a faire secher au feu la viande 
de ce cerf qui ce seroit corrompue. precaution necessaires, non seule- 
ment pour eviter la jeune. mais pour n'etre point oblige de tirer du fusils 
dans les passages dangereux. depuis plus de dix lieux plus bas que village 
des mahas, nous [ejteignons soigneusemen nos feux et jettons tous les 
matins nos bo[is] de berqeaux de nuit au feu, prenant gran soin de ne 
point faire paroite de vestige le moins qu'il est possible, le quatre jai 
marche jusqu'a deux ou trois heures apres midy. la pluye m'at oblige de 

33 Sauk. 

3 -i Big Sioux River. 

35 The great bend below Ponca, Nebraska. 

36 James or Dakota River, which enters the Missouri on its left bank in the 
ordinary sense, Truteau's right as he ascended. 



308 Documents 

camper a une isle nomme l'isle aux chicots, 37 a quatre lieux plus haut que 
la riviere a Jacques, le sixieme du mois jay ete faire secher nous couver- 
tures a une autre isle nomme l'isle a bon'homme 38 a trois lieux de la 
premiere, le septieme jai marche la journee entierre. le huit, neuf, et 
dix peu de route par les vents contraires. le onsieme jai embarque de 
grand matin ; notre chasseurs nous a tue cette journee la un cerf, qui nous 
at ete d'un grand secours. 

nayant pour toutes vivres qu'environ un minot et demi de maillis 30 et 
cinquante livres de farine pour neuf hommes, javois encore plus de cent 
lieux de chemin pour me rendre cher [chez] les ricaras, sans cesse arrete 
par les mauvais temps, jay campe ce jour la a deux lieux plus bas que la 
rivierre qui court. 40 cette rivierre a la gauche De missouris est estime 
a soixante et dix lieux du grand village des mahas, et ainsy eloignee de 
trois cent cinquante lieux de l'embouchure du missouri, selon le rapport 
des sauvages. ■ elle est la plus abondante en castor et loutres de tout ce 
continant, mais elle roule ses eaux avec tant de force et de rapiditee, que 
Ton ne peut, soit disant, y navigue, ni en montant ne en descendant, le 
villages des poncas est situe a une lieux plus haut, pres du missourie. le 
commerce des pelteries avec cette nations seroit avantageux, s'il [si] les 
mahas, quoique leurs alliers, ni [n'y] portoient obstacle, empechant les 
traiteurs d'y parvenir l'automme, ne les soufrant que tres rarement y 
aller le primtems faire la trocque des marchandises qui leur restent apres 
en avoirre tires aux meme la milleure partie. 

ils ne menquent jamais de vouloir persuader aux franqois que cest 
pour la conservation de leur butin et la seuretee de leur vie qu'ils les retien- 
nent, dis[a]nt que ce peuple, appelle poncas, n'est point humanise, quil ne 
pale [faille ( ?) ] de piller, frappe, ou tuer ceux qui entrent ches lui [et] 
que par la grande amitiee qu'ils portent aux franqais, ils ne [vojulent 
pas qu'ils leur arrive du mal ; discours faux qu'ils nous [tijennent. le 
veritable motif qui les fait agire est leur propre interest, car en privant 
cette nattion d'un commerce dire[c]te avec nous ils en tirent toutes les 
belles pelteries, castor et loutre, pour des Bagatelles quils leur vendent 
bien cheres et font aux memes la troque de ces memes pelteries soit avec 
nous, soit avec les nations situees sur le missipy pour de Belles marchan- 
dises, a tres bon compte. 

la nuit du onsieme au dousieme de septembre nous fumes surpris d'une 
furieuse tempete de vant, grele, et pluye qui nous a contraint de decharger 
notre voitures dans lobscuritee de la nuit. le dousieme la pluye a continue 
la journee entierre. le treise le terns s'est eclaircy par un gros vent 
douest. jai fait secher quelques marchandises qui avoient mouillies en les 
decharge[a]n de nuit. le quatorse jai fait route, en approchan le villages 
des poncas avec mefiance; 41 sur les trois a quatre heures appres midy je 
me suis ca[c]he derrierre une isle qui aboutit a leur village, jay embarque 
a lentree de la nuit et jay marche le plus tard qu'il nous at ete posibles. 
mais ayant tombe parmy des Battures plattes, nous avons passes la nuit 
sur une d'icelle sans feux. ce villages est tres difficil a passes sans estre 

37 Chicot Island (Isle of Stumps). 

38 Near the present site of Bonhomme, South Dakota. 

39 About three bushels of maize. 

40 The Riviere qui Court is the Niobrara, which enters the Missouri on the 
left as one ascends. 

41 "Three miles from the mouth of this river" (the Ponca), says Lewis, 
" the Poncars resided a few years since in a fortifyed village, but have now 
joined the Mahas and become a wandering people." Thwaites, VI. 47. 



Journal of Jean Baptiste Truteau 309 

vu, car outre que ce ne sont que prairie de chaques cotes du missourie, 
ils selevent au pres de leurs cabanes des cotes, du sommet desquelles ils 
peuvent decouvrir a trois et quatre lieux en haut et en bas de la rivierre. 

le quinze jay partis de grand matin, et je suis venu campe a une 
endroit appelle la tourre 42 a six lieux du vilages des poncas. 

le sixieme jours campe lisle abasque, 43 cing lieux plus haut que la 
tourre. le dix sept, jay marche jusque vers midy. le vent d'ouest s'est 
eleve avec tant de force qu'il ne m'a plus ete possible d'avancer. nos 
vivres diminuent, nous ne tuons rien dans le bas de missourie, les pluye 
et les montages d'eau nous ont beaucoup retarde icy. les vents fougueux, 
et frequents par [la] proximitee des prairie nous Retiennent. 

je suis dans une crainte continuel de quelque evenements mal'heureux; 
soit par le manque de vivres, soit par la rencontre de quelques nations qui 
nous soient contraires. le dix huit, jai campe a lisle aux cedres, 44 a vingt 
lieux de la riviere qui court, le dixneuf arrete un peu plus haut par 
le vent contraire. notre chasseur nous a tue ce jour la une Biche. le 
vingt peu de route par le vent contraires et les mauvaises battures. 

le vingt un nous avons fait route, nous avons tue cette journee la 
un cerf et un chevreuil, qui nous ont donnes une petitte abondance de 
vivres. le vingt deux jai campe deux lieux plus bas que la rivierre a la 
gauche du missourie Blanche, 40 estime a quinze lieux plus haut que lisle 
aux cedres. dans cet espace de chemin on trouve quantitee disles bien 
fournies en bois et abondantes en betes fauves. le vingt trois, et vingt 
quatre, arrete par un gros vent melee de plui. le vingt cinq en marche. 
le vingt six peu de route, terns de pluye. le vingt sept jay marche la 
journee entierre. nous avons aperqus des fumees qui se Ievoient sur les 
bords du missourie plus haut que nous, mes gens opinoient que cetoit les 
fra[n]qais et les ricaras qui venoient au devant nous qui mettoit ces feux 
et qu'il seroit apropos de leur repondre, ce que bien apropots je nai pas 
voulu faire. 

le vingt neuf arrete par le vent contraires. un des mes gens etant 
alle a la chasse me rapporta qu'il avoit vu la piste d'un homme passe de 
la veille. 

je fus moi meme a la decouverte. etant parvenu a lendroit ou les 
feux avoient etes allumes, je trouvai le chemin d'une bande de scioux qui 
marchoient devant nous, elle m'a paru estre au nomble de dix a douze 
cabane. jay ete fort contents qu'ils ne nous eussent pas decouvert. le 
trente jai embarque, et ayant traverse sur lautre rive jay arrete a trois 
lieux plus haut pour donner le temps a ses [ces] sauvage de seloigner. 

les vivres manquoient absoluments; depuis la riviere Blanche, nous 
ne trouvions rien a tuer, les scioux y ayant passes nouvellement. cette 
bande qui marchoit devant nous me metoit dans une embarras extreme, 
je craignois, avec juste raison, de tomber entre leur mains, jetois informe 
du mauvais traitement qu'ils avoit requs ches les ricaras, par les nommes 
lauson, et garaut, 46 qui les avoit fusilles. je sai, que la plus grande satis- 

12 The Tower, a conspicuous landmark. 

« The Isle aux Basques is shown, as near Wheeler, South Dakota, on the 
map in Perrin du Lac, Voyage dans les deux Louisianes (Paris, 1805). 

« Cedar Island. 

45 White River. 

« The second was presumably Joseph Garreau, whom Lewis refers to as 
" Mr. Garrow, a Frenchman, who has lived many years with the Ricares and 
Mandans " ; Thwaites, I. 272. Lewis and Clark used him as an interpreter. 
Truteau speaks ill of him in part II. ; Missouri Historical Society Collections, 
IV. 26. 



310 Documents 

faction des sauvages est la vengence. je craignois d'en estre la victime 
et malgre toute ma mefiance, et mes precaution, je n'ai p[u]s eviter de 
letre en partie, peu sen est fallu tout a fait. 

me croyant peu Eloigne du village des ricaras, selon les indices que 
les Srs quenneville, et Jacques d'eglise m'avoient donnee, je [me] deter- 
minai d'anvoye deux hommes par terre ches cette nat[ion] tant pour 
querir des vivres, que pour les inviter de venir [a]u devant de moi, pour 
me garantir des insultes des sqioux. 

les nommes pierre Berget et josept la deroute, 47 que j'envoyois aux 
ricaras, s'etant munis de souliers et de quelque galettes pour leur voyage, 
se levoient pour partir lorsque nous entendim[e]s crier sur l'autre rive 
du missouris. 

j'apperqus plusiers sauvage qui descendoient les cotes vis-avis de 
nous, crierent en lengue sciouse qui nos etions, d'ou nous venions, et ou 
nous allions. je repondis, en la meme langue, qu'il voyoient bien que 
nous etions des franqais. 

ils le crierent aussitot a quantite dautres, qui arrivent sur le rivage 
de distance en distance. 

dans cette occasion mon embaras n'etoit pas petitte. la fuitte etoit 
dangereuse et difficile dans ce lieu, les battures spacieuse dont le mis- 
souri est rempli, les eaux basses en cette saison, un chenail fort etroit 
qu'il falloit chercher, et quil se trouvoient positivement a l'endroit ou 
ses [ces] sauvages Etoient postes, m'empechoient de le faire avec seurete. 
continuer route en montant, ils m'auroient rejoint Bien vite. m'enbusquer 
dans ce lieu pour leur resister par les armes, ce ne pouvoit estre que pour 
un tres petit moment, nous etions denues de vivres; et d'ailleurs, ils nous 
auroient assaillis par le nombre, et nous y auroient tous fait perir. dans 
cette extremite, je reflechi quelques moments sur le parti que je devois 
prendre, mes gens n'etoient pas peu deconcertes; il se rassuroient en 
peu sur la connaissance que jai de ces nations, dont je possede passable- 
ment la langue, ressouce heureuse pour un voyageur dans les evenements 
Dangereux. 

je pris done le parti de leur parler, mais [ajvant de les aborder je fis 
metre nos armes a feu en bon etat; j'arborai sur le derriere de ma pirogue 
un pavilion; je fis tires deau coups d'espingolles, et mes gens firent une 
decharge de coups de fusil, pendant ces preparatifs, ils me crierent sans , 
cesse daller a eux. je ne voulus pas le faire, sans m'assures [au]paravant 
de quelle nations scioux ils etoient, s'il etoient en partis de guerre, ou de 
chasse, s'il y avoit quelque chef notable parmy eux. je leur fis ces de- 
mandes en leur langue. ils ne furent pas peu surpris de m'entendre paler 
de la sorte. 

clui qui toujours porte la parole s'eleva. il me dit, qu'il etoit de la 
nations hanctons 48 scioux qui habitent sur la rivierre des moins ; 49 qu'il 
netoit point en guerre, mais a la chasse; que les femmes et les enfant ne 
traderoient pas arriver; que je pouvois venir a eux en seuretee. 

je lui repondis que javais peine a le croire, et qu'ils me trompoit 

*i Pierre Berger, second in command of the expedition, son of the late 
Pierre Berger and the late Therese Hebert, was married at St. Louis, on August 
26, 1797, to Josette Mayer, ftlle naturale of Jean Baptiste Mayer and Josette of the 
nation of the Maha ; and Jean Baptiste Truteau was an officiating witness at the 
marriage. Berger was living in 1818. Joseph Laderoute has not been identified, 
though the name Laderoute was common in St. Louis at that time. 

"Yankton. 

40 Des Moines. 



Journal of Jean Baptists Truteau 3 1 1 

alors. il leva les mains vers le soliel et les baissa vers la terre, les prenant 
tout deaux a temoins qu'il me disoit la verite. il cita de plus tous les 
chefs de sa nation par leurs noms. il rappellat plusieurs faits dont 
javois moi meme connoisance dans le temps que je frequentois ce peuple. 
il me nomma tous les franqais, tant enciens que nouveaux, qui les ont le 
plus frequentes. 

sans sqavoir qu'il me parloit, il me nomma du non [nom] que je por- 
tois ches eux autres fois. toutes ces citations justes me firent juger, qu'il 
pouvoit dire la verite. quant a son village, etant bien connu de cette 
nation sciouse appelles hantons, sauvages asses humanises, j'avois lieu 
desperer que je m'en retirerois avec plus de facilitee qu'avec toute autre 
village scioux. 

mais pour mieux encore m'assure de la veritee, j'exigeai qu'il traver- 
sassent deux seulement sur une grande Batture qui nous separoient. ils 
ont traverses trois a la negef?]. je fus au devant d'eux avec trois 
hommes armes. je les reconus pour tels qu'il setoient dits ; et ils me 
reconnurent aussi. je les fis fumer, ce qu'ils firent de bonne grace, enfin 
ils me donnerent toutes les marque et assurances qu'il ne m'arriveroit 
aucun mal. 

nous les menames a notre pirogue ou je leur donnai a manger, nous 
vimes alors arrive sur lautre rive, les femmes avec touts leur bagages, ce 
qui m'affirmat qu'ils [ejtoient en village et non en guerres. 

jembarquai done avec ces trois coquins sur ma voiture. je voulurent 
me faire descendre plus bas, ou ils avoient dessein de dresser leur loges. 
m'ayant point d'abri pour ma pirogue en cas de vent, je ne le voulus pas. 
je fis route en mo[n]tant pour gagner une pointe de bois qui paroissoit 
plus haut. tout ces couquins suivent le long du rivage, telle q'une bande 
de loups affames que attendent un chevreuil a [son] debarquement pour le 
devorer. avant darrive a cette fatale point [ ] il se trouva un petit 
chenail, dont l'entree netant pas asser profo[nd] pour passer notre piro- 
gue, tous ces tigres se prirent apres, et la trainerent aupres de leur 
campement. tous les discours flatte[ur]s, qu'ils m'avait tenus, ne 
m'avoient pas persuade de leurs sinceritee et honnetettee. je connois 
trop bien les ruses et fourberies des sauvages, pour y ajouter aucun con- 
fiance, loccasion ou je me trouvois me forqoit de leur faire paroitre de 
la joie de les avoir rencontre, quoique dans mon ame, j'en detestois le 
moment. 

Les ordres que Ms. les directeurs de la compagnie mont donnee 50 
portent de faire alliance, donnas [donner] parole, ouvrir commerce avec 
toutes les nations que je decouvrirois au dessus de la nation poncas; je 
devois done les chercher plustot que de les fuir. mais je proteste, que 
tout voyaguers qui entreprendront de parvenir ches les nations du haut 
du missourie feront tres bien deviter la rencontre de celle cy, tant pour la 
suretee de leurs effets que de leur vie meme. on pourra en juger par ce 
qui m'arrive icy. me voila done entre leur main, dans un chenail presque 
sec, sans pouvoir ni avancer, ni reculer. mes pretendus amis, de la 
rivierre des moins, m'avoient bien debites quelques verites; mais el 
m'avoient caches qu'ils netoient que trois loges de leur nation et que cette 
Bande etoit toute composee de titons, 51 peuples feroce, peu humanise, qui 
erre sans cesse pour vivre, rempli de moeurs et de coutumes barbares. 

50 See the instructions at length in Houck, The Spanish Regime in Missouri, 
II. 164-172. 
si Teton. 



3 1 2 Documents 

les vaste prairies qu'ils parcourrent au nord du missourie etant presente- 
men denuees de Betes fauves, ils sont obliges de venir faire la chasse de 
beuf et vaches sauvages sur les Bords du missouris, et meme de traverses 
pour chasses sur la partie occidentale de cette rivierre. ceux cy etoient 
maigres et decharnes. il ne vivoient que des racines, et de quelque peu 
deffolle [de folle] avoine, 62 qu'ils avoient recueillis au bords de certains 
maroits ou ils avoient passes. 

voila lespece d'hommes avec qui j'etoit tombe. ainsi je ne pouvois 
esperer d'en avoir aucun secours pour les nouritures. ils arriverent en 
grande nombre ; et plante[re]nt leurs loges dans la pointe de bois. ils 
allumerent un grand [feu] pres de notre voiture ; et sy assemblerent tous. 
je debutai par leur distribuer quelques morceaux de tabac, avec grand 
soin de les faires fumer, ce que quelqu'n accepterent, et dautres refuser- 
ent, ainsi que de me donner la main, jaugurai mal de ces refus; car ches 
tous les peuples sauvages, le calumet est le simbole de paix et damitiee. 

ils me demanderent ou jallois. je leur repondis que je montois aux 
ricaras; je ne pouvois le caches, ils voyoient que j'etois charge de 
marchandise de traite. il s'eleva parmi eux de grands murmures a ce 
sujet. je n'epargnai rien pour adoucir les [es], prits de ces Betes feroces 
par mes paroles. 

je leur demandai sil n'y avoit pas quelques chefs notables dans leur 
hande ; ils me dirent que non. je leur dis que leur pere le grand chef des 
espagnols m'envoyoit ches les nations ricaras; qu'etant informe de leurs 
miserre, ainsi que de celle des titons, il avoit pitie d'eux, et vouloit leurs 
procures un coup de poudre et mn couteau; qu'aussitot que je serois 
arrive aux ris, 53 je ferois venir les chefs titans, pour ecouter la parole de 
leur pere espagnol et fumer dans son calumet; qu'ils pouvoit estre assures 
qu'ils trouveroient tout leurs Besoins au village des ricaras en echange 
des pelleteries qu'ils apporteroient. 

ils me repondirent que les titons n'avoient point de chef plus grand 
les uns que les autres ; que chaque homme etoit chef de sa cabanne; 
que nous autres franqois, nous faisions tres mal de porter de la poudre et 
des Balles aux ricaras ; que cette poudre serviroit a tuers le scioux ; que 
les franqais qui etoient deja ches les Ricaras etoient de mauvais franqais, 
palant toujours mal contre eux, et excitant les ris a les tuer, quand ils 
y alloient en parole et que nous en ferions de meme. le reste de la jour- 
nee se passa en quelque festin de mauvaise folle avoine, que les seuls hanc- 
tons nous firent. ils me demanderent quelques coups de poudre et des 
balles pour aller a la chasse le lendemain, promettant de nous donner la 
viande. je leur en donnai ; ils voulurent emprunter tous les fusils de mes 
gens, qui consentirent a leur en [prjeter trois. je mopposai a leur en 
donner d'avantage. mes amis de la rivierre des moins faisoient les de- 
mandes. je prevoyois que j'a[vo]is absolement besoin d'eux pour me 
tirer du mauvais par ou j'etois embarquer. 

il etoit necessaire de ne point les rebuter par des manieres dures. la 
nuit etant venu, ils s'assemblerent tous autours de notre feu. mes gens 
se coucherent dans la pirogue et firent bonne garde, je dressai une 
petitte tante [tente] aupres du feu, afin diexaminer plus facilment leurs 
actions, et ecouter leurs discours bons et mauvais. les hantons approu- 
voient toutes les paroles que je leur avois dit, disant que leurs chefs 
avoient etes en differentes fois au pays des franqois; qu'ils avoient etes 
bien requs du grand chef des espagnols, le pere de toutes les nations 

"Wild rice. See Wis. Hist. Coll.. XIX. 189. note 65. 
S3 Arikari (Ankara). 



Journal of Jean Baptiste Truteau 3 1 3 

peaux rouges; que depuis cetemps ils avoient toujours etes dans labond- 
ance de marchandises si utiles a la vie; que les francais parcourroient 
toute la terre; qu'il rendoient toutes les nations qui les recevoient bien 
heureuse et qu'au contraire, les peuples que les francois ne frequentoient 
pas, Etoit miserable, expose a mourire de fin [faim] et a estre vincus par 
leur ennemis, fautes des armes defensives, que les hommes blancs seuls 
pouvoient leur procures. 

tous ces discours ne touchoient gueres lesprit de ces baites feroces; 
ils voyoient une grande pirogue chargee de marchandises qu'il leur etoit 
facile d'envales par le violance, ainsi ils persistoient dans leur mauvais 
santiments. 

les hanctons les voyant obstines a vouloire nous maltraiter leurs 
dirent qu'ils ne vouloient pas qu'ils me firent du mal a moy particuliere- 
ment; que j'avois longtems frequente leur nation; que jetois leur allie et 
leur parent; que leur chefs et leur viellards leur feront reproche s'ils me 
turaient [tueraient] en leur presence; qu'il m'avoit promis, par le serment 
du soleil et de la terre pour me faire venir a eux qu'il ne m'arriveroit 
aucun mal ; que javois fume et mange avec eux. la nuit se passa en de 
semblables contestations de part et dautres. le Iendemain matin, ils se 
retirent. les hanctons seuls resterent avec nous, quelques uns feignirent 
d'aller a la chasse, et revinrent sans avoir rien tues. je m'appercevois 
bien que mes garants flechissoient. celuy qui m'avoit toujours porter la 
parole, meanmenees [m'a amene] dans sa loge, ou il ma fit menges 
[manger], il me d[it] que les titons etoient de mauvais gens; qu'il craig- 
noit beaucoup pour moy et mes franqais; qu'ils etoient si peu de leur 
nation, qu'ils les croignoient euxmemes. je l'encourageai a me donnes la 
main dans cette occasion; il me promit qu'il feroit son possible, mais il me 
dit que les fra[n]qais souvriroient les mauvais chemins par des presents; 
qu'il ny avoit que ce moyen-la d'adoucirs les titons, qui avoient tous de 
mauvais coeur ; qu'ils pensoit que je delibererais bien, cest a dire, qu'il ne 
falloit rien Espargne pour notre liberte. je lui dis que lorsque quelques 
principaux coquins qui etoient a la chasse seroient revenus, je leur par- 
lerois definitivement. il me reconduit a la voiture et pour lors en attend- 
ant le retour des chasseurs, il appellerent tous les hommes jeunes et 
vieux, les femmes et les enfants de tout age, et de tout sexe, Et m'obliger- 
ent de donner a chaque individus, couteaux petits et grands, aleines, 
peignes, Vermillion et autre menuitees de toutes espece. on peut juges 
que la depense ne fut pas petitte. j'etois au desespoire d'une telle pro- 
fusion, elle n'etoit cependant point a son dernies point ; que faire dans 
une conjoncture si dangereuse? que leur apposes pour deffense que de 
simples paroles dont ils faisoient peu de cas appres cette distribution? 
ils apporterent quelques peaux de castors et de chevreuil et me demend- 
erent a les trocques pour du drap, de la poudre, et les Bales, ils embar- 
querent sur la voiture en foule ; mes gens avoient toute peine possible 
a garantir les vols; ils m'enleverent poudre. balle, drap, couverte blanche, 
hache, pioche vermilion, couteau, etc., sans me donner le temps de comp- 
ter leur pelteries, encore moins de convenir du prix, quelqu'effort que je 
fis pour leur resister. ce fut un vrai pillage, mes saufgarde, de la rivierre 
des moins, ne furent pas les moins partage. laviditee du Butin ches tous 
les peuples barbares est la passion dominante. ceux cy oublierent dans ce 
moment leur serment et leur bienveillance pour moi. 

apres cet assaut ils se retirent, ne restant que quelque jeunes coquins 
qui nous faisoient enrager. 

un d'entre eux m'appella dans sa cabane. pendant que j'etois absent 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 21. 



3 1 4 Documents 

ils enleverent nos deux chaudierres de service, et prirent deux fusils a 
mes gens. 

je revins promptement a eux, je pestai, je priai, je suppliai; mais 
inutilment. 

ils me dirent qu'un mechant viellard, soutenu par plusieurs garqons, 
ses enfants et autres parents, avoit fait faire cet actions et qu'il faisoit 
to[u]s ses efforts pour me faire pillier. 

mon embaras et ma piene etoit sans egale. 

je jugeois bien que le plutot que je pourrois m'elloigner d'eux seroit 
le mieux. quelque vielles femmes m'avoient avertis quils avoient envoye 
des couriers avertir d'autres Bandes que etoient aux environ, [a]fin qu'ils 
se rendissent promptement dans se lieu. 

s'ils arrivoient avant mon depart, q'en etoit fait du reste des marchan- 
dises. pour partir, il me falloit non seulement leur consentement, mais 
encore leur aide, pour sortir notre pirogue du maudit chenail, ou ils nous 
avoient traines, presque a sec. 

je preparai done promptement et arrengeai sur la greve le present 
que jetois force de leur faire, qui consistat en sept a huit aunes de drap, 
un baril de poudre, les balles proportionnellement, quatre carottes de 
tabac, deux paquets de couteaux contenant deux dousaines chacun, quatre 
couvertes Blanches, quatre pioches, quatre haces, deux sac de vermilion, 
pierres a feu, tireboures, battefeux, etc. je fis venir les principeaux. 
une partie y vienrent, plusieurs refuserent, du nombre desquelles fut cet 
infernal viellard dont j'ai parle. 

j'entendis sur le sable le drap bleu, simbole d'un beau chemin que je 
leur demandois. je leur dis que je voulois partir ce jour meme. je leur 
reite[r]ai la parole que le grand chef espagnole leur pere m'avoit charge 
de porter aux ricara, aux chefs titons ses enfants, qu'il le falloit que 
je m'y rendisse absolument pour suivre sa volonte. 

je les Exhortai d' envoyes quelques jeunes gens avertir le grand chefs 
de leur nation de mon arrivee dies les ricaras ; que je les y attendois 
au primtems prochain, le plus tard ; qu'ils vinssent a chasser aux castors, 
l'outres et autres pelteries; que je leur Donnerois en echange leurs be- 
soins ; qu'ils pouvoit etres assure qu'ils seroient bien recus de moy et des 
ricaras ; que mon coeur n'etoit pas semblable a celuy des franqais, dont 
ils plaignoient. j'em prenois les hanctons qui me connoisoient bien, a 
temoin. ces derniers m'approuverent, mais ces demons de titons me 
repondirent les memes insolences que la veille et d'avantage me disent 
qu'ils n'avoit point de pere espagnol; qu'ils avoient envoyes des couries 
a toutes les Bandes dq sioux qui etoient en haut et en bas de la rivierre les 
avertir qu'ils avoient trouves une grande pirogue chargee de marchandises 
pour les ricaras; que j'etois insense de vouloire alter ches cette nation qui 
s'etoit enfuis au millieu de l'ete, ayant ete attaque par les sauvages du 
nord, avoit abandonnee ses cabanes sans sestre donnee le temps de recolter 
les maillis. croi tu, me disoient ils, Echappes des mains des sioux, qui 
Bordent le missouris des deux cotes, jusqu'au village des ricaras, et meme 
plus haut? ils sont avertis, ils te queteront, te pilleront, et peut estre te 
tueront, toi et les gens, car, disoient ils, les titons n'ont point desprit. 
reste avec nous, construit une maison d'hyvernement ; tous les sioux vien- 
dront trafiques avec toi beaucoup de pelteries quant a la desertion des 
ricaras. je ne voulous pas les croire, les voyaguers nouvellement revenus 
de cette nations m'ayant assure qu'ils etoient fixes dans leur habitations, 
allant, alternativement, par bande a la chasse des beuf sauvages, et con- 
noissant les sauvages fertils en ruses et en mensanges, je jugeai que ceux 



Journal of Jean Baptiste Truteau 



J'D 



cy avoient inventes cette nouvelle pour me detourne de la resolutions que 
jetois de my rendre. 

Les hanctons, n'osant pas me dire leur pansee ouvertement, crainte 
de leurs deplaire, me faisoient signe de ne pas consentir a leurs demandes. 

je n'avois garde de les accepter, appres les mauvais traitements que 
j'en avois recu, et qu'ils etoient encore prests a recidiver. j'avois plus 
lieu de craindre larrivee de quelqu'autre Brigarde de cette maudite nation, 
qui m'auroit entierrement pilles, que de consentier a faire residence avec 
eux. par qu'el moyen aurois je pu resister une hyvers entierre avec un 
peuple qui avoient luy merae sa ferocitee, qui n'at aucun union, qui erre 
sans cesse par pelotom ne pouvant se rassembles dans un seul village sans 
se voler, se battre, se tuer, soit pour les femmes, soit pour la possession 
de quelques chevaux que les uns ont plus que les autres; peuples remplis 
de mauvais prejuges, attribuant ordinairement les accidents funestes, les 
maladies, les mortalites, aux marchandises ou aux nourritures qu'il recoi- 
vent de nous; gens avides du butin qu'il voyent sans jamais en vouloir 
payer la valeur ; susprets [ ?] violents toujours prets a frapper a la 
moindre contradiction qu'ils recoivent, qui ne connoissent aucune subordi- 
nation, et ne craignent aucun Etranger, qui violent sans scrupule, les 
paroles ou assurances de paix et d'aillances, qu'ils donnent, ou reqoivent 
de leurs voisins? quelle tyranie nauroient ils pas exercee contre des 
franqais que le hasard avoit mis entre leurs mains, et qu'ils scavoient 
tres bien netre pas destines pour eux, mais pour leur ennemie? a quel 
exces la jalousie ne les auroit elle pas porte? les scioux insultes par les 
nommes garaut et lauson, n'auroient ils pas eux [eu] la plus belle occa- 
sion de s'en venges? ils nous auroient depouilles ne seulement de nos 
effets, mais encore de nos armes a feu; et nous auroient laisses perir par 
la fain, sil ne nous eussent pa[s] otes la vie eux memes. 

je refusai done firement ce qu'ils me proposoint. je leur [dis] que 
je voulois partir incontinent; qu'ils vinssent aprendre ce que je leur 
donnais pour faire vivre leurs femmes et leur enfant, je les priai de me 
faire rendre les deux fusils et deux chaudierras que leurs gens avoient 
pris, leur representant que nous n'avions rien pour faire cuire notre 
manger, ils me repondirent que e'etoit impossible que je pouvois partir, 
puisque moi et mes gens nous cherchions la mort. ils se leverent tous, 
et emporterent le present, de mauvaise grace, n'en trouvant pas asser. 

nous fumes pour lors quelques moments seuls. je ne pouvois sortir 
de ce lieux sans aide, decharger ma pirogue pour l'alleger, e'etoit m'ex- 
poses derechef aux vol et au pillage, le temps me pressoit; je ne revoyois 
plus mes hommes, hanctons, ils m'avoient abandonnes. il survingt dans 
ce moment quelques vielle femmes qui m'avoient connus sur la riverre des 
moins, que me reitererent touts les mauvais desseins que les titons avoient 
eus et avoient encore contre nous; que leur hommes sy etoient opposes 
part aport [par rapport] a moy. elles massurerent qu'ils etoient cinq 
Bandes de cette nation qui marchoient devant nous de chaque cote du 
missourie; que vingt deux loges des memes devoient presentement estres 
sortis en bas aux environs de la rivierre Blanche, elles me conseilloient 
de ne marcher que la nuit, me cacher le jour, dis[a]nt que sils nous 
voyoient nous etions perdus. je leur promis de le faire. mais je n'etois 
pas sortir de ce lieur, dautres femmes rappelloient avec force et precipi- 
tation celle[s] cy et firent retires les enfant qui etoient aupres des nous, 
je prejugeai et non faussement qu'il se tramois quelque mauvais coup 
contre nous. 

je montai promptement la cote, je marchai droite a la cabana de 



3 1 6 Documents 

celuy qui m'avoit le premiers donne la main sur la Batture, je luy de- 
mandai ce qui ce passoit. 

il ne me repondit point, je luy reprochai de m'avoir abandonne, 
contre sa promesse. il me dit qu'il n'avoit pas le coeurs contant; que 
les titons avoient partages entre eux le present; que ny luy ni ses gens 
n'y avoit eu aucune part; que le viellard, dont jay deja parler, ni ses 
enfant n'avoient pas voulus se trouves au partage ; enfin qu'il vouloient 
frapper sur nous. 

je le pressai, en lui faisant promesse de le recompences, de venir avec 
ses gens m'aider a sortir de ce lieu. 

les vielles femmes de sa loge m'aidant de leur part, il sortit et vint 
avec moy, accompagne de six autre de ses gens, a peine fumes nous 
arrives a la voiture, que nous entendimes un grand Bruit dans le camp 
sauvage; des pleurs, des cris de femmes qui crioient, ils vont tirer sur 
les franqais. elles paroissoient toutes sinterresser a notre conservation; 
c'etoit peutetre en reconnoissance des couteaux, aleine, etc. que j'avois 
ete force de leur distribute la veille. 

nous appercumes plusieurs hommes, les armes a la main, qui couroient 
de la de la: dautres qui les poursuivoient pour sopposer a leur mauvais 
desstin. ceux qui m'accompagnoient, au nomble de six, me presserent de 
partir. je les priai encore de nous aides a rendre notre pirogue a la 
grande eau. je leur promis de leur donnes a chaque une brasse de drap. 54 
pour l'ors, ils nous aides [aidaient] a rendre notre voiture au grand 
chenail avec plus de celeritee qu'en y entrant, quoique nous fussion beau- 
coup plus de monde. tant les approches du peril donnent des forces et 
du courage pour sen eloigner, je leur tins parole en leur donnant ce 
que je leur avois promis. 

je traversal aussitot sur l'autre rive, le soleil etoit pret a se coucher. 
je fis route En montant, toujours a la viie de ces coquins, En meditant 
de quelle manierre je pourrois echapper des mains de ces tigres, et de leur 
semblables. 

Dans cette Endroit, la rivierre forme un detour 55 — de la rivierre 
Blanche au grand detour vingt lieux, du grand detour au petit missourie 
vingt cinq lieux, du petit missourie au villages des Ricaras quinze lieux — 
de quatre a cinq lieux de long, de sorte que ces sauvages que nous sor- 
tions de quitter pouvoient en trois [ou] quatre heures par terre nous 
rejoindre. appres une journee de route par eau, javois tout lieu de croire 
qu'ils me poursuiveroient le lendemain, dans la disposition ou je les avois 
laisse. j'e[to]is assure qu'il y en avoit d'autres en haut et en bas de nous 
que je ne pouvois eviter, nous etant impossible de naviguer de nuit, dans 
une rivierre qui est si peu profonde en cette saison, que nous etions 
souvent obliges d'alleges notre voiture des plombs, et autres charges pes- 
antes, faisant des petits portages a certains endroits. d'ailleurs selon les 
indices que les Sr Jacques d'eglise et quenneville m'avoient donnes, et que 
je vois traces sur une feuille de papier, de la quantitee de rivierre[s] qui 
se dechargent dans le missourie depuis l'entree de la rivierre platte, 
jusqu'au village des ricaras, et autres endroits remarquables, je jugeai 
que nous pouvions etre a quarante lieux des ricaras. 

c'etoit Bien facheux, apres avoire fait tant de chemin, pour y parvenir 
de reculer; nous cacher, nous et nos effets, ce ne pouvoit etre. les 

04 The brasse was a linear measure, usually 5.318 English feet. There are 
however evidences of its use in the eighteenth century for a shorter measure, 
about the length of the forearm. 

so The great bend at the Crow Creek and Lower Brule reservations. 



Journal of Jean Baptiste Truleau 3 1 7 

sauvages que je craignois paroissent vouloir chasser tout 1'automne dans 
ces lieux; de plus nous Etions sans aucunes vivres. la fain nous tour- 
mentoit. il me restoit pour toutes provision environ trente livres de 
farine et un quart de minor 56 de maillis. c'etoit peu, pour neuf hommes 
affames. dans cette extremitee je ne trouvais dautres pa[r]tis a prendre, 
que de mettre les marchandises qui nous restoient, et notre pirogue, en 
cache et de nous en aller tous par terre aux ricaras, que Ton ra'avoit 
assurgee, residen en toute saison a leur village, me propos[a]nt de revenir 
avec une bonne escorte chercher la pirogue et les effects, j'executai cette 
resolution qui n'etoit pas toutes fois sans risque car les scioux pouvoient 
trouver notre cache et l'enleves. mais je doutois bien qu'ils ne traver- 
seroient pas la rivierre en cette endroit ; croyant que nous aurions fait 
route En montant toute la nuit et le lendemain, ils nous poursuivroient 
par l'autre borddu missouris, qui etoit sans doute le chemin le plus court 
et plus beau, car sur la partie occidentale a l'endroit ou je voulois faire 
cache, ils s'elevent des cotes et des rochers si escarpees que le chemin en 
est impraticables. nous marchames done l'espace de deux lieux [le] 
long de ces cotes, nous arretames et fumes a la recherche d'un endroit 
propice a notre dessein. la lune qui arrivoit a son plein nous en facilita 
les moyens. ce fut dans ce moment qu'ils samble que la nature voulut 
nous secourires, car Etant entres par un petit sentier croche, dans une 
ravine profond, nous trouvames un demy souterain le plus propre du 
monde pour faire cache. 

nous y transportames promptement tous les affets. les y ayant mis 
en bon ordre, nous retourname a notre pirogue, il falloit la cacher, ce 
qui n'etoit pas peu difficil, car elle etoit si lourde et si grand que nous 
ne pouvions la tirer sur terre dans aucune endroit. nous la montammes 
au lieu plus haut; nous l'enfoncames dans l'eau par le moyen de plusieurs 
trous de terrierre que mes gens percerent dans la solle et de quantitee 
de pierres qu'ils jetterent dedans, ces ouv[r]ages finies le jour appro- 
choit. il falloit fuire, crainte d'etre vus. nous grimpames plusieurs 
cotes escarpees et traversames des ravines profondes remplies de futayes 
Epaisses qui nous fatiguerent Beaucoup le reste de la nuit. au soleil 
levant nous nous trouvames dans de vastes prairies, ou on ne voit que 
le ciel et la terre. 

nous restames la journee entierre caches dans un trou sans boire 
ni menge. le soir, presses par la soif, nous gagnames un petit reuissau, 
ou nous fimes cuire des galletes de la farine que nous portions pour notre 
voyage. 

cetoit le troisieme jour du mois d'octobre. dans la nuit nous nous 
eloignames plus de deux lieux de la rivierre dans les prairies, et nous 
marchames, le quatre, la journee entierre sans trouveer d'eau. le [cinq 
pjousses par la fin [faim] et la soif, nous approchames a la rivierre [a] 
tout hasard d'estre decouvert nous eumes le Bonheur de tuer une biche. 
nous passames le reste. de la journe et la nuit a faire secher la viande 
apres nous etre bien rassasier. nous vimes les feux des scioux qui 
s'elevoient de toute par en haut et en bas et sur la partie meme ou nous 
etions. 

aucun de nous ne connoissoit ce pays, nous ne pouvions suivre de 
pres la rivierre, crainte d'estre decouverts. il falloit faire route a deux 
et trois lieux au large, prenant bien garde de ne pas montes sur les 
hauteur, nous ne trouvions dans le cours de la journee aucun ruisseau 
ou il y eut de leau pour Etanches notre soif. 

56 Half a bushel. 



3 1 8 Documents 

Le soire il falloit necessairement detournes notre chemin de plus de 
deux lieux pour trouves l'eau. encore ne trouvames nous plus d'une fois 
que de tres mauvaises eaux salees. Enfin, le jour ayant le soleil pour 
guide, et la nuit les etoiles, nous marchames cinq jour avec la peur, la soif, 
et la faim, les pieds toujours rempli de piquant que les voyageurs nom- 
ment pommes de raquete, dont la surface de ces prairies est couvertes. 

la sixieme journee du matin, neuvieme du mois, nous decouvrimes le 
village des ricaras. 57 

tout contents, nous croyons notre misserre finie, et notre vie en 
seuretee, mais notre joye ne durat pas longtems. 

car ayont Examine de dessus une cote eleves avec attention la place 
ou nous paroissoient les cabanes, je ne voyois persones aux environ, ne 
aucune apparence de fumes sortir du sommet de leur demeure. je pres- 
sentis tout aussitot qu'elle etoient vuides; et que les scioux ne m'avoient 
que trop dit la veritee. nous continuames notre chemin et entremes dans 
ces habitations abandonnees. depuis plus de deux mois toutes ces cabanes 
etoient delabrees et a demy Brulees par les ennemis. nous y trouvames 
quantitee de Soulier, de peaux de Beuf enparchemen 58 et toutes sortes 
d'ustanciles de leur usage, qu'ils ne setoient pas donnes le temps de cacher 
ou demporter dans leur fuitte. nous y passames la nuit tous chagrens 
et inquiete de l'avenir. nos esperances etoient trompees et notre seule 
ressource evanouie, par la desertion des ricaras. quelques uns de mes 
gens pensoient, qu'il seroit apropos de suivre leur chemin jusqu'a len- 
droit ou ils seroit arretes pour l'hyvernement ; d'autres disoient qu'il 
seroit mieux de poursuivre route jusqu'au village de mendannes situee 
a plus de cent lieux de celui cy. je ne requs aucunes de ces avis, il 
etoit extravagant d'entreprendre de si longue route dans un pays inconnii 
sans vivres, plus encore imprudent dans donnes [d'en donner(?)] aux 
hasards les marchandises misses en cache sans scavoir en quel temps 
nous pourrions y revenir. elles pouvoient etres trouvees par les sauvage, 
ou Endommagees par les injures du terns, je resolus d'y retourner 
promptement; de descendre le missourie avec mefiance jusqu'au dela des 
passages ordinaires des scioux, Etant tous determines de nous batre jus- 
qu'a la mort plutot que de nous laisses prendre, ni par eau ni par terre, 
par [ces] demons. 

le lendemain dixieme du mois, appres nous etre bien munis de Soulier, 
et de cuire de boeuf a semelle, nous retournames sur nos pas. 

nous arretames environ a trois lieux en deca dans un lieux ou il 
nous parut y avoir des chevreuil. un de mes gens trouva un chevreuil que 
les loups sortoient detrangler ; qui nous fit faire un bon repas. le onsieme 
et le dousieme nous practiquames la meme route que nous avions tenus en 
allent. nous couchames en rase campagne sans eau, sans feu, et sans 
vivres. le troisieme au matin nous arrivames sur une petitte rivierre 
nomme petit Missouris, 59 a la gauche du missourie. cette rivierre est 
tres petite, leau ni coule point en cette saison ne sy trouvant que par 
trou. y voyant bien des piste de chevreuil, mes gens me demanderent, 
a y rester une journee ou deux, tant pour y chasser, que pour se reposes, 
jy consentis volontiers, n'ayant rien a manges depuis deux jours, et etant 
tous fatigues de la route que nous avions deja fait tant le jours que la 
'■>" The villages of the Arikara are reported in part II. of the journal as 
situated near the Missouri, a few miles below the Cheyenne; Missouri Hist. Soc. 
Coll., IV. 31. The tribe is elaborately described in that part; ibid., IV. 2.1-35- 
68 Dried buffalo skins. 
50 Bad River? 



Journal of Jean Baptiste Truteau 3 1 9 

nuit. nous y restames cejour la et le lendemain quatorsieme du mois. 
mes gens y tuerent deux chevreuils. le quinze, seize et dix septieme, 
nous fimes route avec les memes peine pour leau, et toujours en crainte 
d'estre decouverts par les scioux, dont oil voyoit les feux tres pret de 
nous, le dix sept nous tuames un Beuf fort maigre. mes gens en 
prirent quelques morceaux. nous trouvant pres d'un trou d'eau, ils 
netoyerent le ventre de ce beuf, et en firent une espece d'urne portatif 
qu'ils remplirent d'eau pour Boire en marchant. 

l'appres midy nous traversames un chemin de scioux passes De la 
veille; je le su[i]vis jusqu'a leur campement; il etoient au nombre de 
vingt huit loges. ils paroissoient aller sur le petit missourie d'ou nous 
venions. 

Dieu nous avoit preserves de leur rencontre, mais je craignoi fort 
qu'il eussent passes a lendroit de notre cache, nous reconnumes a notre 
arrivee sur le missourie qu'ils venoit de l'autre partie; et avoient tra- 
verses plus haut. le dix huit nous marchame sur les Bord de la rivierre 
jusqu'a notre pirogue que nous trouvames telle que nous l'avons mis. 

l'ayant vuidee d'eau, nous descendimes a lendroit de notre cache 
des marchandises, qui se trouvent en meme situation, le lendemain dix 
neuvieme du mois, je resultai [resoudais] de faire cache de douze a 
treise cent livres de plomb, cent cinquante pioches et haches, et dune 
caisse contenant quatre groses de couteaux. deux fortes raisons me firent 
prendre ce parti : la premierre, les eaux etant si Basses en cette saison, 
je ne pouvois descendre qu'avec Beaucoup de peine, ayant une charge si 
pesante a traines dans les battures; et si par mal'heur je recontrais les 
scioux qui chassoient par en bas de la rivierre, il m'etoit impossible 
dechapper de leur mains par la fuitte de nuit, etant si chargee. 

la deuxieme, devant remontees au printems, ma pirogue seroit plus 
allege, et par consequant je pourrois faire meilleure route, cette cache 
etant faitte, je partis et je vint campes a trois lieux plus Bas. 

le vingt nous fimes route en descendant la journee entierre. deux 
heures avant le couches du soleil, deux de mes gens etant alle a la chasse 
virent la piste d'un hommes passe du jour meme. le lendemain vingt et 
un, notre chasseurs, noel charon, ayant ete a la chasse, revint aussitot 
me rapportee qu'il avoit trouve la place ou avoit ete tue un chevreuil dont 
le sang paroissoit encore sur les feuilles. je pensai que c'etoit des scioux 
qui seroient venus a la recherche des Beufs sauvages et que leur loges 
pouvoient estre eloignees, et meme sur l'autre Bord du missouris. je me 
trompois, j'etois plus pres d'eux que je ne croyois. je restai ce jour la 
au meme lieu pour taches de decouvrir ce que ce pouvoit estre, avant 
destre vus. je fus moimemes a la decouverte, sur le soir. je ne vis ni 
n'entendis rien. c'etoit le troisieme jour que nous ne mangions que de 
Boutons de roses, que nous trouvions de ca de la. mes gens, tourmantes 
par la fim, firent Bouillire deux peaux de chevreuil vertes, que nous 
mengeames (mauvais regal), le vingt deux au matin parut un chevreuil 
sur une batture pres de notre campement. nous Embarquames pour 
aller le tirer avec grand desin dans notre necessite de le tuer. la provi- 
dence nous preserve, la, d'un nouveau malheur. le chevreuil s'enfuit, et 
bien nous enprit [ ?] de n'avoir pu le tires, nous poussames au [rgs], 
tous, pensifs, chagrin de tant de traverses, et de peine, nous laissant 
aller doucemen au cours de leau, nous entendames des cris, Des hurle- 
ment de chiens que Ton battoit. ces cris partoient du fond de la pointe 
de bois que nous suivions. j'approchai promptement terre. a la bu [but] 
des Ecorres et de quelques chicot je debarquoi, et me glissai jusqu'a une 



2,20 Documents 

petitte eminence, dou je pus le decouvir sans etre vu. je vis une troupe 
nombreuse, de femraes, d'enfents, avec leur attirail de chevaux et de 
chiens, qui sortoient de la pointe de bois environ a vingts arpents de nous, 
je distingois facilement leur langage. je reconnus que cetoit un village 
scioux qui etoit en marche, et qui s'acheminoit dans la prairie en remon- 
tant le missourie. 

ayant entendus la voix d'un hommes qui paroissoit venir vers nous, 
je couru embarques, et nous nous eloignames a force de rames. les eaux 
etoient si Basse que nous touchames le fond a plusieurs fois, mais la 
pointe de bois qui se trouva longue et epaisses nous garantit d'etres vus 
par eux. nous forqames la marche cette journee la fort tard et le lende- 
main toute la journee. un de mes gens tua un petit chevreuil de l'annee, 
que nous nous mengiames d'un seul repas. parvenus quelque lieux plus 
bas que la rivierre Blanche, nous nous sentimes un peu plus assures, etant 
hors des endroits les plus frequentes par les scioux. nous trouvames 
pour lors des betes fauves, suffisamment pour vivre. nous descendions a 
petitte journee. les chevreuils, les biches, et les Beuf sauvages, couroient 
par troupeau de chaque cote de la rivierre. nous voila done dans une 
grande abondance de vivres appres avoir bien jeunes. 

moi et mes gens nous etions tout a fait chagrins de n'avoir pu nous 
rendre dies les nations ou nous devions aller cet automne, par la ren- 
contre des scioux et par la fuitte Des ricaras qui avoit le plus contribute 
a notre relache. 

nos esperances commencoient a renaitre, au moins pour ne plus que 
manque de vire [vivres], car j'avois eu bien des ebats avec plusieurs de 
mes gens, qui, s'[et]ant souvant crus perdus pour jamais dans les prairis, 
[ou] absolument mort soit par fain [soit par] la soif, ou par la main des 
scioux, maudissoient a chaque instant le moment ou il [s'e]toient em- 
barques pour un tel voyage, j'avois toujours ranime leur courage par 
mes parole et mon exemple. mais le moyen le plus infaillible pour 
ramener [la] gaitee, et procures le repos dans lesprit de certaines gens, 
est de leur bien faire remplire le ventre, il ne s'agissoit done plus que 
de choisir un lieu convenable pour y passes 1'hyvers, et vivre de la chasse, 
et de nous mettre dans un endroit, non frequente, ni par les scioux ni par 
d'autres nations, En attendant le primtems pour remonter le missouris. 
j'arretai environ dix lieux plus haut que le village des poncas; 00 scachant 
que cette nation etoit dans cette saison eloignee a la recherche des vaches 
sauvages et que les scioux ne venoient jamais chasses sur leur territoire, 
etant ennemis avec eux. ce fut le quatrieme de novembre que nous 
choisimes la place d'une maison d'hyvernement voulant nous y bien 
fortifier, contre les attaques des Barbares. 

oo The place chosen for winter quarters was apparently on the north bank 
of the Missouri, about opposite Fort Randall, but a little above, and where the 
map in Perrin du Lac's Voyage has the legend, "Second Poste de la Compagnie ". 
Lewis and Clark, under date of September 8, 1804, say (Thwaites, I. 142), "At 3 
Mis. passed the house of Troodo where he wintered in 96 [their log says 96-97], 
called the Pania house ", apparently the same spot. It is not, however, to be 
regarded as certain that Truteau spent the winter of 1795-1796 in the same place; 
Lewis and Clark may give the date incorrectly. Sergeant Gass, Journal, ed. 
1807, p. 37, says under the same date, " Captain Lewis who had been out with 
some of the men hunting informed us he has passed a trading house, built in 
1796". The newly discovered journal of Sergeant Ordway says, " Capt. Clark 
went out this morning to walk on N. S. [1. e., on the north side], we passed a 
Trading house picked in on the Same Side abo[ve] where the Capt. went out in 
a handsome Timbered Bottom, which had been built in 1796." 



Journal of Jean Baptiste Truteau 3 2 1 

toujours en crainte de quelques Evenements imprevus, je fis creuses 
un trou bien profond en terre pour y mettre les marchandises les plus 
propices pour les nations du haut du missourie ou je devois aller, 
voul[a]nt encore faire une deuxieme cache du reste des effets dans 
l'enceinte de notre cabane, lorsqu'elle seroit contruitte, ne reservant que 
ce qui nous etoit absolument necessaire pour vivre. 

la perre que je requs par les scioux fut asser grande, car les pelteries 
que je requs d'eux ne se montoient pas a deux cent livres. cette veri- 
fication faitte, je fis enfermer la plus forte partie des effet dans ce 
trou, appres en avoire pris un etat, et les y ayant bien conditioners, 
mes gens, pour mieux en cacher la place, firent un petit canot de chasse 
dessus l'ouverture, de sorte que la quantities des coupeaux qui etoient 
entasses dessus, en effacoit les moindres vestiges. 

le dixieme Du mois ces ouvrage furent finis. 

Le onsieme mes gens couperent des bois pour notre cabane d'hyver- 
nement. le dousieme notre chasseur noel charron etant, a l'ordinaire, 
alle a la chasse, revint accompagne d'un sauvage. je fus surpris a la vue 
de cette homme, car je ne m'attendois pas a en voire aucun icy. 

je demendai de quelle nation il etoit. il me dit qu'il etoit mahas ; 
que vingt deux loges de sa nation etoient campees a quelques lieux plus 
Bas que nous; qu'ils arriveront le lendemain. le chef de cette Bande est 
nomme par les franqais le gros lapin, 61 et aussi reconnu pour un grand 
coquin. 

je ressentis un vive douleur de leur arrivee. je n'avois pu cacher 
les marchandises qui me restoient. 

je prevus toutes les poursuite, qu'ils allaient faire pour avoir des 
amunitions de chasse a credit, car il m'avoit deja appris, qu'ils etoient 
partis de leur village denues de poudre, Balle, et autres besoins neces- 
saires; qu'ils n'etoient point venus de franqais cet automne ches eux ; que 
le Sr jean muniers y etant arrive au milieu de l'ete pour avoir des vivres 
pour se rendre a la nation poncas, ils l'avoient arretee; mais qu'ayant 
apporte si peu de marchandises, la plus grande partie de leur gens n'avoit 
put en avoir; que le manque de vivres, n'ayant point eu de maillis cette 
annee, les avoit obliges de partir, et de se disperses par Bande de tout 
cotes pour chercher la vie de leur femmes, et de leur enfants qui etoient 
a demy morts de faim. en effet il vient a nous cette journee la plusieurs 
hommes qui se jetterent sur nos viandes comme des loups afames. nous 
avions pour lors des echaffauts bien fournies de chevreuil, de dindes, et 
de Beuf sauvages. 

sur le soir arriva le chef gros lapin qui me repette les memes choses 
que le premier arrivees. ils ajouta que lui et ses gens etoient tres con- 
tents de nous avoir recontres ; que les franqais seuls etoient le soutin de 
toutes les nations peux rouge; qu'ils eprovirent aujourd'huy, plus que 
jamais, la necessitee d'en avoir par mieux, manquant absolument de 
nourriture, faute des fusils, poudre, Balles etc., que les seuls franqais 
pouvoient leurs procurer (Discours flateurs et rouses, qu'ils ont coutume 
de tenir au franqais [a] la premiere viie) ne cherchant sans cesse qu'a 
nous tromper, et a extorques nos marchandises par toutes sortes de voyes 
en[ ]es. 

tous les sauvages de cette rivierre, comme atlleur, je parle de ceux 
qui sont les plus frequentes par nous, sont fins et ruses, ils ont plus de 

61 Le Gros Lapin (Big Rabbit) was an important Omaha chief, who suc- 
ceeded to the headship of the tribe on the death of Blackbird. See Thwaites, 
Early Western Travels, XIV. 320 ; XV. 89. 



322 Documents 

connaissance que Bien des personnes ne les en croyent. le chef gro lapin 
me dit que leur grand chef nomme toangareste ([en] francais le faiseur 
de village) 62 etoit reste avec le nomme jean munier, esperant qu'ils 
viendroient des franqais a la denierre saison de l'automne, que ce chef 
avoit ete bien fache lorsqu'il avoit appres [appris] que j'etois passe a son 
village, sans y arretes, avec une grande voiture chargee de marchandises 
pour les nations du haut du missouris. je lui fis une narrations amplifiee 
de ce qui m'etoit arrive ches les sioux ; j'exagerai la quantitee des marchan- 
dises qui m'avoient etes pillees par les sioux, car il ne manqua pas en 
voyant notre pirogue de me dire, qu'il n'etoit pas croyable qu'ne si grande 
voiture n"eut apportes que ce qu'ils paroissait de marchandises. je luy fis 
Entendre que les sioux m'en avoient depouilles de la plus forte partie et 
meme de nos chaudierres de service, les pelteries des scioux qu'il recon- 
nut bien lui fis croire que je disois la veritee, ainsi il me laisse tranquil 
de ce cote la. 

le troisieme du mois les viellards, les femmes, et les enfants arriverent. 
il etoit veritable qu'ils manquoient de vivres, ne mangeants que des 
racines. ainsi ils nous accabloient lorsque nous prenions nos repas, se 
Battoient a qui auroit nos Bullions de viande, ramassoient les os que nous 
jettions pour les ronges. cetoit chose Etrange. 

je me comportai dans cette occasion de maniere a ne point irritee 
des gens affames, et a ne point nous exposes nous memes a manquer tout 
a coup de vivres. nous leur faisions part de notre manges, leur en dis- 
tribuant quelques morceaux, principalement aux enfant, il me repre- 
senterent leurs miserres, n'ayant la plus part point de fusils; et nous 
demanderent les notres pour chasser aux chevreuils, ce qui nous repug- 
noit Beaucoup, mais Bon gre mal gre il fallut y conssentir, car il s'en 
emparerent, sans attendre notre consentements ; et nous nous trouvames 
alors a dependre d'eux pour les nourriture. 

le lendemain ils s'assemblerent et me demanderent poudre, Balle, 
couteaux, etc. a credit. 63 je resistai longtems a leurs demandes, leur 
representant que j'en avois tres peu. ils persisterent, et m'obligent de 
leur en donnes. 

pour eviter le tumulte ordinaire lorsqu'ils prennent de force, je con- 
sents de leurs en donnes, moyennant qu'ils nen prendroient que pour 
douse a quinze peaux au plus par chaque chasseur, ce qui fut execute 
dans l'instant. le chef gros lapin et quelques consideres me forcerent a 
leur en donnes pour trente et quarante peaux. il me fait de grande 
promesses pour luy et ses gens; mais jay bien peur qu'il me trompe. 

ils ont pa[r]tis premierement pour la chasse des Beuf sauvages, et 
sont revenus au bout de quinze jours bien charges de viande seche. En 

62 We are informed by Mr. Francis La Flesche of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology, a member of the Omaha tribe, that the Omaha equivalent for " The 
Maker of Villages" is Ton'-won-ga-he (the n's nasalized), and that this was one 
of the names of Wa-zhiw'-ga-ca-be or Black Bird, a famous Omaha chief. Miss 
Kellogg had already indicated the identification, the descriptions of Black Bird or 
Blackbird in Early Western Travels (cf. index) tallying closely with Truteau's 
account, even to his use of arsenic or other poison to create fear of vengeance. 

63 " Traders are obliged to credit out their goods among them in winter, and 
wait till spring for their pay. It is usual for one or two chiefs to become respon- 
sible for the payment ; but notwithstanding this . . . many of the Indians cannot 
discharge their debts; others refuse to make any payment at all. Nothing so 
much offends an Indian as to be requested to pay his old debts." Stoddard, 
Sketches Historical and Descriptive of Louisiana (Philadelphia, 1812), p. 4-15- 



Journal of 'Jean Baptiste Truteau 323 

reconnoissance de lassistance qu'ils ont recus de nous, ils me vendent les 
nourritures au poid de l'or; tous les sauvages, et plus qu'aucuns ceux cy, 
ne scavent ou plustot ne veulent pas reconnoitre les Bienfaits qu'ils re- 
coivent de nous, nous y croyant obliges. 

La despense que je suis oblige de faire icy, pour la nourriture de 
neuf hommes est exhorbitants. n'ayant aucune provisions de maillis, je 
suis reduit d'acheter des viandes seches, morqeau a morqeau, de ces 
canailles la, notre chasseur noele charron ne pouvent plus rien tuer parmy 
eux, les animaux s'etant eloignes. ils son retournes a la chasse des castor 
et des chevreuils, pour me bien payer disent. 

le dix huit de decembre est arrive ici le grand chef des mahas Dont 
j'ai parle plus haut. redoublemen de surprise et de mecontentement pour 
moy. l'arrivee du premiers me genoit beaucoup pour notre depart du 
primtems et m'occasionoit Bien des depenses, que je naurois pas fait s'il 
ne fut venu, tant pour les nourritures que pour quelques effets que j'etois 
force de fois et dautres de Iuy donnes. l'arrivee du dernie mettoit le 
comble a mon Enbarras. 

ce grand chef des mahas est le plus fin, le plus ruse, et le plus coquin 
de toutes les nations qui habitent le missourie. il est craint et respecte, 
et en grande renommee ches les nations Etrangerre, qui c [ha] que n'ose 
le contredire ouvertement ni agir contre sa volontee. il ne se fait aucun 
partis, soit de guerre ou de chasses, qu'il n'ait donne son consentement. 
son nom est cite dans toutes les assemblees et hara[n]gues fait a son 
absence dans les lieux les plus eloignes, qu'ils aillent. touts ses voisins 
ecoutenft] sa parole et le comble De present lorsqu'ils va les visitees. si 
quelq'un de ses gens acquierre Belles marchandises ou beaux chevaux 
et qu'il paroisse les desirer on s'empresse de les lui donnes. il ne fait 
aucun route a pied, il est toujours monte sur un des plus beau cheval 
qui soit dans son village, il a des esclaves pour le service, et pour mieux 
dire ils sont touts ses esclaves, car veut-il dormir il a (un ou deux loues, 
convalits) qui luy frottent doucement les jambes et les pieds pendant 
qu'il dort. si ces valets ordinaires sonts absents, il sert egalement des plus 
considered et des plus brave de ses gens pour cette office. 

est-il necessaire de le reveilles il faut le faire avec precaution, prenant 
bien garde de luy cries aux oreilles, ni le panser de la main, mais ils se 
servent d'unes plume qu'il luy passent legerement sur le visages ou en 
le chatouillant doucement a certains endroits du corps, enfin cest un 
homme qui par son esprit et ses ruses s'est eleve a un si haut point d'auto- 
ritee dans sa nations qu'il ny en a point d'exemple ches tout autres peuple 
sauvage de ce continent, il pent faire et faire faire le bien et le mal 
quand il luy plait, ce nest point par ses actions guerrierres qu'il s'est 
acquit tant de pouvoir, car il a toujours ete porte a la paix, mais par la 
crainte que ses gens et ses voisins ont de certains poisons dont il se ser, 
disent ils, faire mourir ceux que luy deplaisent. il arrache au franqois 
qui viennent en commerce ches luy leurs plus Belles marchandises Et 
leur donne en payemant si peu de pelteries, que celuy qui ne perd que cent 
et cent cinquante pour cent prix dachat seroit heureux. il promet Beau- 
coup et ne tient jamais se parole, il tire tout les an, des poncas, et de ses 
gens memes, quantitee de peaux de castor et de l'outre. mais il les con- 
serve pour les nation situee sur le missisipy qui luy apportent touts les 
primtemps e[n] Echange. des draps Ecarlatte, des porcelaines et des 
argenters sauvages, et quelque peu d'audevie [eau de viejpour laquelles 
il est fort passionne. et la plus part de ses gens suivent son exemple, ne 
payant qu'en peaux de chevreuil Bonne et mauvaises, le fusils, chaudierres, 



324 Documents 

poudre, balles etc. qu'ils prennent a credit, sils nous trafique des castors 
et des loutres cest au prix qu'ils veulent, et toujours a la perte de celuy qui 
leur vend, ce chef feint quelque fois de prendre les interest des franqais, 
mais dans le fond toutes les beaux discours qu'il leur tient, les grandes 
promesses qu'il leur fait, n'ont pour but que de les pilles luy meme sous un 
faux voile d'amitie qu'il leur fait paroitre; et appres qu'il sest satisfait, 
ils laissent le traiteur se debatre avec ses gens qui luy arrache ses effets 
au meilleure marche qu'il peuvent. dans ces extremites il faut avoir 
recours aux chef du secont rang, aux braves et aux soldats, cest autant de 
sang-sues qui vous extorque l'autre tiers de vos effets pour Ieurs bons 
services. 

cet hommes sait fait valoir aux franqais le besoin qu'ils on de luy, 
soit dans le commerce des pelteries avec sa nation soit dans la dis- 
tribution des credits qui sans sa presence se feroit avec tumulte et pro- 
fusion, soit pour en retires le payement; ayant la politique de laisser, 
dans loccasion, le traiteur dans l'embaras par les disputes, les menaces, 
les rapines faites par ses gens, qui sont de leur naturel Brutes et feroces 
et venant ensuitte a son secours, il ne manque jamais de mettre le calme 
et le bon orde. le pauvre traiteurs se trouvant heureux de son appuy est 
force de le charges de louange, de caresse et de bons traitements, et n'ose 
luy refuses tous ce qu'il desire. 

quant a ses gens il sait leur faire connoitre que de lui depend leur 
bien etre. il regie les mesures de poudre et les prix Des marchandises. 
tantot elles sont d'une grandeur Enorme, et les prix des marchan medio- 
cres; voulant, leur dit, il avoir pitie d'eux. dautres fois elles sont plus 
petites et les prix plus haut, ce qui arrive rarement. par cette conduitte 
alternative de bien et de mal, il tient les uns et les autres dans la crainte 
et l'esperance. mais a son particuliers il n'y a point, depuis plusieurs 
annees, de changement. au contraire il s'empare gratuitement du tiers au 
moins de marchandieses qui arrivent ches luy. a larrives des franqais 
a son villages il fait faire l'ouverture de ce qu'il, apportent et s'aproprie 
tout ce qu'il luy plait, les engages meme son[t] force d'ouvrir leur cas- 
sette ou havre-sac, qu'il visite. il leur arrache un partie de leur tabac 
et autres petits effets qu'ils peuvent avoire. les chef du second rang font 
aussi leur rapine, sans que Ton puisse se revolter contre eux, toujours 
avec promesses de bien payes, ce qu'il font a leur volonte et a perte pour 
le marchand. quant au common de ce peuple, le trafique se fait avec 
asses de profits, mais la perte que ce chef et ses suivents apportent aux 
traiteur leur enlevant la meilleure et la plus forte partis de leur effets 
avil prix, les met hors d'etat dy faire aucun gain, ce poste des mahas est 
presentement le plus desavantageux de toute cette rivierre, tant par la 
grand connoissance qu'ils ont du commerce des anglois sur le missisipy, 
que par la nauvaise disposition de cette nation et de leur chef a notre 
egard. on dit que quelques coureurs de bois y ont fait autrefois de gros 
profits, il n'avoient pas encore cette communication pernicieuse avec les 
nations dependantes des englois. il n'y avoit cher [chez] eux qu'n seul 
chef; qui, nouvellement reconnu pour tel par Messieurs les commandants 
des Illinois, se portoit entierement aux interests des traiteurs. sa con- 
duitte particulierre etoit honnete; il payoit toujours bien les marchandises 
qu'il prenoit. depuis quelques annees il est entierrement change pour nous, 
il nous parle d'une faqon, pense et agit de l'autre. son esprit n'est occupe 
que de ruses et de fourberies pour nous trompes et envahis nos marchan- 
dises. tous les jours il nous reproche que les franqois sont des grands 
menteures, et des trompeurs. il dit que depuis plusieurs annees il avoit 



Journal of Jean Baptiste Truteati 325 

demande une certaine medaille plus grand que les medailles ordinaires, 
que Mr montardy 64 la lui avoit apporte, mais ne la trouvant pas sembla- 
bles aux autres par les quatres portraits qui etoient incrustes dedans, et 
le tours de cette medaille qui etoit unis et sans cordon, il l'avoit renvoye 
a son perre Espagnol pour qu'elle fut refaitte avec une seul figure, nayant 
pas quatre ceur [coeurs], dit il, pour quatre pere; que cette medaille luy 
appartient puisqu'elle luy avoit ete envoye par son pere Espagnol ; qu'il ne 
l'at point refuse, ni renvoye pour la perdre tout a fait, il dit que tous les 
ans les traiteur qui viennent chez luy, luy disent, que cette medaille a ete 
envoye au grand village des Espagnols pour estre refaitte (ce qui est 
faux, car Mr montardy l'a garde) et lui font entendre qu'elle viendra 
l'annee d'ensuite. il voit clairement qu'il est trompe, aussi ne menage-t-il 
plus rien pour occasionnes de la perte aux franqais qui viennent en com- 
merce chez luy, ou qui veulent passes pour aller plus haut. 65 

il dit tous le jours qu'il est a la veille de laches la Bride a ses gens, 
et de les laisser pillier et tuer les franqais par tout ou ils les trouveront; 
que sa nation seule n'en a jamais tues par lopposition qu'il y a toujours 
mis ; que presentemen peu de chose le retient. il accuse surtout Mr 
montardy de luy avoir fait de grandes promesse qui n'ont point arrivees. 

toutes ces causes luy tiennent, lieu de pretexte legitime, pour rapiner, 
Bouches les chemin ou fait payers des tributs onereux. 

si, Messieurs, je me suis un peu trop etendu au sujet de ce chef et 
de sa nation dont jay etudie cet hyvers le caractere, la faqon de penses 
et d'agir, c'etoit pour vous instruire avec veritee de ce qui ce passe cher 
[chez] cette nation, car je prevois que vous aures besoin d'une communi- 
cation directe avec elle pour procurer un passage libre et sur a vos piroges 
tant en montant qu'en descendant le missouris. n'esperes pas de continuer 
ces voyages furtives avec facilitee. tot ou tard vos effets y seront prise 
et pillees et peutetre votre monde tue. 

car il est certain que sqachant presentement les desseins des franqais 
pour le commerce du haut du missouris, est [et] le temps ou ils ont 
coutume de montes, ils les quetteront et feront des decouvertes, en partis 
de guerre, en haut et en bas, pour les suprendre. il sont deja fort irrites 
contre nous a ce sujet et en particulier contre le Sr Jacques d'eglise, qui 
volent, disent-ils, toutes les etees le chemin. jay persuade au chef que 
javois arrete a son village pour le voir et luy paries en passant, mais n'y 
ayant trouve personne javois continue route. 

le village des mahas seroit le poste le plus propice pour y etablire un 
depost de marchandises et de vivres pour fournir au commerce du haut du 
missouris; etant situe environ a moitiee chemin des nations mendannes. 
pour lors le transport des marchandises [a]ux mendanes seroit plus court, 
et moins risquable, pouvant profiter de la saison que les scioux s'eloignent 
ordinairement des bords du missouris. pour passer de plus ils est absolu- 
ment necessaires, pour mettre le grand chef des. mahas dans nos interest, 
soit pour le commerce avec sa nation soit pour celuy du haut du missourie. 
qui ne se poura faire facilement, sans son aveu, de le contenter, en [I]ui 

64 Pierre Montardy, born in 1736 at Montauban in France, came to America 
as a soldier. In 1765 he was a sergeant at Fort Chartres, was married there, 
and later in the year came to St. Louis with Governor St. Ange, when the country 
east of the Mississippi was given over to the British. He had a grant of land in 
St. Louis, built a house there, and was much esteemed in the village. He was a 
captain of militia in 1787, and died in 1809. 

65 The medal which the Omaha so insistently demanded of Truteau was 
brought to him by Mackay the next year. Houck, Spanish Regime, II. 186. 



326 Documents 

procurant cette medailles qu'il demande depuis si longtems, et un grand 
pavilion, et touts les ans la compagnie, de concert avec le gouvernement, 
pourroit luy envoye un present, par ce moyen elle pourroit se procurer 
un passage libre cher cette nation, et y tirer quelques secours de vivres 
pour une si longue route soit en allant ou revenant. tous le jours ce chef 
me parle de l'entreprise des franqais pour le haut du missouris, des risques 
et des dengers ou ils s'exposent par le recontre des sioux. il ne desa- 
prouve pas tout a fait a la frequentations que nous voulons avoir avec les 
ricaras, et les mendanes. il convient que ce sont des Bons sauvages ches 
qui les franqais seront bien requs. mais il ne peut, dit-il, nous pardonnes 
depasses en cachette a son village, je luy repond, que les franqais trou- 
voient toujours tant de difficulties a passes les village situes sur le mis- 
souris qu'ils prennent souvent le partis d'y passes en cachette; que les 
franqais parcouroient toute la terre ; que les chemins leur etoient libres 
partout sans qu'aucunes nations sauvages y mit obstacle; que dans cette 
seule rivierre, les nations fermoient les oreilles aux paroles de leur pere 
Espagnols, Empechoient les franqais daller a la recherche des pelteries 
ou bon leurs sembloient; que si au contraire ils laissoient les chemins 
libres et ouverts ils verroient en tout temps Des pirogues chargees de mar- 
chandises passer et repasser a leur village, ou ils arreteroient en seuretee 
comme En leurs propre, tel qu'il se pratique ches toutes les nations du 
missisipy, ches que les franqais vont et viennent librement. quelle 
jalousis, luy dis je, vous transporte tous, de nous voir porter les besoins 
aux nations situees ou dela de vous? pour quoi y porter vous Empeche- 
ment avec tant d'opiniatrete? n'etes vous pas contants et heureux que 
les franqais soient parvenus jusqu'a vous, et vous y apporte tous les ans 
vos Besoins? pourquoi nous ampecher [empechez] vous de les portes a 
dautre et d'y chercher des pelleteries? ces nations ricaras et mendannes, 
que tu avoues toi meme estre de bons sauvages, ne te remercieront — ils 
pas de laisses un beau chemin aux franqais, qui leur portent un coup de 
poudre, un couteau? ton nom seroit publie et eleve, ches toutes les nations 
jusqu'aux sources de cette rivierre. ton pere, le grand chefs des Espag- 
nols, lorsqu'il apprendroit que tu Ecoute sa parole, que tu joint ton coeur 
au sien pour procurer les Besoins a tous ses enfants situees sur le mis- 
souris, ne seroit il pas content? je ne decouvre aucun sujets justes et 
veritables qui puissent t'occasionnes de Bouche le chemin aux franqais 
dans ces voyages ; au contraires j en'y vois que du bien pour toi et la 
nation; tu serois assure de les voir en toute saison. les nations cher 
[chez] qui nous parviendrions pouroient par notre moyen avoir frequen- 
tation avec toy et le procurer quantitee de chevaux a bien meilleure 
compte que ches les panis, qui vous les font toujours payes bien chere. 
il me repondit que c'etoit bien ; qu'il n'ignoroit pas que les nations 
blanches couroient a la recherche des pelleteries cher [chez] tout les peuples 
sauvages qu'il pouvoient decouvrir et que sans doute les premiers franqais 
qui avoient penetres de nations en nation s'etoit ouverts les chemins entre 
eux et chacques village ou ils passoient, annonqants les paroles de leur 
g[r]and chef; faisants des presents de sa par[t] quand il etoit necessaire; 
mettants les sauvages en union partout; n'epargnant Rien pour adoucir 
leur esprit feroces et changeants ; Et qu'il savoit tres bien que malgre 
le bon coeur des franqais et leur presents, ils ont souvent etes pilles et 
tues par toutes les nations qu'il frequentent, (Exceptes les mahas) ; que 
tout les chemins qu'ils avoient ouverts Etoient arroses de leur sang et 
couverts des marchandises tant donnees que pilles; qu'aujourd'huy notre 
chef et nous, ne prenions par [pas] les memes trace de nos ancetres; 



Journal of Jean Baptiste Truteau 327 

puisqu' au lieu de nous frayes les chemin par un bon accord avec les 
nations qui sont situees sur notre route, en leur anonnq[a]nt les paroles 
et le dessein de notre chef, au lieu d'employes les moyens ordinaires et 
convenable pour les mettre daccord entr'elle, et pour adoucir les prit 
et le coeur des mechant, nous ne cherchions qu'a les irrites en vol[a]nt les 
chemins; que sans doute le dessein de notre chef et de nous etoit de nous 
ouvrir les chemin par le sang, et le pillage, tu sors, toimeme, dit il, de 
d'eprouver par la main des scioux qui ont faillis totes [t'oter] la vie; 
dautres la perdrons, soit par celle des poncas ou des scioux. quant a moi, 
vous ne pouves m'inputer de vous avoir nuit [nui], puisque vous vous en 
etes toujours si bien caches. 

tu me reproche, me dit — il, d'avoir arrete [le] nomme jean monier qui 
etoit detine pour les poncas. cela est vrai ; si je l'ai fait c'etoit pour le 
preserves des insultes que cette nations luy auroit faites, sil se fut rendu 
cher [chez] elle; j'etois informe de leur ma[u]vaise disposition pour les 
francais, et pour luy particulierement : disant qu'apres son depart de ches 
eux, ils etoient morts quantite de Braves et considered, att[r]ibuants cette 
mortalities a un certain calumet dans lequel jean munier les avoit fumer. 

Dailleurs je suis mecontant de plus en plus des francais. ils amenent 
de grandes pirogues chargees de marchandises pour les poncas, les ricaras, 
les mendanes, et cher [chez] toutes les nations qui habitent le missourie ; 
peuples pour le plus part qui les tuent tous les jours et ma nation, qui 
n'at jamais tue d'homme Blancs en est prive cette annee ainsi que moy de 
ma medaille. 

Lorsque, appres avoir attendu jusqu'a la dernierre saison de Fautomne, 
aux environs de mon village, j'ay vu arrives une seconde voiture, con- 
duite par le nomme Salomon petit, 66 chargee de marchandises pour les 
poncas, et non pour moy, j'ai ete tout a fait fache contre les francais. 
je les ai abandonne, et suis venu a la recherche des Beuf sauvages avec 
toute ma famille, au nombre de dix sept loges pour vivres. 

Le Sr jean munier n'ayant pu faire aucune provisions de vivres at 
envoye au nombre de six hyvernan avec les sauvages. ils sont arrive 
icy avec cette dernierre bandes. il m'ont assures qu'a larrivee de la 
dernierre pirogue, ce chef les avoit tres mal traite; qu'il avoit meme 
pousse si rudement deux des engages, qu'ils avoient culbutes du haut en 
bas dun Ecorre, menaqent de pilles la poudre du dit jean muniers, que 
l'ayant apaise il les a force d'hyverner tout aupres de son village et de 
donner a credit a ses gens de poudre et Balle se servant pour mesure dune 
corne qui contenoit en trois fois pour une peau, plus d'une libre de poudre, 
et que luy meme avoit pris plus de quatre piece de drap et de vingt cou- 
verte Blanche, avec lassortiment, sans luy donnes un seul castor. 

a son arrivee ici il m'at fait raconter ce qui m'etoit arrive, et mayant 
fait enires dans mon magasin, il mat oblige de luy montres ce qui me 
restoit de marchandises. il m'at plaint du malheur qui m'etoit arrive 
chez les scioux; ajoutant qu'il ne vouloit pas que ses gens me fissent 
pleurer. mais par precaution, me voyant peu de Butin et avant que je 
le trafique, il mat pris Beaucouppe de marchandisse, me disant qu'il me 
payeroit bien; tous les jours il m'arrache quelques plumes, je n'a encore 
requ de luy que quelques morceaux de viande. je crains bien qu'il ne 
me traite comme il traite les autres. 

j'ai eu de grands difficultes avec le chef gros lapin, chef de 2 me rang, 

ee See Houck, Spanish Regime, I. 186, 193. In 1780 Solomon Petit (or Petty 
or Paty), American, aged 26, was member of a militia company in St. Louis; later 
he was at St. Charles and Portage des Sioux. 



328 Documents 

qui non contant de m'avoir pris pour trois cent quatre vingt onze livres 
de marchandises, prix de ma facture, et ne m'avoir donne pour tout pay- 
ment que seize castor, quatre loutre, cinquante peaux de chevreuil, et 
quatre peaux de biches, il vouloit me forces de luy donnes dix Brasses de 
drap, dix couverte Blanche, a credit, payable au primtems a son village. 
je lai refuse firmement; mais je crois bien que sans la presence du grand 
chef, qui a prit mes interest dans cette occasion, il m'auroit fait un tres 
mauvais partis. 

car Messieurs, que leur opposes que de simples paroles, qui n'ont 
pas plus deffets que [si] elles etoient adresses aux arbres et aux roches, 
les menaces du courroux de leur pere, notre chef, et de la privation de 
leur Besoins? ils ont les oreilles si rebattues de ces sortes de menaces, 
qui n'arrivent jamais, qu'ils en rient et se mocquent de nous, nous traitant 
de voleurs, disent que nous de leur apportons que de mechantes marchan- 
dises, que nos fusils ne valent rien, crevant la plus part dans leur mains, 
ou les ressorts manqueants a moitie leur chasse, que nos haches ne sont 
point d'un fers durs, cassant au premier coup qu'il donnent contre le bois 
le plus mols, qu'enfin ce[s]t encor trop paye de deux peaux de castor 
ou loutre, et de deux et trois peaux de chevreuil, une Brasse de drap, une 
couverte Blanche, et puisque les marchandisses engloises, qui sont beau- 
coup plus belles et meilleures, se vendent a bien meilleure marche sur le 
missisipy. quant au reste des menuitees, qu'ils prennent toujours en 
quantitee, ils se les approprient gratuitement, comme dues a leur quantitee 
de chef et de soldats. jay ete paye presqu'entierrement du reste de cette 
Bande, a qui j'avois donnee pour deux cent trente et une peaux a credit de 
poudre, balle, couteaux, pierres affeux [a feu], etc. 

j'ai perdu soixante et deux peaux par les soldats et les considerees; 
ils ont employes vingt cinq jours a la chasse du chevreuil, et des castors, 
et n'en ont tues que tres peu, faute, dit il, de bons fusils pour les 
chevreuil ; et de l'epaisseur de la glace pour le castor. 

les chef et les soldats mis a part, on vend au commun du vilage avec 
Benefice, mais les premiers prenant a vil prix la majore partie des mar- 
chandises, il n'en reste jamais asser pour enleves les pelteries des derniers, 
qui sont toujours les meilleures. 

jay tres appropos a mon arrivee icy, cette automne, cache les marchan- 
dises les plus propices pour les nations du haut du missourie. car si 
tous ces coquins de chef et considered les eussent vus, ils m'en auroient 
enleves Bien d'avantage. 

le deusieme jour de fevres trois jeunes sauvages qui etoient alles a 
la decouverte des Beuf sauvages, rapporta[ie]nt qu'il avoient entendus 
plusieurs coups de fusils, et vus trois hommes. ils envoyerent lendemain 
dix jeunes gens pour reconnoitre qui auroit tire les coups de fusils. 

Le quatrieme, ils rapporterent qu'ils avoit trouves six loges de poncas, 
a quelques lieux plus haut que nous. 

En m'annoncent cette nouvelle, ils m'en apprirent un Bien affligeante 
pour le Sr Jacques deglise, et pour moy, et consequemment qui cause un 
prejudice notable aux interests de la compagnie. ils me dirent done que 
les poncas avoient surpris le Sr Jacques deglise, cet etee, a une demi 
journee de marche plus haut que leur villages; qu'ayant etes quelques 
moment en deliberation de le tuer, ils s'etoient contentes de luy prendre 
vingt cinq fusils, deux Barils de poudre, les Balles proportionnellement, 
tabac, couteaux et autre marchandises dont je nai pu savoir au juste le 
nombre ni la quentitee. 

je fus fort afflige de cette perte. je croyois ces fusils saufs entre 



Journal of Jean Baptiste Truteau 329 

les mains de Sr Jacques deglise; a qui je les avoit confie a commission, 
par toutes les raisons que j'ai cite plus haut pages, dailleurs si je les 
eusse garde dans ma pirogue, il m'auroient etes enleves par les scioux. 
cette nouvelle ne mat pas ete annonce paisiblement. les chef mahas 
m'ont accable de reproches et d'injurs: et menaqent surtout le Sr Jacques 
deglise de le maltraiter s'il le surprenent dans ces voyage ca[c]hes; ainsi 
que tous autres qui les entreprendront d'avantage. 

je me suis defendu en leur assurant que j'ignorois que le Sr deglise 
eut remonte le missourie appres moy, que sans doute, il avoit passe dans 
le terns que je marchois par terre pour me tendre aux ricaras. 

je leur reiterai les intoins [ententes?] de leur pere Espagnol, qui vou- 
loit procurer les besoins a toutes les nations situee sur le missouris; que 
les franqais qui vouloient frequentes tous les peuples sauvages ne cher- 
choient qu'a faire le Bien et non le mal ; et que ceux cy au contraire ne 
leur causoient que de la perte, pillant, les maltraitant partout ou ils les 
rencontroient, et meme dans leur village. 

je leur dit que ces voyages fu[r]tives dont il nous faisoient tant de 
reproche, ne leur causoient aucuns dommages, Et que si les franqais 
agissoient ainsi c'etoit par la connoissance de leur mauvaise intentions 
pour eux ; et encore une fois par les difficultes qu'ils faisoient toujours 
de les laisser passes, et que si au contraire ils laissoient les chemins 
libres nous y arreterions avec plaisirs. 

si tous les peuples sauvages, leur dis je, qui sont situes sur les chemins 
des franqais, depuis les pays ou se font le marchandises, jusqu'a vous, 
leur eussent ferme les passages, vous n'aurier jemais requs de nous des 
Besoins qui vous sont si necessaires, mais au contraire toutes ces nations, 
contentes d'avoir des franqais parmy eux. qui donnent la vie a leurs 
femmes et leur en f ants, Ecoutent la parole de leur pere, sont toujours 
daccord avec leur frere, les hommes Blancs. qui vont et viennent en tout 
terns en toute saison dun village a l'autre, comme ils leur plait, [s]ans y 
trouves aucune opositions. vous seuls, Mahas, autos, 67 et poncas, qui aver 
plus besoin de nous qu'aucunes autres nations, fermes les oreilles aux 
paroles de votre pere notre chef: vos esprits et vos coeurs sont remplis de 
mauvais sentiments pour nous, ne cherchant qu'a nous voles, nous trompes, 
nous pilles, et a nous nuire dans nos entreprises par toutes sortes de 
moyens. enfin appres bien des ebats semblables, car je ne ferois pas si 
je citois toutes les impertinents discours, qu'il me tiennent tous les jours, 
ce chef ruse veut toujours me persuade que cest pour la conservation 
des effets, et de la vie meme des franqais, s'il Blame les voyages du haut 
du missouris. la perte des effets du Sr Jacques deglise par la main des 
poncas, et des miens par celle des scioux, donne un grand poid a ses 
raisons, quoique le veritable motif de son mecontentement soit de n'avoir 
put luy meme nous en arraches la plus belle et la plus forte partie, si nous 
eussions arreter cher [chez] luy. 

le sieze fevrier deux des engages du Sr jean munier ont partis pour 
alles cher [chez] luy. 

jai envoye deux de mes gens avec eux chercher une lettre a moi 
Ecritte par ma femme et apporte par le Sr Salomon. 68 j'ai premedite de 
prouver aux mahas et aux poncas par cette lettre, que les fusils pris par 
les derniers, entre les mains du Sr Jacques deglise, m'appartenoit, leur 
disant que n'y ayant point de fusils a village franqais a mon depart, j'avois 

61 Oto. 

es Solomon Petit. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 22. 



330 Documents 

recommande au Sr Jacques deglise [de] m'en apporter vingt six, s'il y en 
avoit d'arrive lorsqu'il partiroit. je ne sqai si cette ruse me reussira. 

le huitieme du raois de mars le grand chef des mahas et toute sa 
famille est partis d'icy pour retournes a son village sans me donnes une 
seule peau, disant que sa pelleted [es] etoit en cache a son village, mais 
je n'espere rien de [ce] coquin pour deux cent vingt trois livres, prix de 
facture. 

le neuf sont arrives les deux hommes que j'avois envoye chercher 
une lettre, accompagne du Sr Salomon et deux autres engages, avec quel- 
que effets pour acheter des vivres, ayant jeunes la plus grande partie de 
l'hyvers, ne mangeant que des feveroles sauvages. 

le dix les deux grands chef poncas sont arrives icy (l'un se nomme 
Kichetabaco, 69 l'autre morrest naugy). je les ai bien Requ. je leur ai 
dit que leur perre Espagnols, protecteur de toutes les nations qui habitent 
le missouris, vouloit leur procurer leur besoins leur envoyant tous les ans 
une voiture chargee de marchandises pour eux, mais que les mahas, fin et 
ruses, leur fermoient les chemin, disant que les poncas etoient de mauvais 
gens, les acusent de vouloire piller et tuer les franqais qui entreroient 
cher [chez] eux, attribuants les maladie, mortalities, 70 a leurs marchan- 
dises, que les seuls mahas etoient les autheures de leur miserre. je les 
exhortai a bien traites les franqais partout ou ils les trouveroient, que les 
intentions de leur pere espagnol etoit d'avoir au Beau chemin partouts ses 
enfants. je les sollicitai a bien payer les effets qu'ils avoient pris au 
Sr Jacques deglise. 

je leur assurai en leur montrant la lettre que le Sr Salomon mavoit 
aporte, que les fusils m'appartenoit, que d'ailleurs la poudre et les autres 
effets qu'ils avoient pris, sortoient du meme village, et de la meme maison, 
que les miens ; qu'ainsi ils feroient tres bien de me donnes les pelleteries 
qu'ils luy destinoient en payement, et de ne pas les trafiques [trafiguer] ni 
a dautres franqais ni aux mahas, ce qui arriveroit infailliblement sils ne 
me les donnoient par le Sr Jacques, ne pouvant etre de sitot de retour a 
leurs village; que s'ils nous faisoient pleures les mahas seroient contents, 
et confirmeroient leurs mechantes paroles contre eux. 

Et qu'au contraire, s'ils nous rendoient le coeur content, cela prou- 
veroit que tous les mauvais discours des mahas sont faux, que leur pere 
Espagnols seroit satisfait deux et qu'ils pouvoient etre assures que les 
franqais, apprenant leur bonne conduitte, feroient tous leurs efforts pour 
parvenier a leur village, leur apportes leurs besoins. 

je les conseillai de fermer les oreilles aux discours flatteurs et ruses 
des mahas, qui ne tendoient qu'a les Brouiller avec nous et consequem- 
ment les rendre malheureux. 

il me dirent que tous les mauvais discours des mahas etoient faux; 
qu'il n'y avoit rien sur la terre de meilleures que les hommes Blancs et 
leur marchandises; que le chef des mahas etoit un mechant que [qui] les 
trompoit toujours et les rendoit digne de pitiee; que je prouverois moi- 
merae lorsque jentrerois dans leur village s'ils etoient tels qu'ils les 
accusoient; qu'ils etoit veritable qu'ils avoient pris vingt quatre fusils, 
poudre et Balles, a Jacques deglise ; que la necessitee, voyant que les mahas 
arretoit toujours leur voiture, le leur avoit fait faire; qu'en outre c'etoit 

68 "Big Tobacco". Cf. Shudegacheh ("The Smoker"), the chief of the 
Ponca whom Prince Maximilian of Wied describes (Early Western Travels, 
XXII. 283, 284), and whose portrait Catlin and Bodmer both painted. 

'0 The Ponca were almost exterminated a few years later by the smallpox 
brought them by traders. 



JourtialofJeanBaptiste Truteau 331 

pour se venges des ricaras qui les avoient mal requs et voulus tuer 
lorsqu'ils avoient etes en parole l'etes dernierre cher [chez] eux, que les 
considered de leur nation avoient determienes de bien faire payes leur 
jeunes gens, ce qu'il avoient pris; qu'ils ne seroit detache aucunes pelteries 
que le pavement ne fut complet ; que lorsqu'ils seroient tous arrives a 
leur village, il tiendroient une assemblee a ce sujet; quil me recom- 
mandoient, aussitot la navigation libre, de my rendre promptement; qu'ils 
croyoient que je serois content. 

ils represented qu'ils etoient denues de poudre, que cela seul occasion- 
neroit peut estre leurs gens a detournes des pelteries pour en avoir des 
Mahas. pour les encourages a conserver leur pelleteries, je leur ai 
promis que s'ils me payoient bien, je leur en vendrois quelque peu, ainsi 
que drap et couverte Blanche que javois reserve pour eux. pours lors ils 
ont parus contants et m'ont pries avec instance de les leur conserves, les 
mahas font tout leur possible pour les detournes de payes ce qu'ils ont pris 
a Jacques deglise. cet hommes a fait voir aux poncas les cinq medailles, 
et les cinq pavilions dont il est charge pour les chef mendannes. cette viie 
a donnee une fort jalousie a ces deux nations cy et occasione bien des 
mauvaises paroles contre nous. 

En parlant avec ces chef poncas de la nation ricaras, cher [chez] qui 
ils ont ete l'etee dernierre, ils m'ont appris que cinq franqais qui etoient 
restes cher [chez] cette nation ils n'en avoient vus que deux; que les ris 71 
leur avoient dit que les trois autres franqais etoient partis, il y avoit un 
temps considerable, avec sept considered de leur nation, pour aller en 
parole cher [chez] des peuples sauvage tres eloignes; que n'etant point 
revenus, il croyoient qu'ils avoient etes tues, et quils se disposoient d'aller 
tous en guerre pour venges leurs morts. 

le onze le chef gros lapin est partis d'icy avec toute sa famille. le 
douses, trente loge des poncas sont arrives sur l'autre rive du missouris 
vis avis de nous, le treise jay ete les visites. ils mont Bien festines. Ie 
Sr Salomon at achate Beaucoup de viande seches, a bon marche. 

j'ay propose au chef de cette Bande de faire payes ceux qui avoit 
de mes fusils, il n'at point voulu ; distant qu'il falloit qu'ils furent tous 
rassembles a leur village pour cela. 

le quatorse ils ont leves le camp et sont partis, jay envoye pierre 
Berges, qui entend passablement leur Langue, avec eux, luy ayant donne 
quelques morqeaux de tabac pour faire fumer les considered de chacques 
Bande et le encourage a me conserves leur pelteries. 

je suis fort impatient de ne pouvoir partir dicy promptement; les 
glace couvrent encorre la surface des eaux. nous avons icy un hivers tres 
douce, il n'a tombe que quatre pouces de neige qui n'a dure que dix jours. 

mais les eaux du missouris sont si Basses que la glace ne peut se 
detaches sans en montange. 

le 21 les glaces du missouris ce sont dissoude et ont passees. le vingt 
deux et vingt trois toute la journee j'ai pris le partis de faire descendre 
deux hommes avec le peu de pelteries que j'ay retires des mahas et des 
poncas. le Sr jean munier mat promis par le Sr Salomon de faire cajeu 
de pelteries ensemble. 

je remonte aux nations d'en haut avec six hommes, le peu de pelteries 
que jenvoye ne val[a] nt pas la peine d'envoyer plus de monde. 

a mon arrivee aux ricaras, et aux mendanes, si je peu passer les 
premiers librement, je traiterai les pelteries qui se trouveront cher [chez] 
cette nations et je vous les envoyerai par trois des engages le plus tot 



332 Documents 

possible, si je vois le Sr Jacques deglise, comme je l'esperre, en luy four- 
nissant deux ou trois hommes, s'il le faut, ma grande pirogue, et une autre 
qu'il aurat sans doute faite cet hyvers, suffiront pour descendre ses pelteries 
et les miennes, et pour lors je me propose de garder sa vielle voiture, 
pour naviguer ou il sera necessaires. 

j'envoye d'icy deux voiture pettites que mes gens on[t] fait cet 
hyvers. il n'a pas ete possible d'en faire de plus grand ni de meilleurs. 
il n'y [a] aucun bois dans ces endroits c'y propice pour en faire. 

si le Sr jean munier ne descent q'une des mes voitures j'ay recom- 
mandes a mes gens de mettre l'autre en cache dans quelqu'endroit re- 
marquable, ou les deuxieme qui descendront pourront la prendre en 
passant. 

cecy n' a point eu d'effets. jay pris partis, d'envoyes la grande pirogue 
et une autre petitte, me servant d'une moyenne voiture que mes gens ont 
fait cette hyvers pour montes. les menaces et les mauvaise paroles tenues 
par le Sr Salomon a son depart, a mes gens, ayant recommande a deux 
hommes employes du Sr jean munier pour traiter aux poncas, de faire un 
canot de peaux pour descendre leurs pelteries et de laisser mes deux 
hommes sur la greve avec leurs voiture et effets, m'ont fait craind[r]e 
qu'il ne persuadas au Sr jean munies de me jouer quelque mauvais tour et 
que les deux hommes ne se trouvassent embarasses ne pouvant descendre 
seuls. 

c'est pourquoi je me suis determine d'envoyer trois hommes vous 
menes les pelleteries que j'ai retire des mahas et des poncas. je n'ai pus 
partir de mon hyvernement que le vingt cinq de mars, et je suis arrivee 
le meme jour aupres du village des poncas; le lendemain jay entre cher 
[chez] eux. leurs cabanes sont baties a environ une demy lieux du 
missouris. 

le temps ne me permet pas de vous faire une narrations emplifiee 
du caracterre de cette nation. 

je vous dirai pour le certain que ce sont de grands coquins. ils copient 
exactement les mahas dans toutes leur manierres dagir avec les franqais, 
achettant les marchandieses a leur volcntee, les pren[a]nt de force, quand 
on les refuse ; les chef principalement sont des pilleurs de marchandises. 
jay fait une tres mauvaise traitte avec eux. ces deux chef m'ont pris la 
moitie du draps et couverte Blanches que j'y avois portes, a trois peaux 
de chevreuils, la couverte, petitte et grand peaux egallement, un sac 
contenant vingt cinq livres de poudre et un dittes de soixante livres, des 
Balles; et ne m'ont donne que trente peaux. ce sont des gens qui visitent 
toutes les effets generablement, et prennent ce qui leur convient, au prix 
qu'il veulent. toutes les representations et plaintes que Ion puisse faire 
ne font aucun effet sur leur mauvais coeurs. il nous repettent sans cesse 
que les mahas nous font pire qu'eux. les derniers ne cessent de les mal 
conseilles, les instruisant a fond de toutes leurs ruse et fourberies pour 
rapines les franqais ; ceux cy ne suivent que trop leur avis. 

ce grand coquin de chef mahas surtout, est ecoute par les poncas 
comme un oracle, ils est leur dieu tutelaire, lui et les autres chef de 
cette nation on[t] fait touts leurs efforts pour empecher les poncas de me 
payer les fusils pris entre les mains du Sr Jacques deglise. tous les jours, 
etant campes pres de nous, ils envoyoient des messager debitan des men- 
songes, et tenir de mauvais discours contre moi : je reponssai autant qu'il 
m'etoit possible, touts ces mensonges et propos, faisant entendre aux pon- 
cas que les mahas ne cherchoicnt qu'a les tenir miserables, les privant de 
franqais pour les forcer de leur donnes leurs pelleteries. 



Journal of Jean Baptiste Truteau 2>2>i 

ils convenoient de la veritee de mes paroles, et agissoient toujours 
selon les conseils de leur dieu tutelaire, le grand chef des mahas. ce 
mechant homme, apprenant que les poncas ne me traitoit pas tout a fait 
aussi mal qu'il le desiroit, at eut la malignitee d'envooyes un dernier 
missager, rapporter une calomnie sinistre qu'elle a fa[i]lli m'occasionnes 
bien du mal par cette nation. 

il les a fait avertir, comme etant leur pere, et ne cherchant que leur 
conservation, que le nomme salom petit en passent cher [chez] luy, luy 
avoit assure que je devois faire mourir les poncas et les scioux par de 
mauvaise medecines que je jetterois dans le feu, les premiers pour avoir 
pille le Sr Jacques deglise, et les derniers pour m'avoir arrache ma mar- 
chandises, et que Salomon l'avoit sollicite de se retirer promptement, luy 
et ses gens, d'aupres des poncas, crainte d'estre enveloppes dans cette 
maladie contagieuse que je voulois jetter sur les premiers, disant que 
partous les livres qu'il m'avoit vu, et les ecrits qu'ils mavoit vu faire cet 
hyvers, il connoisoit que jetois un grand homme de medecine. 

juger, messieurs, jusqu'a quel point cet chef pousse la ruse et la 
fourberie contre nous. 

cette nouvelle rapporte sur le soir causa un grand trouble cher [chez] 
ce peuple, remplis de faux prejuge et superstitions, on entendit dans le 
camp que l'arangue et chanson de morts. chef, viellards et considered 
vinrent me demande raison de cette nouvelle. je les ai persuade du 
contraire par mils raisons et preuves, qu'il seroit trop long de rapporter 
icy. enfin leur terreur sest evanuie dans lesprit au moins des principaux. 

car je crois bien que la majore partie de ce peuple credule, super- 
stitieux, et mechant, croit toujours, sur la parole du chef des mahas, 
que suis capable de les faire tous m[ourir]. aussi depuis le moment de 
cette nouvelle je n'ai ose toucher ni livre, ni papiers, ni plume devant 
des gens si Borne. 



REVIEWS OF BOOKS 
GENERAL BOOKS AND BOOKS OF ANCIENT HISTORY 

The Influence of Monarchs: Steps in a New Science of History. 

By Frederick A. Woods, M.D. (New York: The Macmillan 

Company. 1913. Pp. xiii, 422.) 

We have to do here with a new science to which the author has given 
the name of " historiometry " and with a new philosophy of history which 
he calls the "gametic interpretation of history". The meaning of these 
terms may be made clear in their connection with the central thesis of the 
book, which is stated as follows in the preface : " Only very rarely has a 
nation progressed in its political and economic aspects, save under the 
leadership of a strong sovereign. It is indeed strange that so plain and 
simple a truth has never been dwelt upon before. There are, moreover, 
cogent reasons for believing that the monarchs have, to a very large 
extent, caused the changing conditions." 

This truth emerges, in the author's opinion, from his survey of the 
history of fourteen countries of Europe during a long period, in general 
from the tenth century to the French Revolution. He grades the 368 
rulers of this period according to " intellectual qualities ", as superior, 
inferior, and ordinary or doubtful, and to each he assigns the mathe- 
matical symbol of plus, minus, or plus-minus. These valuations are based 
upon what historians have said of them, upon the " usual or standard 
authorities ". " Historians may and do disagree upon minor points ", says 
Dr. Woods, " but not often upon essentials " — a very optimistic statement, 
couleur de rose. 

Having graded the monarchs, the author then grades the political and 
economic condition of the country during each reign. The two sets of 
marks are then presented in parallel columns and the results show that 
" strong, mediocre, and weak monarchs in about 70 per cent, of the cases " 
are associated with strong, mediocre, and weak periods. In other words 
history reveals a " very high correlation between mentalities of rulers and 
the conditions of their realms ". 

Having shown the fact of this correlation the author seeks its expla- 
nation, and he finds it in this — that the monarchs have caused the con- 
ditions, " the only explanation consistent with all the observations " 
(chap. XVII.). The reason for this is that the monarchs of Europe are 
a select and vastly superior breed, " a biologically isolated class " and 
that this superiority is due to heredity, not to environment or oppor- 
tunity. Heredity is " the master key of history ". The influences of 
environment are " trivial, illusive and difficult to measure ". " For this 
view of history which postulates the extreme importance of heredity and 
(334) 



Reid : Municipalities of the Roman Empire 335 

selection — this breeder's view of history as one might call it " Dr. Woods 
proposes the phrase " gametic interpretation of history ". " The true 
interpretation of history must hinge upon the gametes" (or germ-cells) 
" and the laws of history will be found to be but a part of the laws which 
govern all organic life" (p. 303). 

Dr. Woods's book is one of marked originality and of confident tone. 
It will probably provoke the historian, as every other " philosophy " of 
history has done, to repeated dissent, to frequent interrogation. He will 
regard this interpretation of the development of Europe during several 
centuries as pronounced over-simplification. The monarchs may be the 
result of the pedigrees — we will leave that to the proper authorities to 
decide — but if they are and if they are vastly superior to other men does 
it follow that the "conditions are the result of the monarchs"? 

Again, probably most historians will regard Dr. Woods's method of 
dividing up these centuries into little sections, according to the length of 
the reigns, as artificial, and any attempt to grade them as if they were 
distinct units, as if they did not fuse and blend into each other, is a 
dubious proceeding. " The conditions of one reign do not sensibly influ- 
ence the conditions of the next " is one of the hazardous assertions of 
this book (p. 249). 

In reading this volume one inevitably wonders what Dr. Woods will 
do with Napoleon, " the most entirely known as well as the ablest of 
historic men ", as Lord Acton says. Well, he adopts him ! " Even 
Napoleon belongs in part to royalty, since the great parvenu augmented 
the strength of royalty inasmuch as he became royal and allied his family 
with royalty" (p. 261). This is quite in the vein of Napoleon himself, 
who was wont to assert that his coups d'etat and plebiscites were in the 
interest of the Republic. 

Of course, in a period of monarchical government monarchs exerted 
an influence. But that they exerted the overwhelming influence here indi- 
cated, that they " caused the conditions ", or that they were in any great 
number the able men our author is inclined to think them would probably 
not be readily accepted by historians, at least without far greater proof 
than is vouchsafed. One would the more readily incline offhand to agree 
with Gibbon, who passed many of them in review and who expressed the 
opinion that " the generality of princes, if they were stripped of their 
purple and cast naked into the world, would inevitably sink to the lowest 
rank of society without a hope of emerging from their obscurity ". Gib- 
bon may have been unduly pessimistic but at least he was an accomplished 
interpreter of history and a connoisseur in monarchs. 

Charles Downer Hazen. 

The Municipalities of the Roman Empire. By James S. Reid, 
Litt.D., Professor of Ancient History, University of Cambridge. 
(Cambridge: University Press. 1913. Pp. xv, 548.) 
This volume is the product of a course of lectures originally deliv- 
ered in the University of London, and afterward at the Lowell Institute, 



336 Reviews of Books 

Boston, and in Columbia University, New York. The object of the 
work is "to provide students with a survey of the Roman Empire, re- 
garded in one of its most important aspects, that of a vast federation of 
commonwealths, retaining many of the characteristics of the old so-called 
' city-state ' ". In the opinion of the author the teaching and the writing 
of Roman history have concentrated attention on the province to the 
neglect of the municipality. He believes, further, " that the residuary 
impression of the ancient world left by a classical education comprises 
commonly the idea that the Romans ran, so to speak, a sort of political 
steam-roller over the ancient world ". 

It would be unjust, however, to writers and teachers of Roman 
history to allow all these declarations to remain unchallenged. There 
is a goodly number of works on Roman history and institutions from 
which we may learn that the province was little more than an aggregate 
of states ; and certainly Seeck, for example, in his Geschichte des Unter- 
gangs der Antiken Welt, has preceded Professor Reid in giving due 
prominence to the municipia. Furthermore, it has been widely known, 
written, and taught that, far from enforcing a steam-roller policy, Rome 
preferred as a rule to leave local institutions much as she found them. 
Whatever, too, may be the state of instruction in England, American 
teachers for many years have been treating of the municipalities in the 
light in which Professor Reid understands them. One prominent thesis 
of his work, however, that the empire was "a vast federation of com- 
monwealths", though several times repeated (cf. p. 44), remains 
unproved. 

After an introductory chapter the author proceeds to trace the his- 
tory of the town in Italy from the earliest times known to the archaeol- 
ogist. Next, having given several pages to the early growth of the city 
of Rome, he describes the expansion of her power over Italy in so far 
as it affected the cities, whose history he then follows to the end of the 
republic. Especial attention is given to the changes in the municipia 
effected by Gaius Gracchus, Sulla, and Caesar. The so-called Lex Julia 
Municipalis, he seems to conclude, is not the work of Caesar but " three 
portions of three different laws ", put together, for some unknown reason, 
by the citizens of Heraclea. Possibly the author might gain something 
from the sober treatment of this subject by E. Pais, Circa I'Eta e la 
Natura della 'Lex Latina di Eraclea' (Rome, 1911). 

For the imperial period Professor Reid divides the empire into great 
sections, or groups of provinces, and follows each section separately 
from beginning to end. In view of the multitude of municipal units under 
investigation, a treatment of the kind, though the opposite of synthetic, 
seems unavoidable. Some degree of unity, however, is added by the 
chapters on Internal Administration (XIII.), The Process of Decay 
(XIV.), and Social Aspects (XV.). The volume closes with an excel- 
lent index. 

There can be no doubt that the book is the result of great industry, 
and that it makes available for the first time in English an enormous 



Faye : Gnostiques et Gnosticisme 337 

mass of information on the municipalities. The effect will be to add 
interest to these most vital elements of imperial life, and for this reason 
the author deserves our thanks. 

The value of the work, however, is greatly lessened by defects in its 
preparation. One serious fault is the intolerable style. The following is 
a characteristic passage (p. 476) : 

An interesting general regulation was established by the senatus- 
consultum Hosidianum of the year 56 A. D., which checked the destruc- 
tion of buildings in the municipalities without provision being made for 
their reconstruction. In the fundamental law of Tarentum there is a 
provision that no structure is to be pulled down excepting for the pur- 
pose of replacing it by a better, without the permission of the Roman 
senate, and if this rule is violated, anyone may sue the offender for the 
value of the building, which will be forfeited to the municipality. 

Worse than the long, rambling structure of these sentences is the fact 
that phrases and subordinate clauses are misplaced, to the confusion of 
the thought. 

A defect perhaps even more serious than obscure, misleading phrase- 
ology is the total absence of references to sources and authorities. The 
idea that students are to receive in open-mouthed awe the teachings 
of the infallible master, unsupported by visible evidence, has long been 
obsolete, at least in America. In our universities one of the chief aims 
of instruction is to prepare the student to make his own independent 
way among authorities and sources. For " the higher teaching of stu- 
dents ", therefore, the volume in its present condition will be of little 
service. The same absence of evidence, while depriving the book of 
nearly all its value as a work of reference or as a help to scholars, 
makes it extremely difficult to estimate the author's accuracy of state- 
ment or soundness of interpretation. His ability as a scholar is un- 
doubted; and yet a careful examination of certain chapters has convinced 
the reviewer that the word of the author cannot be considered so authori- 
tative as to need no basis of evidence. If, however. Professor Reid will 
prepare a new edition in more precise and intelligible language and with 
full references to his sources of information, he will do a great service 
to scholarship and to higher education in the field; otherwise the work 
will have to be done by someone else. 

George Willis Botsford. 

Gnostiques et Gnosticisme: Etude Critique des Documents du Gnos- 
ticisme Chretien mix II e et III e Siecles. Par Eugene de Faye, 
Directeur d'Etudes a l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes. [Bib- 
liotheque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Sciences Religieuses, 
vol. 27.] (Paris: Ernest Leroux. 1913. Pp. ii, 480.) 
M. Faye's intention was not to investigate the origins of Gnosticism 
or to construct its total history. He has undertaken a critical study of 
the documents. Since the accounts in the Church Fathers are notoriously 
prejudiced and distorted, he will rely primarily on surviving fragments 



338 Reviews of Books 

of Gnostic writings and gain from them an impression which will pro- 
vide a critical control of the representations of their opponents and 
allow a distinction between the original teachings of masters like Basilides 
or Valentine and the views developed later by their adherents. It may be 
possible then to ascertain the manner in which a leading Gnostic sect 
was born and developed and to have thereby a guide for the study of 
sects known only by ecclesiastical polemics against them. In this method 
M. Faye rests his claim to any degree of novelty or originality. His 
work contains a systematic criticism of the notable work of Bousset, 
Hauptprobleme der Gnosis (1907), who is viewed as too dependent on 
the Patristic use of bizarre and contradictory elements found in undis- 
criminated sources. Bousset, moreover, tends to find resemblances, to 
generalize, to reduce to a few types. M. Faye excels in distinctions, in 
detecting differences, in individualizing. As here individualized and 
studied from actual or virtual sources, Basilides, Valentine, Heracleon, 
and Ptolemy are found to be essentially Christian moralists with a certain 
bold bent to speculation. Criticism of the ecclesiastical accounts reduces 
the amount and complexity of these symbolic speculations and shows these 
Gnostics at least as more essentially Christian religionists. It is probable 
that M. Faye will find assent in the main on this point. In the case of 
Marcion also he is successful in opposing Bousset and in intensifying 
Harnack's appreciation of Marcion as a Biblical exegete rather than a 
philosopher. 

While this interesting application of historical criticism results in 
some clear gain, it is far from clear that the total result is acceptable. 
Apart from some incidental observations M. Faye ignores the question 
of non-Christian origin and analogies, and he tends therefore to con- 
ceive the process as beginning with comparatively dignified and tem- 
perate Christian thinkers and degenerating through the puerilities and 
crudities of succeeding generations of inferior intellectual power. He 
leaves the impression of deriving school from school within the horizons 
of Christianity. The nobler earlier groups were driven to speculation 
by their acute interest in the problem of sin and redemption. Their suc- 
cessors offer variations of their teaching. About 200 A. D. there is a 
rapid decomposition and melange of these circles, the adoption of sacra- 
mental rites from other syncretistic cults, a loss of thought, a tendency 
to the irrational and occult, and to licentiousness. 

On the other hand Bousset studied Gnosticism by a religionsgeschicht- 
liche Methode, keenly interested in the sources of the speculative and 
mythological conceptions adopted by Gnostics. The net result of his 
study is a picture of a syncretistic pagan movement, with a medley of 
obscure Oriental origins, coming in contact first with Judaism and estab- 
lishing relations with its conceptions. Then, as instanced by Cerinthus 
and Satornilus, it makes borrowings from Christianity and reaches a 
higher metaphysical expression in the more Christian Basilides and 
Valentine. But the whole mongrel movement sweeps on and finds other 
less noble expressions which are to be analyzed and understood not with 



Hatschck : Englische Verfassungsgeschichte 339 

reference to Valentine but to the general background. This total view, 
based on researches not only of Bousset but of Reitzenstein, Usener, 
Dieterich, and Cumont, can hardly be supplanted by that offered by Faye, 
though the latter's critical discriminations provide improvements in 
detail. 

. Faye's treatment comes to a decisive test in the consideration of the 
group described in Irenaeus I. xxx. Here a feminine principle (the 
Mother, the Holy Spirit) has a role analogous to the Logos. Faye styles 
this circle Les Adeptes de la Mere, meaning that they originated this 
conception (ca. 160) and that all other groups supporting it are sub- 
divisions of this sect (e. g. Barbelognostics) or are borrowers from them 
(e. g. Marcosians). Faye refuses to ask what influenced them so to 
enthrone this feminine principle and simply insists that the circle appears 
after Basilides and Valentine. They spontaneously introduce this new 
element (the Mother) into a Valentinian complex of ideas. But here 
Faye's love of discriminating differences leaves him. It is difficult to 
view the system as a variant expression of Valentine's or to regard the 
Barbelognostics as a mere sub-variety of the circle of Irenaeus I. xxx. 
Both the latter are composite systems and betray a common background 
in a triadic conception (Father, Mother, Son). In the system of Marcus, 
equally composite, the notion of the divine Mother is the basis of a 
sacrament, and presumably then old, not new. These various propa- 
gandists of composite systems are contemporary and alike imply an 
original and simpler Gnostic type in which the heavenly . Mother is a 
prominent element. Bousset tried to show that the Valentinian specula- 
tion also must have rested on this original triadic conception and that 
the original type is explicable from ancient Babylonian and Persian 
sources. The reviewer is convinced that Bousset's position is secure 
and that it furnishes the clue to this tangled evolution. 

Francis A. Christie. 

BOOKS OF MEDIEVAL AND MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Englische Verfassungsgcschiclite bis sum Regierungsantritt dcr 
Kbnigin Victoria. Von Julius Hatschek, Professor an der 
Universitat Gottingen. [Handbuch der Mittelalterlichen und 
Neueren Geschichte, herausgegeben von G. von Below und F. 
Meinecke.] (Munich and Berlin: R. Oldenbourg. 1913. Pp. 
x, 761.) 

Dr. Hatschek is no tyro in the study of the English constitution. 
His work on English constitutional law (1905-1906) was recognized as 
a very valuable exposition, and its second volume, on administration, as 
an important contribution to English political science. Other lesser 
works show long and careful study in this field. Since the publishing of 
his Staatsrecht, he appears to have been working back through the 
enormous material incident to a study of English government from the 



340 Reviews of Books 

earliest times, and now appears this comprehensive constitutional his- 
tory. His professed ambition is to do for this generation of Germans 
something of the service of Gneist for the preceding generation, to 
embody the results of recent scholarship — especially the work of Mait- 
land, Vinogradoff, and Liebermann — and also to utilize the newly dis- 
covered sources of information. Dr. Hatschek knows the sources, and, 
upon occasion, writes straight from them ; if something has been left 
undone he is quite likely to see it and do it himself. Moreover a new 
viewpoint is declared: Gneist was chiefly concerned to know how Eng- 
land attained self-government; Hatschek studies all English institutions 
in the light of parallel developments in Germany and France, and, more 
or less consciously, under a juristic Tendcns. He believes that he 
furnishes much not to be found in the English manuals, and he is right. 
Throughout he misses no opportunity to illustrate by foreign example, 
and he does this with the sure hand of a master. Free from traditional 
English limitations and methods, he places emphasis at will. Perhaps 
this is not always done wisely, but one welcomes the remarkable series 
of sections on legal history, finance, the church, and the army; also the 
attention paid to the minutiae of administrative method, the painstaking 
study of officials throughout (that of the Secretary of State is especially 
enlightening), the bold grappling with all the detailed perplexities of 
borough and parish. The feudal point of view is often prominent and 
the book should, in general, be classed with those which find a feudal 
origin for much that is in England's constitutional law and custom. 
The author is merciless in detail and in his use of a technical vocabulary, 
and generally takes for granted that his reader knows a great deal about 
the subject. 

The main scheme of division consists of four parts (Abschnitte) 
divided into about thirteen sections each. The first two parts, running 
to 1485, comprise little less than half the book. The old dilemma be- 
tween topics and chronology is met with no unusual success. The first 
section of each part gives a thin chronological outline that is not full 
enough to be informing and yet occasions repetition. Then follow sec- 
tions dealing with classes, king, Parliament, local administration, 
judiciary, finance, etc. The strength of the book lies distinctly in the 
modern half. On the Continental side, the author appears to know his 
medieval institutions and law as well as his modern. But on the English 
side this is not so, and a mass of good material is made much less serv- 
iceable than it deserves to be through mistakes, omissions, and poor 
judgment in the matter of proportion and emphasis. Errors that are 
old acquaintances reappear: Hengist and Horsa are mentioned as his- 
torical personages (p. 2) ; William I. is made to scatter the fiefs in 
order to weaken feudalism (p. 15). The speech attributed to Hubert 
Walter on the occasion of John's coronation is again seriously used for 
1 199: it is stated that Paris, a Zcitgcnosse, ascribed it to the archbishop 
and hence it represents a conception of the time (p. 66). Paris was born 



Hatschek : EngliscJie Verfasstmgsgescliichte 341 

probably the year following. The author's mind is still haunted with a 
commune concilium (a term important enough to stand in the brief 
index) which he finds in article XIV. of Magna Carta and elsewhere 
(pp. 23, 209). The jury is distinctly slighted; the account to Edward I. 
would be unintelligible to one not already knowing much of the subject. 
The analysis of the first article of the Assize of Clarendon is altogether 
confusing, article XIV. is not mentioned, and neither here nor later is 
there any discussion of the origin of the grand jury (pp. 123-126). 

The Assize of Clarendon, he says, "introduced the jury for criminal 
cases, and reserved all the greater crimes exclusively for the royal juris- 
diction ", a fair specimen of the astonishingly loose statements which 
sometimes occur (p. 17). The element of election in the royal succession 
is not well understood either before or after the Conquest, and is greatly 
overemphasized; no real analysis of the different instances is attempted 
(pp. 55-56). The discussion of the structural origin of the House of 
Commons is especially inadequate. It is assumed at the outset that the 
representative principle inhered in the county court and that this was 
early brought into connection with consent to taxation. Yet the only 
case examined is as late as 1337. It is not convincing to be told that 
though this came long after the Model Parliament it is nevertheless fiir 
die friihere Zcit belehrend. On concentration, the origin of the assembly 
feature, scarcely anything is said: it saved the trouble of sending com- 
missioners to the counties and men had the habit of coming to the king's 
court on judicial business. Not an instance is examined; our old friends, 
1213 and 1254, are ignored (pp. 209-216). Throughout this part of the 
subject the element of royal initiative is not appreciated. In support 
of his view that consent to taxation was the fundamental cause of a 
central, representative assembly, the author cites Riess's well-known 
monographs which attempt to prove the exact opposite. It is incon- 
ceivable that a German scholar should not know this ; but in some way 
the citation was introduced and has been left standing (p. 209). Such 
perversions give one an odd feeling of insecurity. On Parliament's 
acquisition of the taxing and legislative powers there is little that is 
objective, no citation or analysis of cases. There is full discussion of 
the new forms of taxation and of statutes, and then it is taken for 
granted that Parliament controlled taxation and made statutes (pp. 
223-225). Here and in many places the doctor juris is prominent. 
There are many isolated slips. The Salisbury oath is derived from an 
Anglo-Saxon precedent, and seems to be regarded as both a feudal and 
a public oath (pp. 15-16). Scutage is made to originate in 1166 (p. 17). 
Edward I.'s reign is stated to have begun on the day of his father's 
death (p. 67). There is no space for more illustrations, but very many 
more are at hand. 

The bibliographies which head the sections show a remarkably full 
and appreciative knowledge of the literature. Yet there can be no doubt 
that if the author had read less and with more reflection he would have 



34 2 Reviews of Books 

written the early part of his book better. And there are, in the lists, 
sins of inclusion and omission. The book is shamefully marred from 
beginning to end by typographical errors. These are largely, but by no 
means wholly, in the English proper names, titles, and quotations. 

Albert Beebe White. 

The Loss of Normandy, 1189-1204: Studies in the History of the 
Angevin Empire. F. M. Powicke, M.A., Fellow of Merton 
College, Oxford. [Publications of the University of Manchester, 
Historical Series, no. XVI.] (Manchester: The University 
Press. 1913. Pp. xix, 603.) 

The title of Professor Powicke's book hardly does justice to its scope. 
It naturally implies a narrative history of the struggle of Philip Augustus 
to obtain Normandy and of the Angevin kings to keep possession. It is 
much more than this, for probably one-half is concerned with questions 
which in a broad sense are constitutional. A brief introduction discusses 
authorities. The first chapter, also short, on the Angevin empire in 
France as a whole, emphasizes the importance to the empire of the pos- 
sessions which had been brought together by the counts of Anjou. Chap- 
ters II. and III. deal respectively with common elements in the adminis- 
tration of the Angevin empire and the administration of Normandy. 
The term administration is used in a wide sense covering nearly all the 
operations of government. Chapter IV., King Richard and his Allies, 
is introductory to the narrative proper, and contains a discussion of 
some institutional topics like homage. With chapter V., Richard I. and 
Normandy, the narrative history of the struggle begins, and chapter VI., 
the Loss of Normandy, continues the history to John's withdrawal to 
England. Chapter VII., the Norman Defences, deals at length with the 
castle and its place both in military organization and in administration. 
Chapter VIII., War and Finance, is almost wholly constitutional ; chap- 
ter IX. on Philip's treatment of Normandy is in part constitutional; and 
chapter VI., on the consequences of the wars in Normandy is constitu- 
tional and social. Appendixes and long notes discuss important topics, 
among them the truce of God; parage; the Norman bailiwicks; certain 
Norman officers; King John and Arthur of Brittany, reprinting the 
author's article in the English Historical Review, which is a strong argu- 
ment for a trial of John on the charge of murder, but rather doubtful 
legally if John lost Normandy by the supposed first decision ; and a 
detailed account of the division of the baronage resulting from the loss 
of Normandy, family by family, or fief by fief, which is of great value 
for reference, and would be of greater value if the names had been 
included in the index. 

A book of this scope, treating of these topics, necessarily touches the 
feudal system at many points, and must refer in detail to feudal law 
and customs. In these matters Professor Powicke shows a breadth and 
accuracy of knowledge hitherto unusual in writers in this field. In a 



Powicke : Loss of Normandy 343 

single but attentive reading of the book I have not noted any statement 
of fact which I am prepared to say is incorrect. I should like in some 
places to change the emphasis or perspective, as I shall indicate below, 
but these are matters of interpretation, not statements of fact. Such a 
study as is here presented of Norman and French feudal practices, with 
full recognition of their bearing on English problems, is of great promise 
for the future of English institutional history. The author's point of 
view and interpretation of the general situation may be indicated by 
the following quotations which are read by the present reviewer with 
great pleasure : " The exact nature of ducal authority, the precise amount 
of Scandinavian law in Normandy after the settlement of 912, become 
questions of less moment when it is proved that before the conquest of 
England Normandy had become a highly centralized feudal State, with 
financial, judicial and military institutions well defined" (p. 2); "its 
survival [wardship] in Normandy is a clear sign that Norman society 
was not merely feudal but essentially and logically feudal" (p. 56); 
" It is not paradoxical to say that feudalism in Normandy was worked 
out in such a logical and systematic way because feudal relations were 
regarded as the material of the state rather than as the end of its being " 
(p. 59). The account of the small curia, as on page 85, of the impor- 
tance of contract in the feudal regime, as on page 357, and of the decline 
of feudalism at the beginning of the thirteenth century, on page 366, are 
all in line with the best present opinion, as is indeed the whole book. 

That feudalism was more logical in its development in Normandy 
than in England hardly seems proved by the instances cited of land 
alienation and the application of primogeniture. It would seem natural 
that as Normandy and England became separate each should go its own 
way in the development of feudal principles. The statute De Donis, 
trial by peers as applied to the House of Lords, the exclusion of the 
official class, as official, from the House of Lords, and of the House of 
Commons from the judgment-making power of that house, which made 
impeachment possible, are striking instances of logical development in 
England. The perfectly logical development side by side of great council 
and small council down to 191 1 is evidence also of the highly logical 
character of the Anglo-Norman state. 

In what is said (p. 121) of the relation between treaties and the 
feudal contract, I should like to emphasize more sharply the clearness 
with which this fact shows the contemporary understanding of the 
contractual character of feudalism, but not to modify the statements 
otherwise. See The Origin of the English Constitution (p. 205). It is 
the distinction between different kinds of contracts which is vague, as 
the author says. It may be added that it is rather characteristic of the 
feudal age that distinctions are often vague, or even seem to disappear 
entirely, between things which are, any one of them, sharply enough 
defined when a different occasion arises. Robert of Gloucester's dealings 
with Stephen might be added as a good example from England of the 



344 Reviews of Books 

vassal's making a treaty with his lord. If the word could always be 
confined strictly to this narrow sense when used in that connection, there 
would be no objection to calling the coronation charters and Magna 
. Carta treaties. See Origin (p. 212, note 6). The importance of homage 
in the feudal contract is very clearly seen (p. 122). In the sentence 
" Homage in the narrow sense did not constitute the vassal relation ", 
I understand homage in the narrow sense to mean homage without fealty. 
But fealty alone, which is of very frequent occurrence, did not constitute 
the vassal relation. Nor did homage and fealty taken together in every 
case. This is plainly stated later by Littleton in regard to socage 
tenures, "car homage per foy ne fait pas service de Chivaler" (II. v. 
c. 117), and this is true of all earlier periods, at least after homage 
began to be taken of common freeholders. Fealty was of course in their 
case the essential thing and taking this probably led to the addition of 
homage, but for all their performance of both homage and fealty, their 
relationship was never the full feudal. Was homage ever taken without 
fealty? I think not except in the case of the minor (Bracton, f. 79). 
All the imperfect or incomplete feudal relationships in the later stages 
of feudalism, the milites de familia, the barones domcstici, the fief with- 
out full vassal obligations including serjeanty tenures viewed from this 
side, need greatly more careful investigation especially for England. 

In regard to Professor Powicke's objection to Vuitry's remark that 
the financial regime was the outgrowth of feudal institutions and not 
of political sovereignty, a distinction must be drawn in the history of 
taxation, as in that of representation, between the origin of the initiating 
and directing ideas and that of the institutional forms which were used 
to carry the ideas out. It can hardly be shown, I think, that scutage had 
much to do with the origin of modern taxation, but that the feudal aid 
had a decisive influence seems to me certain. John's treatment of the 
lands of the revolted barons of Poitou (p. 215) seems to have been quite 
regular. Philip's action in Normandy (p. 415) was based on the same 
principles. Nor was John's demand of hostages from his barons unwar- 
ranted or unusual. John's unusual severity in these matters may very 
well have been due to the clearness with which he saw that the most 
difficult problem he had to solve was how to guard against disaffection 
and treachery. The statement (p. 460) that Arthur might have been 
rightly hanged at Mirabeau rests on the de jure of the reported statement 
of the pope (M. Paris, II. 659). It is I think an error. John might 
probably have hanged Arthur, if it had been done on the spot, with less 
trouble to himself afterwards than his murder caused. Like the hanging 
of the defenders of a castle, it could hardly have been called murder, 
but neither act would be de jure. Both would be acts of war. There 
was no legal method of punishing a man except by trial and sentence. 
In the case cited on page 257, the Marshal does not find mainpernors; 
he is a mainpernor. Professor Powicke's view of a decisive Angevin 
influence on Norman administration seems to me hardly proved. 






Powicke : Loss of Normandy 345 

What seems in one respect a rather serious omission, not as affecting 
accuracy but as affecting completeness, and as regards pitfalls for the 
unwary, is that no account is given of the curia or of its place in the ad- 
ministrative and legislative system. This is really leaving out the central 
organ which gave unity to the feudal state. To give this institution its 
place in the Norman government would not detract from the fame of 
Henry II. as a lawgiver, for no one can maintain that the curia regis as a 
body shows any tendency to independent initiative. It probably never 
acted in legal innovation except on the suggestion of the king or of some 
high official. In one important way this omission leaves the author's argu- 
ment less strong than it might be. It leads him to overlook cases where a 
curia regis (see the regnisni of the Gesta, 1. 194, in one such case) is formed 
not by the baronage of any one of the states, as would be the normal way, 
but by bringing together in a single assembly barons from several states 
acting for all in common. As unions of English and Norman barons, 
such assemblies both for trials and for the general action of the curia 
seem to have occurred from an early date. As evidence of treating 
different feudal states as one state, they are more important than cases 
of common administration since they ran more directly counter to feudal 
ideas. The case of legislation in regard to debts which is cited (p. 33, 
Gesta, I. 194) is a notable instance and reference to the apparent com- 
position of this assembly would strengthen the argument. See also 
Gervase of Canterbury, I. 198. Such an assembly and such action m